Philosophy Of Government Research Articles

The Government's Philosophy Towards Reform of Social Security: The Case of Industrial Injuries Benefit

Journal Article The Government's Philosophy Towards Reform of Social Security: The Case of Industrial Injuries Benefit Get access Richard Lewis Richard Lewis Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Industrial Law Journal, Volume 15, Issue 1, 1986, Pages 256–265, https://doi.org/10.1093/ilj/15.1.256 Published: 01 June 1986

French Historians and the Challenge to Louis XIV's Absolutism

The latter part of the reign of Louis XIV (ca. 1680-1715) was characterized by growing opposition to the king's policies and philosophy of governance. Historians of this period participated in this steady erosion of traditional political and social assumptions. Their role in this intellectual process has not been adequately noted. Instead of writing to support the pretentions of divine-right absolutism, as had many authors of the earlier seventeenth century,' historians sought to develop a philosophy of history and a supporting methodology which would enable them to analyze the nation's strengths and weaknesses. This article will demonstrate that such diverse authors as Pere Gabriel Daniel and Louis Le Gendre (both considered royalists), Henri le comte de Boulainvilliers (a noble parlementaire), and Henri Philippe de Limiers, Isaac de Larrey, and Michel Le Vassor (Huguenot exiles) all used similar methodologies to challenge the assumptions of le Roi Soleil. Writing with vastly different expectations and from diverse circumstances, they all ultimately helped to popularize the need for reform of the monarchy in France. Historical evidence had long been used to criticize the French monarchy. In particular, constitutionalist writings from Hotman's FrancoGallia through the Mazarinades used historical evidence in support of political ideology, generating an extensive literature of

Henry George's Theory of State's Agenda: The Origins of His Ideas on Economic Policy in Adam Smith's Moral Theory

Abstract. The tension between Henry George's reformism and his laissezfaire liberalism was resolved through a system of natural liberty George derived from the relation between Adam Smith's ethics and economics. Crucial for George's nonutilitarian philosophy of government was the interdependence between the moral sense (sympathy) and the prevailing socioeconomic order. In the appropriate institutional environment, the role of the government was diminished since the pervasive moral sense insured justice by monitoring the individual's pursuit of economic self‐interest. In contrast, a defective socio economic order required government intervention. For example, land monopoly and the maldistribution of income undermined the role of sympathy, promoted excessive self interest and the breakdown of the system of natural liberty. Government action through the single tax eliminated the “fear of want,” restored an operative moral sense and guaranteed justice in society. Under these conditions, government can provide additional services for a growing society without being susceptible to “corrupt and tyrannous” behavior.

Governmental reform of industrial society

What role should government play for achieving a successful transformation of society? This paper discusses changes in the basic philosophy of government's role, the transformation of industrial structure by market mechanisms, and coping with the aging population.

A Mid-Term Appraisal-The Reagan Presidency: Limited Government and Political Administration

President Reagan's philosophy of governance has been the unswerving agenda of his administration. It is a tenaciously optimistic faith. Limited central government, with enhanced defense capacity, and some return to state-centered federalism are one side of the president's hope. A relatively unrestrained private economy and individual self-reliance are the flip side of this belief, with variations on themes of deregulation, capital formation, and social services reductions. This article assesses public administration in the Reagan administration during its initial two years of strategically staged and energetic efforts to implement that philosophy of governance. Except for significant general governmental retrenchment and enlarged emphasis on Carter initiatives to reduce waste, fraud, and abuse, public administration developments have had a low profile. Several of them, however, have been and are important. Some have been positive. Most crucial, however, public administration under President Reagan has been dominated by the presidential agenda and political actions to implement it. A counter revolution to 50 years of social and political views was proclaimed by Reagan loyalists as the goal at the outset of the new administration. The hope of many was to reverse trends since the New Deal and to erase much of what transpired as a result of the Great Society. The president proclaimed that view with dramatic clarity in his inaugural address: Government is not the solution to our problem; government is the problem.' That was not mere rhetoric for the moment. That outlook, above all else, has expressed during its first two years the Reagan administration's definition of its 1980 electoral mandate. It has been played forcefully and with unsurpassed dramatic skill as a heroic answer to a historic calling. The Reagan philosophy has been pursued to a significant extent as ideology; as the answer to America in search of itself. Theodore White, in his 1982 book of that title,2 stressed that a search for

Foreign Labor and Economic Development in Singapore

This article focuses on foreign labor and economic development in Singapore by reviewing the historical ebb and flow of foreign labor, presenting the prevailing government policy and philosophy on the importation of labor, contrasting the economic benefits and costs of foreign labor, describing common characteristics of foreign workers in Singapore, projecting the implications of such labor in Singapore and discussing policy alternatives.

Federal Energy Policy Paradigms and State Energy Roles

The Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations has rekindled a debate as old as founding of republic by asking once again what governmental functions and responsibilities ought to be carried out by federal government as opposed to powers reserved to state and local governments. The impetus for revival of this issue is commission's conclusion that the intergovernmental system today is a bewildered and bewildering maze of complex, overlapping, and often, conflicting relationships among three levels of government. In short, system is overloaded.' The commission points to expansion of federal government involvement into virtually all of society's activities as primary cause for condition of federalism today. President Reagan's proposal to create a new federalism-announced in his 1982 State of Union address-is, in part, a response to this condition. While commission has reviewed, or is in process of reviewing, intergovernmental relations in various functional areas (e.g., education, welfare, environment), it has not yet looked at energy. Perhaps reason for this omission stems from fact that in energy, unlike many other areas, preeminent question to ask is not which level of government should carry out necessary tasks and responsibilities, but whether government, at any level, has clear and legitimate responsibilities. How can one describe what a proper intergovernmental relationship might entail when scope of overall government involvement is in dispute? There are, of course, numerous other areas within society besides energy where nature and extent of government intervention remains in dispute. One would be hard-pressed, however, to find another area where spectrum of thought is so wide, and basis for consensus so narrow; and since subject is of more than simple academic interest, opposing convictions are supported with considerable fervor. In following sections of this paper, alternative models or paradigms of proper federal government role in energy are sketched briefly. It is demonstrated that these models run gamut from little federal government involvement to total federal government involvement, and that current administration operates on basis of a significantly different model from its predecessor. The potential impact of differing paradigms upon state energy efforts is presented, and initial effect upon states of transition from Carter to Reagan administration is noted. * The nature of legitimate and proper government involvement in field of energy is widely disputed today. Four separate paradigms or models of government-market interaction with respect to energy are identified and briefly outlined. Two paradigms (the energy policy and energy free-market) represent ideological underpinnings of two U.S. administrations. The other two paradigms (energy mobilization and energy nationalization) have remained outside mainstream of government philosophy, although popular with individuals and/or groups. It may never be possible to clearly or ideally delineate state and federal government energy roles until greater ideological consensus is achieved. Although current administration is moving in one direction, many states remain committed to policy paradigm of previous administration.

Liberalism & the Liberal StateFurious Fancies: American Political Thought in the Post-Liberal Era. By Philip Abbott Social Justice in the Liberal State. By Bruce A. Ackerman Political Philosophy and the Issues of Politics. By Joseph Cropsey The Collapse of Liberal Empire: Science and Revolution in the Twentieth Century. By Paul N. Goldstene Approaches to Democracy: Philosophy of Government at the

The books under consideration represent current ways of thinking about liberalism and the liberal democratic state. That liberal democracy is riddled with problems is generally acknowledged. The symptoms are familiar enough: racial discrimination, breakup of the family, social injustice, inflation, and so on. These problems affect the standing of liberal democracy both at home and abroad. There is skepticism as to its workability in its present, or any other, form. Critics go beyond liberal democracy's failure to deal with the obvious problems and attempt to discover their causes, emerging with at least two distinct interpretations. Some writers allege that the liberal state's institutions are not democratic (or democratic enough). They would reorganize them so as to make them democratic (or more democratic) by making them more responsive to popular aspirations (for example, reform the party system

Approaches to Democracy: Philosophy of Government at the Close of the Twentieth Century.W. J. Stankiewicz

Previous articleNext article No AccessBook SectionApproaches to Democracy: Philosophy of Government at the Close of the Twentieth Century. W. J. Stankiewicz George J. Graham, Jr.George J. Graham, Jr. Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of Politics Volume 44, Number 2May, 1982 Sponsored by the Southern Political Science Association Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.2307/2130619 Views: 2Total views on this site Copyright 1982 Southern Political Science AssociationPDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article.

Empire Builder Extraordinary: Sir George Goldie. His Philosophy of Government and Empire

Empire Builder Extraordinary: Sir George Goldie. His Philosophy of Government and Empire

Approaches to Democracy: Philosophy of Government at the Close of the Twentieth Century. By W. J. Stankiewicz. (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1980. Pp. xi + 276. $25.00.)

Approaches to Democracy: Philosophy of Government at the Close of the Twentieth Century. By W. J. Stankiewicz. (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1980. Pp. xi + 276. $25.00.)

The Hume Literature for 1980

184. THE HUME LITERATURE FOR 1980 The Hume literature from 1925 to 1976 has been thoroughly covered in my book Fifty Years of Hume Scholarship : A Bibliographical Guide (Edinburgh University Press, 1978; /7.00), which also lists the main earlier writings on Hume. Publications of the years 1977 to 1979 were liste in Hume Studies for the last three Novembers. What follows here will bring the record up to the end of 1980. Readers are invited to inform me of any omissions , and to send me offprints of their own articles and reviews. The intention is to maintain a complete bibliographical record of critical work on Hume, by the regular publication in Hume Studies of an annual bibliography covering the previous year, with addenda consisting of items omitted through ignorance in previous years. References to recently-appearing reviews (of books from earlier lists) are given at the end. The following abbreviations of journal titles are used here: APQAmerican Philosophical Quarterly JHIJournal of the History of Ideas JHPJournal of the History of Philosophy JPJournal of Philosophy PASProceedings of the Aristotelian Society PBPhilosophical Books PQPhilosophical Quarterly PRPhilosophical Review RIPRevue Internationale de Philosophie RMReview of Metaphysics TLSTimes Literary Supplement Other abbreviations should be obvious enough, and mainly follow the British Standard (no. 4148) . ALTMANN, R. W. 'Hume on Sympathy', Sth. J. Phil. 18, 123-36. ANDERSON, R. F. 'In Defense of Section V: A Reply to Professor Yolton', Hume Studies 6, 26-31. AYER, A. J. Hume. (viii, 102 pp.) Oxford. [TLS (9 May 1980) , 531] 185. BAIER, A. 'Master Passions', in A. 0. Rorty, Explaining Emotions , 403-23. BAIER, A. 'Hume on Resentment', Hume Studies 6, 133-49. BAIER, A. 'Helping Hume to "compleat the union"', Phil. & Phenomenological Research 41, 167-86. BERMAN, D. 'Hume and Collins on Miracles', Hume Studies 6, 150-4. BLONDEL, E. '"Wohin?", "Wozu?": Ein Kulturproblem. Wahrheit und Leben bei Hume und Nietzsche' [in French], Perspektiven der Philosophie 6, 70-89. BOTWINICK, A. Ethics, Politics and Epistemology : A Study in the Unity of Hume's Thought. (xii, 185 pp.) Lanham, Md. BREDE, W. Der Unterschied der Lehren Humes in Treatise und im Inquiry. (50 pp.) Hildesheim & New York. (unaltered repr. of orig. publication, Halle 1896) BRICKE, J.' Hume's Philosophy of Mind. (vi, 176 pp.) Edinburgh. BURCH, R. 'Bayesianism and Analogy in Hume's Dialogues ' , Hume Studies 6, 32-44. CALHOUN, C. C. H. 'The Humean Moral Sentiment: A Unique Feeling', S. -west. J. Phil. 11, 69-78. CHARRON, W. C. 'Convention, Games of Strategy, and Hume's Philosophy of Law and Government', APQ 17, 327-34. DAUER, F. W. 'Hume's Skeptical Solution and the Causal Theory of Knowledge', PR 89, 35 7-7 8. DOORE, G. 'The Argument from Design: Some Better Reasons for Agreeing with Hume', Religious Studies 16, 145-61. DUSSINGER, J. A. 'David Hume's Denial of Personal Identity: The Making of a Skeptic', Image 37, 334-. FEINBERG, J. Rights, Justice and the Bounds of Liberty, 307-14. Princeton, (repr. of Feinberg 1977) FLAGE, D. E. 'Hume's Identity Crisis', Mod. Schoolman 58, 21-35. FRANKLIN, J. 'More on Part IX of Hume's Dialogues ' , PQ 30, 69-71. 186. GAWLICK, G. 'Zwischen Empirismus und Skeptizismus: Neue Literatur zu David Hume (II) ' , Philosophische Rundschau 27, 59-84. (on Carabelli 1972, Mercer 1972, Roberts 19 73, Harrison 1976, Wayne & Colver 1976.) GILARDI, R. 'La natura epistemologica delle considerazioni humiane di Treatise , III, I, 1 su essere e dover essere', Rivista di Filosofia neoscolastica 72, 243-73. GRIFFIN-COLLART, E. 'Le bon David, âme républicaine, entre deux révolutions', Etudes sur le XVIIIe siècle 8, 35-46. HALL, R. 'The Hume Literature for 1979', Hume Studios 6, 162-8. HAMBOURGER, R. 'Belief in Miracles and Hume's "Essay"', Nous 14, 587-604. HEISMANN, G. 'Addenda to the Hume Bibliography: Austrian, German and Swiss Dissertations', Hume Studies 6, 168-70. IMMERWAHR, J. "Hume's Self Criticism', Sth. J. Phil. 18, 169-76. MacCORMAC, E. R. 'Hume's Embodied Impressions', Sth. J. Phil. 18, 447-62. MACKIE, J. L. Hume's Moral Theory. (viii, 166 pp.) London, etc. McRAE, R. 'The Import of Hume's Theory of Time', Hume Studies 6, 119-32. MALHERBE, M. Kant...

Approaches to Democracy: Philosophy of Government at the Close of the Twentieth CenturyW. J. Stankiewicz London: Edward Arnold, 1980, pp. xi, 276

Approaches to Democracy: Philosophy of Government at the Close of the Twentieth CenturyW. J. Stankiewicz London: Edward Arnold, 1980, pp. xi, 276

Between Utility and Rights

I do not think than anyone familiar with what has been published in the last ten years, in England and the United States, on the philosophy of government can doubt that this subject, which is the meeting point of moral, political and legal philosophy, is undergoing a major change. We are currently witnessing, I think, the progress of a transition from a once widely accepted old faith that some form of utilitarianism, if only we could discover the right form, must capture the essence of political morality. The new faith is that the truth must lie not with a doctrine that takes the maximisation of aggregate or average general welfare for its goal, but with a doctrine of basic human rights, protecting specific basic liberties and interests of individuals, if only we could find some sufficiently firm foundation for such rights to meet some long familiar objections. Whereas not so long ago great energy and much ingenuity of many philosophers were devoted to making some form of utilitarianism work, latterly such energies and ingenuity have been devoted to the articulation of theories of basic rights. As often with such changes of faith or redirection of philosophical energies and attention, the new insights which are currently offered us seem to dazzle at least as much as they illuminate. Certainly, as I shall try to show by reference to the work of two now influential contemporary writers, the new faith has been presented in forms which are, in spite of much brillance, in the end unconvincing. My two examples, both American, are taken respectively from the Conservative Right and the Liberal Left of the political spectrum; and while the former, the Conservative, builds a theory of rights on the moral importance of the separateness or distinctness of human persons which utilitarianism is said to ignore, the latter, the Liberal Left, seeks to erect such a theory on their moral title to equal concern and respect which, it is said, unreconstructed utilitarianism implicitly denies. So while the first theory is dominated by the duty of governments to respect the separateness of persons, the second is dominated by the duty of governments to treat their subjects as equals, with equal concern and respect.

Alexander Hamilton's Philosophy of Government and Administration

When Thomas Jefferson called Alexander Hamilton the of the Federalists' he was recognizing the fact that Hamilton was the member of his party who articulated the comprehensive vision of republican national government and commercial society that the Federalists labored to establish. Moreover, as collosus of the Federalists a claim might be ventured that Hamilton should be considered the chief architect of our political union. For as has often been observed despite the fact that the Federalists would never win a national election

Alexander Hamilton's Philosophy of Government and Administration

Alexander Hamilton's Philosophy of Government and Administration

Islamic Numismatics

Since Islamic coins characteristically bear no images, they have ample room for inscriptions; a typical coin of the Classical Period bears 50 to 100 words in a total area (obverse plus reverse) of about 10 cm2. Each coin is thus a small document bearing several explicit messages which its makers intended to convey. But inscriptions, like other features of a coin, also carry implicit information unconsciously provided by the makers. Analysis of orthography, grammatical constructions, phraseology, and epigraphical style can illuminate the evolution of the Arabic language and script; the comparative study of titulature brings out changes in the self-image and philosophy of government of rulers; religious inscriptions on coins show what their issuers regarded as fundamental, as opposed to the beliefs attributed to them by hostile or later writers. Such topics must, of course, be studied in the context of the evidence from literature and monumental inscriptions. Coins have the advantage that their evidence is usually firmly dated and placed—and undoubtedly official—although one must beware of the strongly conservative tendency of coin design: inscriptions and designs may reflect traditional practice rather than current attitudes.

The ‘New Political Economy’ and British Economic Policy for India*

Abstract. James Mill, as a high official of the East India Company, had the opportunity after 1819 to establish economic policy for India. In fact, James Mill's Utilitarian philosophy of government and his advocacy of Ricardian rent theory as the basis for revenue policies in India set the pattern for the development of modern India. Both James and John Stuart Mill (who succeeded his father with the company) defended the company against its critics, such as J. R. McCulloch and Richard Jones, who argued that the revenue policy was inhibiting economic development. Modern Indian institutions are an amalgamation of Benthamism, Fabian Socialism, and Brahminism.

The Iranian Budgets: 1964–1970

Prior to 1964 the Iranian budgets were only a simple record of the receipts and expenditures of the central government. Such conventional administrative budgets were the results of the reforms of A.D. 1911 (21 Safar 1329 A.H.D.) when a Comprehensive Financial Law for the country was legislated. This law was modeled on the existing laws of France. The French laws were in turn based on the philosophy of government as conceived by the classical economists. These economists thought of the governments as an organization which protected the right of the individual to pursue his best interest without trespassing on the rights of others. Also, they advocated government non-intervention and non participation in economic activities.

Hoover and Canada Diplomatic Appointments

THE REPUDIATION OF HERBERT CLARK HOOVER by the American voters in •93• was truly a personal tragedy. This thirty-first president of the Unked States had fashioned a distinguished public career as director of European relief, United States food administrator, and influential secretary of commerce during the twenties, culminating in his smashing victory over Governor Alfred E. Smith of New York in the presidential e ection of •9•8. Within a few years of his inauguration, this most able of the Republican presidents ofthe decade the engineer who would bring to government the businessman's practical experience and knowledge, the humanitarian who would cap the economic era by eliminating poverty was being victimized by the Great Depression and a personal ideology that severely limited the government's response to the problems created by the economic breakdown. He became the target of abuse and derision the intensity of which was clearly revealed on the cam-paign trail of •93•. The great expectations of •9•8 had not materialized. The public forgot or dismissed from its mind as a matter of irrelevance this man's earlier accomplishments, and rejected the philosophy of government which Herbert Hoover supposedly personified in favour of a new deal for the American people. Unknown to many Americans is the Canadian version of the Hoover tragedy. Hoover's popularity and image in Canada followed a similar pattern from support and expectation i • 928 to rejection and disappointment i •93•. In •9•8, for the first time in several years, Canadians took an active and informed interest in an American election. That a majority of Englishspeaking Canadians preferred Hoover's election is a reasonably accurate generalization. Indeed, his campaign promises of tariff protection to the depressed American farmer made them apprehensive, but Governor Smith's reversal of the Democratic party's traditional opposition to the high tariff