Reviewed by: History of Islam in German Thought: From Leibniz to Nietzsche Kamakshi P. Murti History of Islam in German Thought: From Leibniz to Nietzsche. By Ian Almond. New York: Routledge, 2009. vii + 199 pages. $95.00. The number of studies about the history of Islam in Europe is legion, most of them promising balanced approaches. However, seldom has this reader encountered a writer who has not fallen into the same monolithic trap. Ian Almond voices a similar concern and promises to attempt "neither to judge, nor to defend, but merely to dissect" (5). Contrary to all expectations he opens up "discursive spaces" that resound with a polyphony of voices that refuse to reduce a thinker to a monolithic approach to Islam. Almond discusses eight key German thinkers, beginning with Leibniz's plan to invade Egypt (1671) and ending with Nietzsche's praise of Islam in The Antichrist (1888). Each chapter title encapsulates the ambiguities resulting from the sexual, political, territorial, and philosophical constraints of the time. Almond compellingly argues for the need to recognize the multiple porous identities complicating the thought processes of each thinker. He asks: "[W]hat voices did Herder use when he wrote about the Muslim Orient?" (56), a question that captures the essence of his methodology. For example, depending on whether we see Leibniz the political thinker, or Leibniz the Christian thinker, or perhaps Leibniz the seeker of causes, we encounter differentiated accounts of Islam. Through meticulously close reading, Almond provides a wealth of textual evidence to show that although Leibniz ultimately uses Islam to further his own search for origins, he never ceases to traverse the entire spectrum between grudging respect for and hatred of Islam. From seeing the Arab as "the noblest man in the Orient" to someone who "has no concept of the morally beautiful," Kant similarly runs the gamut of ambivalences regarding Islam. Almond shows how political expediency conditions Kant's approach to Islam. For example, Russian imperial advances make him conflate the Russian and [End Page 602] the Turk, "both of largely Asiatic stock." Interestingly, Kant's non-representation, not misrepresentation, of Islam, is what allows him to dismiss Islam most effectively, as Almond very perceptively notes. Whereas Leibniz footnotes Islam, Kant erases even this trace. Almond's inclusion of Herder in a discussion of how Islam is both demonized and praised seems at first to be problematic since scholarship has documented Herder's abhorrence of "all forms of chauvinism." However, Almond shows how even in Herder's case the range of references to Islam is not unequivocal. Herder the Anti-Papist sees Islam against the backdrop of Catholicism and his own Christian faith (59). Then again, when Herder the Poet takes over, "the Arabs lose the rings in their noses and begin to speak in couplets" (62). Finally, Herder the Nationalist sees Islam as both a model for German identity and a threat to it. Almond's account thus creates a fascinatingly multifaceted figure of Herder, in no way belittling the latter's open expressions of contempt for European imperialism, but making sure that the reader does not ignore the ambiguity that underlies his discourse. Almond now directs our attention to Goethe's distinction between an "'evil,' actual, threatening Ottoman-Islam and the safe, aesthetic, idealized Arab-Persian Islam of the Divan" (72). This is in tune with the thinking of the times, especially Friedrich Schlegel's insistence on an 'Aryan' kinship of blood that united Persia and Germany. Like Herder, Goethe seems to stand above any accusation of Orientalist arrogance. But his separation of the real threat that the Turk represented from the more aesthetically distanced Persian of his Divan introduces, as Almond explains, an element of uncertainty into what is widely believed to be Goethe's unambiguous praise of the Muslim world. Almond continues his project of unsettling beliefs about stable identities, persuasively arguing that the Schlegel who worshipped the Orient as redemptive and vital constructed his Orient "at the expense of the adjacent one" (89). We are shown how Friedrich Schlegel keeps his linguistic sphere of inquiry distinct from a political one. In other words, language affinity does not necessarily imply membership in the West-European...
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