Black Consciousness Philosophy Research Articles

We Can Fix Ourselves

Scholarship on Black Consciousness in the so-called post-apartheid South Africa is not as prominent as its counterpart within the Congress tradition. The fundamental reason for this is the hegemony and pervasiveness of whiteness and its aversion to the Black Radical Tradition. Another reason is the “success” of the Congress tradition as epitomized by the ANC through its so-called negotiations to usher in an era that is compatible with its political vision of a non-racial constitutional new South Africa. It is in this sense that the intellectual and ideological marginalization of the Azanian tradition which Black Consciousness is a part of, is intimately linked to the “failure” of its political vision.Why this political and historical backdrop? This is because the book We Can Fix Ourselves: Building a better South Africa through Black Consciousness (2021) by Mosibudi Mangena under review locates itself within the philosophy of Black Consciousness in discussing the fundamental problem of the so-called new democratic South Africa.

The Black Consciousness Movement in Azania (South Africa): A triple heritage

Starting with the 2015 Rhodes Must Fall campaign, there has been renewed interest in the philosophy of black consciousness through popular expressions – on social media and mainstream media articles – and by scholars. This article seeks to revisit the origins of the Black Consciousness Movement (BCM) in Azania (South Africa). Through an examination of primary sources, that is, documents written by the activist writers of the movement and secondary sources by scholars who reflect on the movement and other expressions of black resistance against colonialism and the oppression of black people globally, this article relies mainly on literature review of documents that are in the public domain. The overall findings of the review show that the BCM drew inspiration from and was shaped by the ‘black radical tradition’ influences from North America (specifically the United States), the Caribbean and South American region, and from the African continent, including locally in South Africa. While shaped by these influences the BCM adapted them and responded to the peculiarities of the condition of black people in South Africa and thus formulated a unique brand of black consciousness. The conclusion reached herein is that movements and the ideas that they espouse, are often confluences of views and practices drawn from different sources.Transdisciplinary Contribution: This article contributes to the understanding of the evolution of political movements from a variety of disciplines – political studies, history, sociology of ideas, history of consciousness and political philosophy.

Steve Biko’s Black Theology of Liberation from the Perspective of Ubuntu

AbstractThis article seeks to bring Steve Biko’s Black theology of liberation (BTL) into dialogue with Desmond Tutu’s BTL. Using the philosophy of ubuntu as a lens, the article interrogates the differences in Tutu’s and Biko’s use of this approach in their quest for Black liberation. Several scholars have argued that within the context of BTL, Tutu relied more on Christian theology derived from the Bible and tradition, while Biko relied more on Black consciousness to develop their thinking. In this article, I show how they each used ubuntu as a philosophy, even though they used it differently, especially when read in the context of race and reconciliation. The article concludes that Biko’s understanding of Isintu – African culture, African spirituality, and the African philosophy of ubuntu – can help shape Black consciousness philosophy and thus is important, especially for a contemporary BTL.

“Until the people govern”: the Black students’ movement at Rhodes University in the 1980s

This paper examines the emergence of the Black Students’ Movement (BSM), a black organization formed at Rhodes University in the 1980s. The BSM aligned its anti-apartheid politics with the United Democratic Front (UDF) and black consciousness philosophy. It emerged due to the conservative disposition of the Student Representative Council (SRC), and sought to address both the issues that black students faced on campus and to draw attention to the broader political context of the time. The central argument of the paper is that the BSM, as an anti-apartheid students’ organization, used protest as a tool to represent the issues of black students at Rhodes. This paper demonstrates that the BSM’s demands were largely recognised by the Rhodes senate, and its politics created small but significant changes in the university’s policies. During the 2015 period, Rhodes University once again saw a formation of a new BSM, raising the issues of ‘decolonization’ and transformation.

The Deification of Black Consciousness as an Alternative Ideology in Simphiwe Dana’s “Bantu Biko Street”

In the context of gender-based violence and xenophobia (black on black violence), the question is being asked whether black people hate themselves. Scholars have sought explanations for these social ills in socio-economic challenges that are a legacy of apartheid. These challenges have continued in the post-apartheid era. One cultural site in which poverty and violence have been reflected is the song “Bantu Biko Street” by Simphiwe Dana. The singer invokes Bantu Biko’s philosophy of Black Consciousness as a possible solution. This article closely reads this song and argues that the current government fails to deliver its material promises. The article also depicts Black Consciousness as a possible alternative ideology to foster black pride, hope and communal sharing.

The Dialogue between Pan-Africanist Philosophy (1960) and Black Consciousness Philosophy (1976) in South Africa in their Search for African Unity during the Struggle against Apartheid

The Dialogue between Pan-Africanist Philosophy (1960) and Black Consciousness Philosophy (1976) in South Africa in their Search for African Unity during the Struggle against Apartheid

Thinking of Biko in the time of Covid-19

The Covid-19 pandemic has presented serious questions; not only of a medical-scientific nature, but of a deeply philosophical nature as well. Often, when faced with the unknown—whether in the form of an environmental catastrophe or a general health threat—finding effective ways to overcome our fear of the unknown yields important clues regarding not only the nature of our self-understanding as human beings, but also our all-too-human perceptions of Other(s). While the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic has been especially harsh on people living in conditions of extreme poverty and material deprivation, our collective response has (predictably) proceeded from a position that privileges the interests and lifestyles of the rich, the well-resourced and the politically connected, in a manner that sadly confirms the biblical prophecy: the poor will always be among you. This essay seeks to examine the impact of Covid-19 in South Africa. Its analytic focus proceeds from the perspective of Steve Biko’s conception of Black Consciousness philosophy. It seeks to argue that Biko’s humanist project of liberation offers important insights that can assist us in the normative quest for a society “with a more human face.”

Mark Mathabane's K*ffir Boy, Black Consciousness, and the Fallacies of Liberalism

Offering a sustained reading of Mark Mathabane's K*ffir Boy: The True Story of a Black Youth's Coming of Age in Apartheid South Africa (1986), this essay examines autobiography in light of Steve Biko's thought to demonstrate how Mathabane's stated goals of challenging racism and advancing liberation for Black people are in conflict with his liberalism. Interrogating autobiography in view of Black Consciousness philosophy brings into stark relief contradictions that inform its racial politics. As I read work against grain and probe reasons for its enduring popularity among US readers, I show that, paradoxically, Mathabane both conceals and makes visible workings of white supremacy. While Mathabane argues that white liberals are not responsible for apartheid, he unwittingly demonstrates opposite, thereby exposing how white liberals worked alongside white nationalists to uphold racial dictatorship in South Africa. The autobiography thus illustrates what Biko calls the totality of white power structure, namely how white people work as a collective across ideological boundaries to maintain racist status quo. In process, work shows that attempt to fold Black people into logics of liberalism upholds racism that liberalism depends upon. Ultimately, K*ffir Boy reveals not only fallacies of liberalism and impossibility of white antiracism, but also unwavering importance of Black Consciousness in ongoing struggle for Black liberation.

STEVE BIKO

The legacy of Steve Biko remains to this day a “contested” legacy, not only on account of his reputation as a political activist but also because of a profound scepticism regarding the philosophical status and integrity of his thought. This article seeks to engage with Steve Biko, the philosopher, not only to debunk the position that seeks to reduce his thinking to the level of mere political activism, given his identification with the Black Consciousness Movement and the radicalism of black student politics, but also – more importantly – to demonstrate that his appropriation of Black Consciousness philosophy is deeply rooted in an African humanist philosophy that provides the normative context for his interrogation of white supremacy in colonial-apartheid South Africa.

Student/teachers from Turfloop: the propagation of Black Consciousness in South African schools, 1972–76

AbstractThe movement of school teachers to primary and secondary schools around South Africa and its Bantustans in the early and mid-1970s was an intentional part of the project of propagating Black Consciousness to school learners during this period. The movement of these educators played a key role in their ability to spread Black Consciousness philosophy, and in the political forms and methods they chose in teaching it. These were shaped by their own political conscientization and training in ethnically segregated colleges, but also in large part by the social realities of the areas to which they moved. Their efforts not only laid the foundation for Black Consciousness organization in communities across South Africa, they also influenced student and youth mechanisms for political action beyond the scope of Black Consciousness politics. This article explores three case studies of teachers who studied at the University of the North (Turfloop) and their trajectories after leaving university. All of these teachers moved to Turfloop as students, and then away from it thereafter. The article argues that this pattern of movement, which was a direct result of apartheid restrictions on where black South Africans could live, study and work, shaped the knowledge they transmitted in their classrooms, and thus influenced the political consciousness of a new generation.

THE DECOLONISATION OF THE MIND AND BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS COMMUNITY PROJECTS BY THE LIMPOPO COUNCIL OF CHURCHES

The article is a narrative account of examples of community projects of the Black Consciousness Movement as part of an attempt to decolonise the black mind as undertaken by the South African Council of Churches (SACC) in the former Northern Transvaal of South Africa (now the Limpopo province). During the struggle against apartheid in South Africa, this area was regarded as the most conservative Afrikaner settlement as reported in The New York Times of 25 April 1991. The article recounts the role played by the SACC in solidarity with the victims of apartheid on route to the decolonisation of the black mind. It briefly starts by describing the concept of the colonisation of the mind and then locates the philosophy of Black Consciousness as an appropriate response to the process of decolonising the black mind. The article relies on archival material from the Limpopo Council of Churches as its primary source.

TWO HUNDRED YEARS OF METHODISM! A BLACK THEOLOGICAL INQUIRY INTO THE HERITAGE OF METHODISM IN SOUTHERN AFRICA 1816-2016

A proverb of the Yoruba people of Nigeria says: ‘However far a stream flows, it never forgets its origin.’ The proverb gives credence to the epochal stories of the human race, and more importantly of the Methodist people in Southern Africa. This article evaluates the history of Methodist people in Southern Africa in the period 1816-2016 from a black theological perspective. First, the paper describes the black theological perspective from which the inquiry into the story of the Methodist Church of Southern Africa (MCSA) is approached, a perspective which is based on the philosophy of black consciousness, the black liberation theology and Methodist theology. Second, the article offers a black theological reflection on selected figures in the history of the MCSA. As a way of concluding, the article considers the prophetic implications of the heritage of Methodism in the MCSA for the Methodist people today.

Allan Boesak: innocence and the struggle for humanity

As a Black theologian and political activist, deeply committed to the cause of freedom, reconciliation and justice in South Africa, Allan Boesak has embraced the philosophy of Black consciousness as a legitimate moral-political foundation for the development of national unity. Boesak is of the view that post-apartheid South Africa is still deeply plagued by a racist legacy of moral-political “innocence”. I explore the validity of Boesak’s position from the perspective of his fundamental claim that the philosophy of Black Consciousness represents a legitimate framework for addressing the legacy of “innocence”, construed by him as an epistemic condition that refuses to engage with the historical “truth” of race thinking.

Women Power: A contribution to the role of African women during and after Anglo-Zulu conflicts of the 19th century and beyond

Little accounts has been documented on how Zulu women actively participated in traditional setting of the Zulu kingdom and their role during the Anglo- Zulu wars. Ndlovu (2009: 111) argued that academics tend to rely on late twentieth- century feminist analyses which informed by women's struggles in the industrial era to contest equality with men rather than the historical realities of balance interpretation of discourse in gender oppression.It has been a secret taboo that women's role during times of war and conflict were not accorded its rightful interpretation in historical discourse. Scholars do reflect on the above stereotype historical writings thought tradition that had brought this subject into historical debates that military participation was only coined to men or males. Mangena 1 (2008: 253) argued that by recognizing women role at equal footing with men as important narration in contemporary historiography, would tacitly endorsing the legitimacy of 'gender' as an issue in the terrain of social and political power between men and women. Then, this research will focus at producing data signifying women's role and influence during and after the wars. It also endeavors at recognizing their contributions and participation during the war times during the 19th Century and beyond.Mangena's article 'The Black Consciousness Philosophy and the Women's Question in South Africa: 1970-1980' contributed to Biko's Lives: Contesting the legacy of Biko. Contemporary Black History JournalThis paper delves at looking how Zulu women actively participated and extensive contributed in the ancient Anglo-Zulu conflicts and war of the 19th Century. Thus the paper will highlight women role vice versa with women oppression, the way in which both gender offered males and females similar equality to customary influence and power, in the Zulu kingdom. Emphasis will be on the women role during and after the conflict situation and women as age-regiments. One will not exclude their common role in the pre-colonial period as traditional healers.Women Role in the Precolonial EraIt is an undisputed fact that women and men were assigned specific tasks and duties within traditional Zulu society. Sifiso Ndlovu (2008: 111)'s article, from the book 'Zulu identities', stressed that women in the Zulu kingdom were recognized for their important contributions, to conflict and politics in the Zulu kingdom. Women were associated with cultivation, housekeeping, child rearing and thatching. Furthermore, women were also responsible for the hut thatching and the making of grass products. Mats done by women are for sleeping, sitting and eating on. Brewing tools, baskets, fowl nest and utensil pouches were also some of the material done by women.Closely link to Zulu tradition, indigenous home made beer (umqombothi) is prepared and brews by the women that are. As it is illustrated by the Zulu culture, traditional beer plays an important role in Zulu society and it is an essential part of all major rites, it is also important in everyday life, in parties and as offerings. The making of the traditional beer remains solely the responsibility of the women. During some important communal ceremonies, many of the cooking were not carried out by women but by men or king attendance / izinceku. The above shared responsibilities derailed the notion that men were exercising control over women, however, they were also participated and piloted warfare.In the late 19th century, women started to follow the men into labour market, seeking jobs on the mines and in the urban areas. This migrant system has moved men and women from the rural areas, disruption the traditional gender roles, resulting in rural women and the aged being forced to do tasks previously done by the men.Role of Zulu Women during the WarIt is important to stress that the historian and written sources did not positively portray the women's role during the Zulu war in totality and given recognition it deserved. …

Queering Hip-Hop, Queering the City: Dope Saint Jude’s Transformative Politics

Queering Hip-Hop, Queering the City: Dope Saint Jude’s Transformative Politics

Two hundred years of Methodism! A black theological inquiry into the heritage of Methodism in Southern Africa 1816-2016

A proverb of the Yoruba people of Nigeria says: ‘However far a stream flows, it never forgets its origin.’ The proverb gives credence to the epochal stories of the human race, and more importantly of the Methodist people in Southern Africa. This article evaluates the history of Methodist people in Southern Africa in the period 1816-2016 from a black theological perspective. First, the paper describes the black theological perspective from which the inquiry into the story of the Methodist Church of Southern Africa (MCSA) is approached, a perspective which is based on the philosophy of black consciousness, the black liberation theology and Methodist theology. Second, the article offers a black theological reflection on selected figures in the history of the MCSA. As a way of concluding, the article considers the prophetic implications of the heritage of Methodism in the MCSA for the Methodist people today.

The emergence of the Black Methodist Consultation and its possible prophetic voice in post-apartheid South Africa

Racism is an issue which the activism of the Black Methodist Consultation (BMC) was set to address during the South African apartheid rule, a view which black theologians and church historians generally accept. This observation brought to mind, in turn, the influence that the Black Consciousness philosophy and the black theology of liberation had on the establishment of the BMC. Recounting such an influence, this article provides a reflection on the formation of the BMC in 1975. In such a reflection, the hypothesis is that the prophetic voice of the BMC is crucial in post-apartheid South Africa. Firstly, the interconnectedness of the Black Consciousness philosophy, the black theology of liberation and the BMC is highlighted. Secondly, the article proceeds to navigate the possible prophetic voice of the BMC in post- apartheid South Africa. In the end, this article sees the BMC as a crucial interlocutor of liberation in present South Africa.

Community Engagement as Liberal Performance, as Critical Intellectualism and as Praxis

This article aims to illustrate that engagement is a dynamic and evolutionary process, moulded by contesting ideological, social actor and contextual forces. For purposes of illustration, I draw on a university-affiliated, participatory enactment of community engagement as a case example. The case illustrates that community engagement may assume a form of action, critical intellectualism and praxis. As action, community engagement is oriented towards performance of liberal democracy. Community engagement, as shaped by the critical intellectualism of the Black Consciousness philosophy, reflects community self-affirmation, autonomy and intellectual independence. Community engagement as praxis may be characterised by reflexivity, vision-making and the building of interpersonal relationships. Community engagement is marked by a dynamic interplay between race, power and counter-hegemonic ideology.

Bodibeng High School: Black Consciousness Philosophy and Students Demonstration, 1940s–1976

This paper examines the factor(s) that caused students to demonstrate in 1976 through a case study of Bodibeng High School in Maokeng, Kroonstad, in the northern Free State. It shows the role of the teachers influenced by the Black Consciousness philosophy. The latter caused the behavioural change of some of the students at Bodibeng High School, from submissive to assertive, and political. Bodibeng High School, dating back to the 1940s, was one of the major centres of education for African students in the then Orange Free State (now Free State Province). It was one of the two day schools to offer matric as early as 1940, and the only one to have its matriculants writing the Joint Matriculation Board Examination in the mid 1960s, instead of the Bantu Education's senior certificate examinations. The school attracted an influx of students from all over the country, and some of the best teachers. There were three phases in the history of the school; each phase can be characterised in terms of the degree of its engagement in the political affairs of the day. The first, from the 1940s to 1950s, was one where teachers engaged both education and politics actively. The second, from the 1960s to the beginning of the 1970s was a period of apparent quiescence. The third, from the early 1970s, was characterised, once again, by active engagement of students and teachers with politics. In the latter period, the Black Consciousness philosophy was the major influence. This paper will show that the influence of the Black Consciousness philosophy and the role of the younger and politically conscious teachers played an important part in influencing some of the students at Bodibeng to demonstrate in 1976.

Transracial Adoption Is Not the Solution to America's Problems of Child Welfare

The philosophy of black consciousness, therefore, expresses group pride and the determination by the blacks to rise and attain the envisaged self. Atthe heart of this kind of thinking is the realization by the blacks that the most potent weapon in the hands of the oppressor is the mind of the oppressed. Steve Biko (Woods, 1978)