Philip II Of Macedon Research Articles

Making the ‘Trump Emoluments Suits’ Into a 2018 Bi-Partisan Engine for Change: Using the Emoluments Suits to Examine Pritzker and Kerry As Well As Trump, and Stop the Emoluments Taint in All Parties

Making the ‘Trump Emoluments Suits’ Into a 2018 Bi-Partisan Engine for Change: Using the Emoluments Suits to Examine Pritzker and Kerry As Well As Trump, and Stop the Emoluments Taint in All Parties

Political Re-Performances of Tragedy in the Fifth and Fourth Centuries BC

Abstract:Tragedies written by or performed for absolute rulers, such as Hieron of Syracuse, Philip of Macedon, Alexander the Great, Dionysius of Syracuse, and Alexander of Pherai, were intended to advance the prestige and goals of the ruler’s regime. Re-performances of “classic” plays in Athens could be interpreted to critique or support political positions of the day.

KINA[I]DOS: A PUN IN DEMOSTHENES’ON THE CROWN?

In his speechOn the Crown(330b.c.e.), the orator Demosthenes twice refers to his opponent Aeschines as akinados(‘fox’), both times in the context of accusing him of flattery and slandering in the service of Philip of Macedon (18.162, 242). Although a number of scholars have studied the use of invective in the speeches of Demosthenes and Aeschines, very little attention has been paid to the significance of this peculiar epithet. In this note, I investigate why Demosthenes calls Aeschines akinados, suggesting that, in addition to painting Aeschines as devious, the word may also have served as a pun.

Philip of Macedon.

Philip of Macedon was one of the extraordinary figures of antiquity. Inheriting a kingdom near collapse, he left to his son Alexander the strongest state in Eastern Europe. He developed new military technology and made Macedonia the greatest power in the Western world. He created a united, multiracial kingdom based on liberal principles and added to it the resources of a Balkan empire. Most importantly, he inspired the city-states of the Greek peninsula to form a unified community, ensuring peace among its members, the rule of law in internal politics, and collective security in the face of agressors. No statesman in Europe had ever achieved so much. This book presents a narrative history of Hellenistic Macedonia from the state's rise out of obscurity under Philip to the accession of Alexander. Focusing on the character and career of Philip, Hammond discusses developments in military technology and strategy, the social composition and geography of northern Greece, and the region's political developments. He also examines the world of the city-states, the nature of their democracies, their propensity for interstate warfare, and their development of capitalism, scientific methods, and philosophical ideas. With close analysis of the literary and material evidence, including interpretations of recent archaeological discoveries, Hammond offers a portrait of Philip as a Macedonian. Including illustrations of the frescoes and artifacts found in the Royal Tombs at Vergina in 1977, the book also reveals the culture and artistry of the Macedonian people who made Philip's success possible.

Philip of Macedon

Philip of Macedon

Orthodoxy and Hopiltes

In Philip of Macedon (1978) (pp. 150f.), as part of a general survey of the development of the art of war in Classical Greece, I briefly adumbrated a view of the nature of hoplite fighting. It was not the conventional one, of which the following statement of Adcock in The Greek and Macedonian Art of War (1957) p. 4 is fairly representative:The effectiveness of the phalanx depends in part on skill in fighting by those in the front rank, and in part on thephysical and moral support of the lines behind them. The two opposing phalanxes meet each otherwith clash of shield on shield and blow of spear against spear. Their momentum is increased by the impetus of the charge that precedes their meeting. If the first clash is not decisive by the superior weight and thrust of the one phalanx over the other, the fighting goes on. The laterranks supply fighters as those before them fall. At last one side gains the upper hand. Then the other phalanx breaks and takes to flight and the battle is won and lost.

Cicero's philippics and Their Demosthenic Model: The Rhetoric of Crisis

Although Cicero's Phillipics are his most mature speeches, they have received little attention as works of oratory. On other hand, scholars in this century have considered Cicero's attitudes toward and dependence on Demosthenes to be an issue of importance. Cecil Wooten brings together these two concerns, linking Cicero's use of Demosthenes as a model in Phillipics to precise analyses of style, rhetorical modulation, and narrative technique. In doing so he defines and demonstrates effectiveness of a type of oratory that he terms the rhetoric of crisis. Characteristic of such rhetoric polarization of a conflict into a dichotomy between good and evil, right and wrong. The orator adopts a stance in which he obsessed with struggle, with victory, and with preservation of a tradition. He defines his present crisis in terms of patterns that have appeared in past, which means that he likely to choose from past a model for his own response to crisis.In Demosthenes, Cicero found a statesman that had faced a similar political situation. Demosthenes' speeches were directed against Philip of Macedon, whose expanding empire threatened survival of Greek city-states. Antony posed an equally severe threat to Roman republic, and Cicero therefore turned to Demosthenes' speeches as a model for his own. The oratory of both was forged during a period of supreme crisis, at a critical turning point in civilization.Tremendous talent, Wooten writes of this oratory, is coupled with instinct for survival, most basic of human impulses, to produce a form of oratory that characterized by extreme clarity of vision, purposefulness, vividness, and rapidity of presentation, an oratory that clean and direct and decisive, in which organic synthesis of content, arrangement, and style remarkable and striking.Originally published 1983.A UNC Press Enduring Edition -- UNC Press Enduring Editions use latest in digital technology to make available again books from our distinguished backlist that were previously out of print. These editions are published unaltered from original, and are presented in affordable paperback formats, bringing readers both historical and cultural value.

The hero of Lefkandi

The large island of Euboea, which lies along the north coast of Attica and Boeotia, was little known archaeologically until recent years (FIG. 1). Nor, apart from its involvement in the Persian Wars, then as a victim of Athenian imperialism and later as a step in the expansionism of Philip of Macedon, does it play any prominent role in the accounts of ancient historians. Yet, they have left hints of its former greatness in an early period of which little was remembered. The island was known to have sent out the first colonies to Italy and Sicily in the eighth century BC and to have settled the region of North Greece, still known as Chalcidice, after the name of one of Euboea's main cities, Chalcis. They remembered something, too, of a war between Chalcis and Eretria, the other major city of the island, in which their respective allies took part, and it is this conflict which seems to have exhausted both sides and led to the eclipse of the island's pre-eminence.

Philip of Macedon. Edited by M. B. Hatzopoulosand L. D. Loukopoulos

(1982). Philip of Macedon. Edited by M. B. Hatzopoulos and L. D. Loukopoulos. Archaeological Journal: Vol. 139, No. 1, pp. 462-462.

Philip of Macedon

Philip of Macedon

Philip of Macedon

Philip of Macedon

Tragedy and the Performance of Tragedy in Late Roman Antiquity

It is a widely held view that by the beginning of the Christian era the staging of full-length dramas had become very rare or had ceased altogether, and that any plays that were written during this time, like the ten 'Senecan’ plays that survive, were probably intended as no more than closet dramas. But the question of whether such plays were ever staged (and hence the question of whether they were intended to be staged or were even stageable) is complicated by the fact that the word ‘tragedy’ was also applied to other forms of dramatic performances: to the ballet of the pantomime artist (tragoedia saltata) and to short concert productions (tragoedia cantata). There was also thecitharoedia, a solo performance which consisted of a tragic aria accompanied by the lyre. Finally, the traditional kind of tragedy could be recited rather than staged. Each of these kinds of performances could take place in or out of the theater, with varying degrees of elaboration. When, therefore, an ancient writer speaks of the performance of a tragedy, it is not always clear just what type of production is being alluded to. When, for instance, Dio Cassius says that the Emperor Caligula just before his assassination (A.D. 41) wished to put on a ballet and enact a tragedy (ϰαὶ ὀϱχήσασθαι ϰαὶ τϱαγῳδίαν ὑποϰϱίνασθαι ἠθέλησεν) and announced that the revels would be prolonged three more days for the purpose, what does he mean ? Was there to be only one kind of performance or two? That is, were thepantomimusand hishypocritaeto dance and act a single tragedy, or was a story to be rendered first in dance, and then the same or another story acted out in dialogue and song? If the latter supposition is correct, was the tragedy to be a large-scale play or a modified and shortened concert tragedy? We know from Suetonius that the same play could be conceived of as being performed in different ways. He says that on the day before Caligula was killed, thepantomimusMnester danced the same tragedy that thetragoedusNeoptolemus had acted in the games at which Philip of Macedon was killed. Of course, in judging this matter we must also consider the question of how accurately the conceptions and practices reported by Suetonius (ca. 120) and Dio (ca. 220) correspond to those of Caligula's time.

Philip of Macedon's Early Interventions in Thessaly (358–352 B.C.)

In his stimulating article on this topic Mr. Christopher Ehrhardt sought to show that there is no good reason to believe in any intervention by Philip of Macedon in Thessaly earlier than his campaign of 353. The second half of his paper is devoted to the date of Philip's capture of Pagasae, which Diodorus appears to put in the Athenian archon year 354/3 after the fall of Methone, a date adopted by most modern interpreters accepting the emendation for the unidentifiable in the text of Diodorus. Ehrhardt shows well the difficulties of believing in any capture of Pagasae, the port of Pherae, earlier than the capture of Pherae itself (in 352), and concludes that the emendation is to be rejected. In this I think he is right, and I am joining him in dating the capture of Pagasae in 352 after Pherae itself had fallen. The first half of his paper, however, rejecting all the evidence suggesting other interventions by Philip in Thessaly earlier than 353, is much harder to accept, for two reasons:

Two Notes on Philip of Macedon's First Interventions In Thessaly

This passage comes at the end of Diodorus' account of the archon year 357/6 (Alexander's death probably in fact occurred earlier; 358 is the most likely date) and obviously contains a proleptic reference to the future fortunes of the tyrannicides, Tisiphonus, Lycophron, (and Peitholaus). Tisiphonus died probably in 355 or early in 354; Lycophron and Peitholaus were expelled from Pherae by Philip in 352.

The Date of Demosthenes' First Philippic

A comparison of Dem. 1.13 and III. 4 - 5 indicates that the campaign of Philip II of Macedon in Thrace, following his advance to Thermopylae in mid-352, lasted as long as twelve months or more rather than the mere three, four or five months conventionally allotted to it. His return to Pella, after his illness and the ensuing march on Chalcidian cities, must have fallen at the very end of 351. Demosthenes' Philippic I, traditionally dated to Spring 351, refers to all of these activities and thus postdates them, belonging therefore at the earliest to January 350.

Robert Greene and Philip of Macedon

Robert Greene and Philip of Macedon: ccviii. 348 Get access John W. Velz John W. Velz Rice University, Houston, Texas. Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Notes and Queries, Volume 12, Issue 5, 18 May 1965, Page 195, https://doi.org/10.1093/notesj/12.5.195-c Published: 18 May 1965

The Greek and Macedonian Art of War

This informal history traces battle tactics and military strategy from the time of the city-states' phalanxes of spearmen to the far-reaching combined operations of specialized land and sea forces in the Hellenistic Age. The author first describes the attitude of the Greek city-state toward war, and shows the military conventions and strategies associated with it. He then recounts how the art of war gradually evolved into new forms through the contributions of such men as the great commander Epaminondas, Philip of Macedon, his son Alexander the Great, and others. He also discusses the independence of land and sea power, describes the first use of calvary, and tells of the ingenious Greek devices of siegecraft, including the fifth column.

Philip of Macedon

Philip of Macedon Get access W. T. Lynn W. T. Lynn 1Blackheth Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Notes and Queries, Volume s8-XII, Issue 292, 31 July 1897, Page 85, https://doi.org/10.1093/nq/s8-XII.292.85b Published: 31 July 1897

The Last Day and Year of the Century: Remarks on Time-Reckoning

THE late Astronomer Royal, Sir George Airy, once received a letter requesting him to settle a dispute, which had arisen in some local debating society, as to which would be the first day of the next century. His reply was: “A very little consideration will suffice to show that the first day of the twentieth century will be January 1, 1901.” Simple as the matter seems, the fact that it is occasionally brought into question, shows that there is some little difficulty connected with it. Probably, however, this is in a great measure due to the circumstance that the actual figures indicating the century are changed on January 1, 1900, the day preceding being December 31, 1899. A century is a very definite word for an interval, respecting which there is no possible room for mistake or difference of opinion. But the date of its ending depends upon that of its beginning. Our double system of backward and forward reckoning leads to a good deal of inconvenience. Only the other day I was reading in a high-class scientific periodical (the Journal of the Astronomical Society of Wales), that the Athenian expedition under Phocion to succour Byzantium (attacked by Philip of Macedon) took place in B.C. 339, and that that was now exactly 2235 years ago.1 But it is evident that as there was no year o, and B.C. 1 immediately preceded A.D. 1, the interval from any date in a B.C. year to the same in an A.D. year is found not by simply adding the respective years, but by afterwards subtracting 1 from this sum. Our reckoning supposes (what we know now was not the case, but as an era the date does equally well) that Christ was born at the end of B.C. 1. At the end of A.D. 1, therefore, one year had elapsed from that event, at the end of A.D. 100, one century, and at the end of 1900, nineteen centuries.

Aetolian Inscriptions

A singularly small contribution has been made by Aetolia to the vast and steadily growing mass of our epigraphical treasures. This seems to be due to two reasons,—a real dearth of inscriptions traceable in part to the character of the Aetolians themselves, and, secondly, the comparative neglect that Aetolia has suffered at the hands of travellers and archaeologists. The inscriptions given here are the results of a detailed exploration extending over part of each of the two years 1892 and 1893.A large proportion, and those the most interesting of the inscriptions found, come from Naupaktos, or its immediate neighbourhood. This valuable maritime station was, as is well known, put by Athens into the possession of the exiled Messenians and with the downfall of her Empire it passed into the hands of the Achaean allies of Sparta: they seem to have kept it in spite of all the efforts of the Aetolians and it was not until 338 B.C. that its natural owners finally regained it by the gift of Philip of Macedon. From that time onwards Naupaktos played an important part in the history of the League. Pausanias visited the town and among its antiquities he mentions the ruins of a temple of Asklepios of some reputation. The site of this temple has been identified from the inscriptions cut in the face of a rock forming the back of a terrace near the springs called Kephalóvrysis, a few minutes' walk to the east of the town. The few fragments which are all that can now be deciphered of the numerous inscriptions which once covered the rock are given by R. Weil in his paper ‘Das Asklepieion von Naupaktos,’ Mitth. des deutsch. Inst. vol. iv. p. 22.