Police Strike Research Articles

Collective labour rights of police officers: Global labour constitutionalism and militaristic labour constitutionalism

AbstractCollective labour rights, including the right to organize and strike, were recognized in the principles of the International Labour Organization (ILO) as fundamental rights. Despite their importance, different countries enacted legislation that included a ban on police organization in trade unions or a ban just on police strikes. The right of police officers to organize and strike is of particular importance nowadays at a time of increased public scrutiny and large-scale protests over incidents of extra-judicial killing by police. There is a need to recognize collective rights for police officers in order to improve working conditions and organizational justice at work for them as a way of moderating officers’ perspectives of public hostility and improving their capability to carry out their duties. Another benefit of recognizing a right to organize is the union’s capacity to advance important values, including avoiding racism and violence and assuring the compliance of individual officers with the ethics and code of conduct expected from police officers. This article seeks to address the unique topic of the linkage between the collective labour rights of police officers and varieties of constitutionalism in these critical times. It introduces two potential approaches in this regard: (1) global labour constitutionalism; and (2) militaristic labour constitutionalism. The former implements international standards set by the ILO as a basis for constitutionalism while the latter emphasizes domestic issues and the need to maintain the public order and security of citizens. The article examines the possibility of applying global labour constitutionalism as a basis for recognizing collective rights for police officers.

Road safety in low- and middle-income countries: Role of police strike.

Road traffic injuries (RTIs) constitute a significant global health burden responsible for 1.35 million deaths and 50 million disabilities annually [1]. Also, RTIs are the leading cause of death among children and young adults aged 5-29 years, worldwide [1]. Low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) continue to be disproportionately impacted by the burden of RTIs and […]

Limiting aggressive policing can reduce police and civilian violence

Governments in the Americas rely on aggressive policing tactics to fight crime, despite scant evidence of impact. While recent studies depict militarized policing as a driver of violence, few governments have reconsidered their use of it. What impact does a restriction on aggressive policing have on violence, and why? This paper examines limits on police use of force and how they can be implemented to reduce both police and civilian violence. I argue that reforms that require internal, non-police oversight can be effective institutional constraints, minimizing police violence. In settings where organized crime is widespread, these limits can have spillover effects and further decrease civilian violence by (1) slowing the territorial diffusion of criminal conflict and (2) making conflict more predictable. I test these claims by examining an abrupt limit on police raids in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. I find that limiting raids – militarized police strikes targeting criminal gangs and communities under their control – led to a 66% decrease in police killings and a 58% decrease in homicides. The effects were concentrated in police precincts where rival criminal groups are in close proximity. Limiting raids did not lead police to be more violent during ordinary patrolling duties, and did not affect property crimes. The implication is that restraining police use of force in high-violence settings may save lives and be no worse than hard-on-crime strategies.

What happens when the police go on strike? Analysing how a marked reduction in policing impacts upon homicides in Ceará, Brazil

ABSTRACT This study investigates how an abrupt reduction in policing impacts upon the occurrence of homicides in a violent context in the Global South. The study utilizes a police strike in the Brazilian state of Ceará in summer 2020 as a quasi-natural experiment. Separate SARIMA and Exponential Smoothing models fitted on data on weekly homicide counts from January 2015 to the beginning of the strike are used to generate forecasts of homicides in a virtual counterfactual scenario with no police strikes. Actual homicide counts and forecasts are subsequently compared. The strike led to a statistically significant increase in homicides ranging between 110% and 250%. A difference-in-differences analysis confirms this result. The elasticity of homicides with respect to police presence is tentatively estimated at between -1.5 and -5.0. Even in a violent context, the perception of a higher risk of apprehension induced by police presence acts as a powerful deterrent against homicides.

Police worker politics in India, Brasil, and beyond

ABSTRACT This article conceives a new conceptual framework of ‘police worker politics’ (PWP) as a means to inspire critical research on how the political significance and legitimacy of police configure concepts and practices of democratic governance. Drawing on anthropological theories and methodologies of disjunctive comparison, I consider public policing as work, and figure public police officials as political actors who mobilise around their identities as workers in ways that may be more or less legitimate in the eyes of the governments and the publics they serve. I focus on two major forms of PWP—police unionism and police strikes—and analyze how they have manifested historically in two of the world’s most populous and pluralistic democratic states: India and Brazil. Comparing institutional structures and specific events of PWP in these two Global South postcolonies, I aim 1) to better understand how police worker politics and their legitimacy are co-configured with processes of decolonisation and democratisation; 2) to energise more theoretically nuanced and empirically grounded debates on police worker politics as an understudied global form ripe for comparative research, and 3) to generate and contribute to collaborative inquiries in the emerging field of comparative policing studies generally.

Irish Nationalists in Boston: Catholicism and Conflict, 1900–1928 by Damien Murray

Reviewed by: Irish Nationalists in Boston: Catholicism and Conflict, 1900–1928 by Damien Murray Mathieu W. Billings Irish Nationalists in Boston: Catholicism and Conflict, 1900–1928, by Damien Murray (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 2018, 284 p., hardcover, $75) One of the most important developments in the scholarship of Irish America over the past few decades has been for historians to emphasize how events in Ireland shaped the experiences of immigrant communities in the United States. Following the work of Kerby Miller, Kevin Kenny, and others, scholars have continued to expand upon this trend. Damien Murray's splendid monograph, Irish Nationalists in Boston: Catholicism and Conflict, 1900–1928, elevates this theme to new heights. Murray argues that between 1900 and 1928, the independence struggle in Ireland helped transform what politics and ethnicity meant to the Boston Irish—shifting from a spirit of cooperation with liberal Protestant elites to the unabashedly Catholic domination of local institutions. As he puts it, "The growing animosity between the Irish and Yankees, along with the advocacy of government policies inspired by the principles of Catholic social justice, demonstrated that the evolution of Irish ethnicity during this period was as much the product of international developments as it was of local inter- and intra-ethnic [End Page 149] divisions." During the prewar years, John Redmond's campaign for Home Rule in Ireland found support among Boston's Irish middle and upper classes. That began to change following the Easter Rising and America's entry into World War I, events that challenged the authority of the city's Irish elite. Following the war, intra-Irish fissures might have intensified as a result of Roxbury's May Day riot and the Boston police strike of 1919. Nevertheless, the onset of the Anglo-Irish War, followed by Éamon de Valera's wildly popular fundraising campaign for the American Association for the Recognition of the Irish Republic (AARIR) in Boston, smoothed over their divisions. The city's Catholic leaders, such as the "staunch Romanist" cardinal William H. O'Connell, threw their support to de Valera and promoted Vatican policies, especially regarding the dignity of working people. With the establishment of the Irish Free State in 1922 and the conclusion of the Irish Civil War that followed, politicians such as Mayor James Michael Curley, like most of the Boston Irish, turned their attention toward the "tribal twenties." More unified than ever, they no longer sought nor required the support of their former Yankee allies. Over the long term, Murray concludes, the Boston Irish secured a victory for liberalism and multiculturalism—paving the way for "a political philosophy that advocated government support of the needy and the rights of members of different ethnic groups," of which President John F. Kennedy was a legacy. The efforts of the Catholic Church in Boston are essential to Murray's argument. The Boston prelate waged a campaign against socialism during the prewar years. With three-quarters of the city's Irish population being American-born and eager to show their allegiance to the United States in 1917, Cardinal O'Connell's message was particularly effective. Yet the city's Catholic leaders also sympathized with the plight of the working classes. Cardinal O'Connell, editors of the Boston Pilot, and faculty at Boston College openly defended the rights of workers. "By the late summer 1919," Murray contends, "local expressions of support for Irish revolutionary separatism and Irish ethnicity in Boston were being shaped by Catholic Church teachings that condemned socialism while advocating government reforms that improved the living and working conditions of the working class." Their influence did not stop there. The church condemned the bigotry of nativist organizations such as the American Protective Association and the Loyalty Coalition. It refuted xenophobic claims that the United States was an "Anglo-Saxon" nation. Alongside Irish nationalist organizations such as the Friends of Irish Freedom (FOIF) and the Ancient Order of Hibernians (AOH), the church opposed the Immigration Act of 1924. It emboldened the politics of Mayor Curley, who refused to grant the Ku Klux Klan permission to hold meetings in Boston. "Catholic Americanism and ethnic nationalism," as the author puts it, helped "propagate an inclusive vision...

Regulating Labour Disputes in the Police Services: Legal and Practical Perspectives from Ontario and British Columbia, Canada

Ontario and British Columbia, Canada, have not seen a police strike in living memory. The reason for this is the mandatory interest arbitration model adopted in the two provinces, which sees disputes that cannot be resolved by mutual bargaining referred to a panel of arbitrators who assess submissions in light of statutory criteria. Police officers, and the unions who represent them, have utilized this model to increase pay and improve working conditions often, employers say, without regard to ‘ability to pay.’ This article assesses that claim against the results that the model produces and how insiders understand the system as operating. Its conclusion is that interest arbitration has produced good results, especially for police and emergency workers and the community they serve, but the means of getting there have soured relations and may need reform to remain sustainable into the future.

Police and Crime: Further Evidence from a Quasi-Natural Experiment

The paper investigates the effect of police presence on homicides at the municipality level in Brazil during the January 2010 to December 2014 period. For this purpose, occasional and illegal police strikes are considered as relevant shocks in a quasi-natural experiment. After controlling for different variables that explain heterogeneity across municipalities, it is possible to identify a sizeable effect accruing from police strikes on the occurrence of homicides. Despite a conservative analysis that involves temporal and spatial aggregation of variables, the evidence indicates that police strikes lead, on average, to a 16% increase in the homicide rate if one considers a broader sample of 3597 municipalities. The focus of the analysis for a large and heterogeneous country also partially may mitigate concerns for external validity that had been raised in the context of previous studies in the related literature.

The Effect of Police Slowdowns on Crime

Though police strikes have been well studied, there are almost no articles written on the public safety consequences of police work slowdowns—labor actions where police officers reduce their ticket-writing and/or arrest productivity for a temporary period. This article fills the current void by presenting evidence on the 1997 New York City Police Department work slowdown, to my knowledge the longest documented police slowdown in U.S. history. Drawing on several, originally collected data sources from the NYPD and other city agencies, the article assesses the impact of the slowdown on ticket enforcement, arrest enforcement, and crime. The findings indicate that, at least in the context of contract-motivated slowdowns where the union may be motivated to garner public support for pay increases, the effects on public safety may be limited. Specifically, in the case of the 1997 slowdown, ticket-writing for all categories of tickets fell dramatically but arrest enforcement for all types of serious crime stayed the same or increased. Accordingly, the crime effects were mostly concentrated in the area of minor criminal disorder (misdemeanors and violations). Only two categories of serious crime (larcenies and assaults) were affected and those crime increases were minimal.

Hold That Line

In February 1979, the New Orleans Police Department was engaged in two work stoppages that were orchestrated by the Police Association of New Orleans (PANO). During this period, PANO was affiliated with the International Teamsters Union, which allegedly had ties to organized crime. This study addresses the causes of the police strikes, the right of public safety personnel to strike, and how the “gangster” image of the Teamsters adversely affected the labor negotiations. The authors conducted personal, semistructured interviews of individuals who participated in the labor talks, as well as an extensive review of the literature. According to respondents, the primary causes of the strike were low wages and the refusal of city officials to recognize the police union and enter into meaningful collective bargaining negotiations.

Politics, Place and Religion in Irish American Noir Fiction. An Interview with Dennis Lehane

Dennis Lehane was born in the Dorchester neighborhood of Boston, MA, in 1965, the youngest of five children of a couple of Irish immigrants from Cork. He published his first novel in 1994, A Drink Before the War, which introduced the Boston working-class detectives Patrick Kenzie and Angela Gennaro, who have since reappeared in Darkness, Take My Hand (1996), Sacred (1997), Gone, Baby, Gone (1998), Prayers for Rain (1999) and Moonlight Mile (2010). Other works by Lehane include Mystic River (2001) and Shutter Island (2003), whose successful screen adaptations were directed by Clint Eastwood in 2004 and Martin Scorsese in 2010, respectively. He is also the author of The Given Day (2008), a monumental novel set in the Boston of the 1919 Police Strike, and wrote three episodes of the critically acclaimed HBO series The Wire(2002-2008).With thanks to the 24th Semana Negra book festival organizing committee, what follows is an edited transcription of Dennis Lehane’s press conference and the brief interview the author kindly granted us afterwards in Gijon, Spain, on July 28, 2011

Introduction Gordon Stephenson, planner and civic designer

Gordon Stephenson (1908-97) was a planner and urban designer whose career spanned three continents and intersected with some of the major themes, actors and projects from mid-twentieth-century urbanism. He was an influential professor, practitioner and advisor to governments in Britain, Australia and Canada (Stephenson, 1992). Despite the extent of his work, it has received little scholarly attention and there has been little critical assessment of his role in the global development of planning. This special issue of Town Planning Review is part of a larger international study of Stephenson and his role as a global planner. Stephenson was born into a working-class family in Liverpool, one of three sons of a policeman. It was a rough town, a hub for immigrants, many of whose lives were marked by grinding poverty. Stephenson's family lived in Walton, a respectable and fairly new suburb three miles from the centre of Liverpool. Stephenson's later political views may have been seeded by an unsuccessful police strike when he was about eleven or twelve. His father lost his job and, after a period of considerable hardship for the family, went to sea as a master-of-arms (Stephenson, 1991-92, 1-29). At the Liverpool Institute where he was educated, Stephenson showed an early aptitude for drawing and won a scholarship to Liverpool University's School of Architecture in 1925. Charles Herbert Reilly, the Professor of Architecture, left a lasting impression on Stephenson. According to Gordon Cherry and Leith Penny, Reilly was 'the father of modern architectural education in Britain' and it was 'unlikely that any especially able student would be able to survive five years of architectural education there without being marked in some way by this man's influence' (Cherry and Penny, 1986, 10-11). Reilly had a life-long commitment to socialism, wrote for the daily newspapers and had a vast network of contacts. Stephenson received a classical architectural education at Liverpool University, with additional lectures on civic design and planning from Patrick Abercrombie, the Lever Professor of Civic Design and editor of Town Planning Review. Reilly was liberal enough to encourage students to use their imagination and to explore new ideas, so that students were also exposed to the Modern architecture and ideas emerging from Europe (Stephenson, 1991-92, 9-12; Gregory, 2010). In these years the Liverpool school attracted students from all parts of the British Empire. These included William Holford from South Africa, who formed a close friendship with Stephenson. They were to be travelling companions, academic rivals, colleagues and professional partners over the next twenty years (Cherry and Penny, 1986, 17). Stephenson won scholarships in 1927 and 1928, enabling him to travel with Holford for first a month in Paris and then a month in Italy. He felt himself to be 'an innocent abroad' whereas the cultured, sociable and charming Holford was 'the master of every situation'. The gruff-spoken Liverpudlian Stephenson had a more direct and forceful personality and was broad-minded 'with views increasingly tending towards the left' (Cherry and Penny, 1986, 18). Other scholarships provided the pair with their first American experiences in 1929. Stephenson and Holford both won positions in New York. Stephenson had a six-month apprenticeship in Wallace Harrison's New York studio, working on an early design for the Rockefeller Center. In that brief period he learnt the power of big ideas, writing to his brother: 'America has been a real stimulant ... it fills you with big ideas ... narrow minds, small thinking never fired anyone's imagination. You've got to grab hold of a big idea with both hands to see it through' (Stephenson, 1992, 24). In their final year, Holford won Britain's 1930 Rome Prize but Reilly devised a new scholarship from the Chadwick Trust to send Stephenson to Paris for post-graduate training. There, he spent his evenings at the Institut d'Urbanisme and his days as an assistant in Le Corbusier's office ('Saint Corbusier' as Stephenson called him in a letter home to his mother (Stephenson, 1992, 29)). …

‘What the Men are Crying Out for is Leadership’: The Khartoum Police Strike of 1951 and the Battle for Administrative Control

The British administrative elite in Sudan represented the Khartoum Police Strike of 1951 as a ‘mutiny’, the result of a combination of both outside provocation and of the character failings of both Sudanese policemen and their British officers. This article will demonstrate that these convenient interpretations concealed a series of wider tensions within the colonial state itself, between modernising legal professionals and colonial administrators who cherished their personal control over the police. These tensions dictated debates about the status of the police in the build up to the strike, and the manner in which the heavily politicised enquiry into it was conducted. The Sudan Political Service employed an ‘otherisation’ of Sudanese culture to argue that the country was unsuited for a modern system of policing. Meanwhile, Sudanese policemen and other nationalists attempted to seize from the British the values of ‘civil’ policing that the colonisers preached but rarely practised. Nevertheless, in spite of the identification of the police strikers with other branches of the nationalist and labour movement, their own association with the government ensured that support for the strike was only limited.

Echoes of Protest: The Grapes of Wrath and The Given Day

Many tation Wrath contend and also categorization. seem that to John elude Steinbeck's comparison His novels, works with particularly resist contemporary critical The Grapes interprefiction. of tation and categorization. His novels, particularly The Grapes of Wra h , also seem to elude comparison with co temporary fiction. But last June while I was working at an independent bookstore upstate New York, I stumbled upon an Advance Reader's Copy of Dennis Lehane's new novel, The Given Day. What struck me as I read The Given Day was its indebtedness to legacy and relevance of Steinbeck's The Grapes of Wrath. The Given Day is sweeping history of Boston police strike of 1919, which follows Boston PD officer Danny Coughlin through economic and social turmoil at root of strike. The events of Lehane's novel predate Grapes and may have instigated events The Grapes of Wrath. The anger and labor unrest stirred up Boston 1919 throbbed westward, ending up California twenty years later, just ahead of Joads The Grapes of Wrath. Steinbeck traces history of labor protest only as far back as Midwest of 1930s, but Lehane reaches back to 1919, alleging that Boston Police strike started it all. From East Coast to West Coast came migrant workers, communists, and unionizers. East to West: path of protest. I could only smile when, at end of The Given Day , Lehane's characters head west, with one, named Luther, heading to Oklahoma. But while The Given Day may provide background and history for The Grapes of Wrath , Lehane owes debt, consciously or unconsciously, to Steinbeck. Though language of labor protest is almost universal, Lehane follows Steinbeck unique portrayal of festering anger. Everyone who has read Grapes recalls how the anger began to ferment, and eventually, how in souls of people grapes of wrath are filling and growing heavy, growing heavy for vintage (Steinbeck 284, 349). And The Given Day: People were angry, people were shouting, people were dying trenches and marching outside factories. And it all had something to do with money (Lehane 9). The novels share an anger towards talking heads, white collars, stuffed shirts: damning metonymies of elite. Much of anger The Grapes of Wrath rebounds back towards Okies and communists: them goddamn Okies got no sense and no feeling. They ain't human, and a red is any son-of-a-bitch that wants thirty cents an hour when we're paying twenty five! (Steinbeck 221, 298). The same slanderous language haunts immigrants and communists The Given Day. One character calls any foreigner a prevaricator, an inveigler, foreign

‘Stop or I’ll Call The Police!’

This article develops Bittner’s (1974) theory of the police by considering the effect of police encounters over time. It argues that the expectation that the police will intervene whenever called establishes the ‘idea of police’ in the public, and how this makes the idea of police a pre-eminent factor in the preservation of law and order in democratic societies. The ‘idea of police’ is then applied exploratorily to the results of the Kansas City and Newark Patrol Experiments and for the ‘quasi-experimental’ dynamics of Brazil’s 1997 police strike, demonstrating its explanatory value. In conclusion, this article argues that the preservation of the idea of police is the paramount concern for police policy and management.

Civic Identity and Police Leisure in Birmingham during the Inter-War Years

Although social historians agree that work and leisure time had been separated by the inter-war years through the interlocking processes of industrialisation and urbanisation,2 there remained a strong bond between the two spheres in some specialised occupations. Miners, for example, developed strong communities reflected through the diffusion of sporting competitions and an enduring and integrated canteen culture.3 Fire-fighters, imbued by masculine trust through the heroic action of 'eating smoke' in a team environment, invariably socialized amongst themselves. Moreover, as the majority of professional fire-fighters worked the continuous duty system, they had limited scope for leaving the station grounds to pursue leisure activities.4 Similarly, police constables, through working in a close-knit community bound by the quasi-military ties of strict discipline, uniform and obedience, largely avoided recreational pursuits outside of the service. Rather, police employers (comprising senior officers and elected local authorities) pressured officers to mix together when off-duty to instil a sense of loyalty, honour and comradeship within the service. According to Haia Shpayer-Makov this helped create a 'multifaceted and vibrant' police subculture in the Metropolitan Police by 1910, created jointly by employers and employees. Police leisure was part of a broader strategy of building a homogeneous police community which extended into other areas of welfare, including housing, pay and pensions, holidays and education.5 Rooted in the process of greater central co-ordination of local policing during the First World War, the police was one such public service subj ected to increasing central regulation after 1918. With the vital role played by the police in protecting national sovereignty, it was deemed politically sensitive to disclose policy widely amongst municipalities, which inevitably led to greater vertical co-ordination between the Home Office and chief constables. 6 Moreover, following the failed police strike in 1918, the Home Secretary seized far-reaching powers to standardize force strengths, pay and conditions of service under the Police Act, 1919. The expansion of the annual police grant, from one-half of local expenditure on pay and uniforms to one-half the net cost of police administration, sweetened municipalities in preparation for the normalization of work practices, which naturally shifted the balance of financial power from the localities to central government. 7

Blue-Collar Job, Blue-Collar Career: Policemen’s Perplexing Struggle for a Voice in Birmingham, Liverpool, and Manchester, 1900-1919

This articles explores how English borough policemen during the early 1900s grappled with how to organize effectively to improve their conditions of service without violating their oaths of office. Policemen faced an increasing load of duties and responsibilities yet suffered from eroding pay scales and lack of recognition. Local watch committee and police forces did not provide policemen with a mechanism for voicing their grievances beyond submitting petitions which were frequently ignored. Frustrated with their lack of progress, policemen searched for ways to make their voices heard. Initially, the obvious choice of a police union was resisted since most men found the possibility of a police strike incompatible with their duties to uphold law and order. However, the pressures of the First World War combined with continued silence from watch committees regarding their grievances finally precipitated the organization of the National Union of Police and Prison Officers (NUPPO) and the calling of police strikes in 1918 and 1919. The parliamentary committee investigating this embarrassing situation traced the roots of the problem to the refusal of police authorities to listen to their own men. National legislation resolved many grievances regarding pay, status and promotions. But the need for policemen to have a voice was less easily resolved. The new Police Federation gave policemen a forum but was viewed with suspicion by the men as an official creation and it could still be ignored by police authorities. A dangerous lack of communication and potential for explosion remained.

Boston Riots: Three Centuries of Social Violence

FROM THE FOOD UPRISINGS in the early 1700s to the notorious antibusing riots in the mid-1970s, incidents of communal social violence have played a significant role in Boston's history. The remarkable story of Boston's violent past is now told for the first time in this thorough exploration of the more than 100 riots that occurred in the city over a span of nearly three centuries. Drawing on exhaustive research in newspaper archives, Jack Tager revisits both well- and lesser-known episodes, including the grain, impressment, brothel, and Pope Day riots of the eighteenth century; the anti-Catholic, abolition, and draft riots of the nineteenth century; and the Kosher meat, police strike, ghetto, and busing riots of the twentieth century. Tager identifies the protagonists, highlights their motives and demands, and seeks to determine whether they realized their goals. He also examines how victims suffered at the hands of their fellow citizens, shows how law enforcement responded to the riots, and considers the complex social interactions and tensions that contributed to the uprisings. He finds that most incidents of violent civil disorder were initiated by the powerless lower classes who believed rioting was the only avenue for giving voice to their grievances over political, cultural, religious, or economic oppression. This vivid portrait of an ever-changing community over time provides a revealing glimpse into peoples' anger, aspirations, and frustrations. It sheds new light on why groups are provoked to take unlawful action in response to unjust conditions, and it opens a fresh vista on the social history of Boston.

Reducing the supply of illicit drugs

Drug and Alcohol ReviewVolume 17, Issue 3 p. 245-247 Free Access Reducing the supply of illicit drugs Mick Palmer, Corresponding Author Mick PalmerCommissioner, Australian Federal Police, PO Box 401, Canberra City, ACT 2601, AustraliaSearch for more papers by this author Mick Palmer, Corresponding Author Mick PalmerCommissioner, Australian Federal Police, PO Box 401, Canberra City, ACT 2601, AustraliaSearch for more papers by this author First published: 29 May 2009 https://doi.org/10.1080/09595239800187071AboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL References 1 Comrie N. We've Lost Drug war: Comrie, Melbourne Age, 9 March 1998. 2 United Nations International Drag Control Program. World drug report. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997. 3 Inter-American Drug Abuse Control Commission. Anti-drug strategy in the hemisphere. http:www.oasenprogW3ENstrategy.htm. 4 The Hon. Amanda Vanstone, Minister for Justice. Official launch of the Australian Federal Police Strike teams. Sydney, 6 April 1998. 5 The Hon. John Howard MP Prime Minister. Address at the “Tough on Drugs” Special Support Service. Albert Street Uniting Church, Brisbane, March 1998. Volume17, Issue3September 1998Pages 245-247 ReferencesRelatedInformation

Public Workers: Labor and the Boston Police Strike of 1919

(1996). Public Workers: Labor and the Boston Police Strike of 1919. Labor History: Vol. 38, No. 1, pp. 7-27.