Peruvian Church Research Articles

Adapting to the Digital Pulpit: Social Media Strategy of a Peruvian Church Amidst COVID-19

This study analyzed the digital communication strategy of the “Casa de Luz”, a local church in Lima, Peru, during the COVID-19 pandemic using a mixed-methods design. From February 2020 to November 2021, 470 posts from the church's Facebook (287) and Instagram (183) accounts were examined through virtual ethnography and content analysis. Additionally, two in-depth interviews with congregation leaders and three focus groups with different age groups (totaling 18 participants from a congregation of 187 members) were conducted. The results showed a significant shift in the church’s digital content, including increased live broadcasts and the introduction of Instagram reels, which enhanced engagement. Motivational content, especially financial and health testimonies, saw a notable rise. The church effectively adapted to digital platforms, fostering a supportive online community and continuing its mission despite the pandemic's challenges. This approach demonstrated the church’s resilience and ability to maintain and expand its community through innovative digital strategies.

The COVID-19 Pandemic and the Peruvian Catholic Church:

This paper examines the Peruvian Catholic Church's responses to the challenges of COVID-19, and how this context might constitute a new stage of the Peruvian Church’s reception of Vatican II. First, it values that the Catholic Church has performed a significant social contribution by distributing humanitarian aid, providing spiritual accompaniment, and articulating the civil society to face the needs raised by COVID-19. This paper argues that such response relates to the process of reception of Vatican II in Peru. During the 1970s and 1980s, the Peruvian Church developed pastoral structures and ecclesial networks that specialized in engaging with and serving the world. Nowadays, the Church offers those strengths to the State and society. Second, this paper examines how the pandemic presents opportunities for a new discernment of the "signs of the times" by highlighting some pastoral challenges the Peruvian Church needs to address in light of Peru’s new social reality and Pope Francis’ call for Church reform.

Being a Church in a Time of Violence: Peruvian Church during the Armed Internal Conflict 1980 to 2000

During the war with Shining Path (1980–2000) violence in Peru was brutal and extensive. Massive violations of human rights were common, with victims from all regions and social classes, but were particularly intense in rural areas like Ayacucho where the insurgency began. The churches supported and defended rights by providing organizational space, legal defense, publicity (through their radio networks) and by remaining among populations in danger, working with them and often sharing their fate. Important elements in the churches including leaders, priests, members of religious orders, sisters catechists, and ordinary people working through church organizations, were prominent among the victims. They were attacked both by Shining Path (who saw them as competitors) and by army and police forces, who saw their commitment to social justice and collective action as subversive. The choice to defend human rights in theory and action is rooted in a long term process of transformation in the church which drew strength and inspiration from the “option for the poor” articulated at the Catholic bishops meetings in Medellin (1968) and Puebla (1979), and in numerous statements and organizational efforts since then. The process of violence in Peru and the role of the churches is documented in the reports of the Peruvian Commission for Truth and Reconciliation and others from the Peruvian church as well from as regional and local groups.

The Politics of Religion and the Rise of Social Catholicism in Peru (1884-1935): Faith, Workers and Race before Liberation Theology by Ricardo Daniel Cubas Ramacciotti

Reviewed by: The Politics of Religion and the Rise of Social Catholicism in Peru (1884-1935): Faith, Workers and Race before Liberation Theology by Ricardo Daniel Cubas Ramacciotti Ruth Chojnacki The Politics of Religion and the Rise of Social Catholicism in Peru (1884-1935): Faith, Workers and Race before Liberation Theology. By Ricardo Daniel Cubas Ramacciotti. [Religion in the Americas Series. Vol. 18.] (Leiden and Boston: Brill. 2018. Pp. 297. ISBN 978-90-04-35567-5 hardback; ISBN 978-90-04-35569-9 e-book.) Ricardo Daniel Cubas Ramacciotti's well-researched study insists that the story of Catholicism in Peru cannot be understood without tracing the complex evolution of church-state relations in this ethnically diverse country. It also argues that the formation of its national identity is tied to this story. Engagement with social issues that liberationists place at the center of faith became a pivotal concern of the Peruvian church as it struggled for autonomy at the close of the nineteenth century. This struggle was enjoined with Spanish regalism (royal supremacy over the Church), during colonization, through late-eighteenth century Enlightenment reform, and up to the declaration of Peruvian independence in 1821. Succeeding republican governments exercised power over the Church through the mechanism of the patronato, offering the church establishment status and financial support while restricting appointment of bishops to state-approved candidates and controlling papal communications with them. Ramacciotti recounts policy moves that entrapped church and state alike in contradictions. In short, the Church's attempt to assert its independence ran up [End Page 561] against its reliance on government financial aid while the government needed church legitimation in an overwhelmingly Catholic nation. In fact, a concordat with the Vatican definitively severed the Church from the Peruvian state only in 1980. A focal theme in this context is Peruvian church resistance to secularization entailed in liberal politics, modernizing economics, and the sway of positivism among the nation's elite. Leo XIII's encyclical Rerum Novarum (1891) and other papal social teaching, along with writings by European Catholics such as León Bloy and Jacques Maritain, emboldened Peru's Catholic intellectuals to counter the influence of modernist thought as well as socialism and radical politics. A succession of Catholic organizations—from the lay-led Unión Católica in 1886 through Acción Católica in 1935—further raised the Church's profile in the public sphere. Episcopal letters following inauguration of the National Assembly of Bishops in 1899 effectively ratified the "rise of social Catholicism" in Peru. Notably, apologetic defense of the "rights of the Church" figured prominently in this development, while advancement of Catholic social thought depended on widely distributed local Catholic newspapers. Ramacciotti emphasizes ecclesial condemnation of slavery in mining and rubber production and defense of industrial labor rights. Animated by papal teaching and European examples, the Church sought to imbue Peru's emergent working class with Catholic values through "Circle(s) of Catholic Workers" (CCW), which sponsored night schools, mutual aid societies, and other welfare groups. Bishops and Catholic intellectuals, especially Víctor Andrés Belaunde, criticized capitalism but remained resolutely apolitical, favoring "true reformism," equidistant from "timid conservatism" and Marxism (p. 178). Thus, the Church forestalled anticlericalism but also retarded unionization and postponed formation of a Christian democratic party in Peru until 1955. As elsewhere in Latin America, the Church represented the nation in the absence of the state in Peru, particularly among marginalized Quechua and Aymara peoples in the remote Andes and Amazon. What Ramacciotti calls "ecclesiastical indigenismo" affirmed the human dignity of indigenous Peruvians against overt racism, theoretical (Spencer, Peruvian Darwinists) and practical (enslavement, expropriation). Activist bishops promoted clerical reform and seminary classes in native languages to enhance indigenous mission while insisting on integration of native people in the "living synthesis of western and native values" advocated by Balaunde as Peruanidad (Peruvian-ness) (p. 219). Still, with most Peruvians the Church assumed the need for indigenous "regeneration" (p. 209), their tutelage in "farm schools" (p. 233), and (ironically) the government's paternalistic Patronato de la Raza Indígena (pp. 231–36). Despite numerous repetitions, an often-confusing labyrinth of detail, and arguably flawed organization, this specialized monograph establishes the Church...

La obra de la iglesia peruana en las semanas sociales nacionales (1958-2008)

This study stand out the work of the Peruvian Church as scrutinizing the signs of the times in social reality and the fidelity of his true mission meets “in favor of a society worthy of man, of his dignity  and his vocation” (Benedict XVI), shown in the ten (10) National Social Weeks made in the span of 50 years, between 1958 and 2008, the same respondents in typical of the times and contexts in which they developed. In the first part of the study presents the approaches and, in the second approach are discussed in the focus context established by the author

La solicitud de Santo Toribio por el patrimonio religioso del Perú

When Juan Pablo II came to Peru, his central conference for the Peruvian bishops was about the four stagesof St. Toribio: his life of holiness, his commitment in the complete education of natives, his commitmentto integration and communion and his close relationship with the papacy. The fourth are like pillars of hismission and vocations of the Peruvian church builder. This holy father of the American Church, in wordsof his first biographer Leon Pinelo: “he didn’t’ waste his time” and he began working the Church, whichhe called “the new Christendom of the Indies”. Thirteen diocesan synods, three provincial councils withhis catechetical instruments such as the Trilingual Catechism (in Spanish, Quechua and Aymara) andthe Pastoral visits. Instigator of institutions such as the Santa Clara Seminary or Convent, organizationsas a new association, parishes and towns .During 25 years, they laid the basis of the current Peruvianreligious heritage. This heritage is reflected in the culture of holiness of his contemporaries such as Roseof Lima and Martin who St. Toribio confirmed, Juan Macias, Francisco Solano and a lot of Blessedand servants of god who he also helped. But also St. Toribio helped in the building of churches likethe Cathedral, Convents such as Santa Clara and the numerous parishes and chapels, fraternities anddoctrines, dispersed throughout all his archbishop territory.

The Search for Idols and Saints in Colonial Peru: Linking Extirpation and Beatification

The Search for Idols and Saints in Colonial Peru: Linking Extirpation and Beatification

The Catholic Church and Democracy in Chile and Peru

Recent changes imposed by the Vatican may redefine the Chilean and Peruvian Church's involvement in politics and social issues. Fleet and Smith argue that the Vatican has been moving to restrict the Chilean and Peruvian Church's social and political activities. Fleet and Smith have gathered documentary evidence, conducted interviews with Catholic elites, and compiled surveys of lay Catholics in the region. The result will help chart the future of the Church and Chile and Peru.

Peruvian Church History

Peruvian Church History

The Catholic Church in Peru, 1821-1985: A Social History.

Aiming to provide a complete history of the Catholic Church in modern Peru, this detailed study examines the roots of the Peruvian church from the post-colonial period of the 1820s to the Pope's first visit in 1985. This social history explores the different ways in which the church has responded to political and social movements in since its independence in 1821. Jeffrey Klaiber, analyzes the church's role as a conservative force in 19th-century politics, as well as its special place as a symbol of tradition and the role it has served among the poor. Klaiber also chronicles the growth of religious orders: why they were established in Peru, what social role they filled, and what impact they had on Peruvian society. Describing the church's reaction to new movements of the 20th century, such as workers, Apristas, and the reformist military under Velasco, the author uncovers key themes in contemporary history and probes the origins of liberation theology and the emergence of the progresssive church. The Church in Peru also undertakes a thorough discussion of the full array of other new movements including the development of both the charismatic and Marriage Encounter movements. Based upon 19th-century documents located in church archives, letters, pamphlets, newspapers, and numerous interviews with contemporary actors such as the founders of Catholic Action and liberation theology (including Father Gustavo Gutierrez), The Church in Peru demonstrates that Peru's social and political history cannot be understood apart from the Catholic Church. As becomes increasingly engulfed in terrorist violence, religion and the church remain the only vital forces that lend cohesion and strength to the poor of the country. Klaiber here explains why, in the midst of turmoil, the poor continue to carry on and to resist terrorism and military violence as a means of improving their lot and why the church legitimizes grassroots democracy.

Peruvian Church History

Peruvian Church History

The Church, Social Consciousness, and Protest?

This article examines the relationship between participation in the Catholic Church and the consciousness and protest behavior of the most strategic sector of the Peruvian labor force. It explores two ideal models of church influence: traditional and liberation. Although Liberation Theology has some of its deepest roots in the writings and practice of Peruvian priests, the association between participation in church ritual in general in Peru and the consciousness and behavior of workers suggests that the overall influence of the Peruvian Church is best described by the traditional model. Participation in Church ritual and its associated religiosity increase fatalism, retards concientizacion, reduces protest participation, and integrates workers into the hierarchy and discipline of the industrial enterprise. The article agrees with Gramsci (1971) that the control of consciousness is as significant an area of political struggle as the control of production, and that the two are related. Through its influence on social consciousness, the church can indirectly affect political action and national patterns of production and distribution. Church acculturation may affect economic growth rate by reducing worker-management and worker-state conflict. It seems equally likely that the conservative effect of church acculturation increases distributional inequality.

The Vatican Strikes Back

The Vatican's recently released Instruction on Certain Aspects of the Theology of Liberation (Dublin: Veritas Publications, 1984; henceforth referred to as Instruction ) is doleful but essential reading for those of us who have begun to rethink the traditional hostility between religion and the left. The work of one of Catholicism's leading ideologians, Joseph Cardinal Ratzinger, Instruction is a key link in Pope John Paul II's counteroffensive against the challenge to orthodoxy represented by liberation theology, and is to be seen in context alongside other recent events, such as the trial of Fr. Leonardo Boff of Brazil and the attempt to set the Peruvian church against Fr. Gustavo Gutierrez. This article can also be found at the Monthly Review website , where most recent articles are published in full. Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the Monthly Review website.

Juan de Luzón and the Sevillian Painting Trade with the New World in the Second Half of the Seventeenth Century

The exportation of Sevillian canvases to the Americas was of fundamental importance for the development of schools of painting in colonial Latin America. Despite the significance of this artistic commerce, no systematic study of the trade has ever been undertaken.' The present article examines the role of Juan de Luz6n in the export of paintings and interprets the development of this trade during the second half of the seventeenth century. Francisco de Zurbaran was the most famous painter to work extensively for the New World markets.2 Bartolome Murillo may even have traveled to the Americas before he began his Sevillian career.3 The third great painter of Baroque Seville, Juan de Vald6s Leal, supplied a series depicting the life of Saint Ignatius for a Peruvian church.4 However, the artists who were associated almost exclusively with the export of paintings are now forgotten and their present anonymity has obscured the importance of the New World markets for the artistic economy of Seville. These painters would produce large lots of pictures, at least ninety-nine, usually of the same dimensions and with themes that were popular in the Americas. The canvases were rolled up, packed in cases, and entrusted to an agent or ship's captain, who would be responsible for their sale at the best prices possible. The money thus realized would be returned to the artist in Seville with the next returning convoy. This entrepreneurial trade is completely different from the commission of works from Sevillian artists by New World patrons. The Sevillian painter Juan de Luz6n (1608-1662) worked exclusively for the New World markets. His oeuvre must have been enormous, even by contemporary standards. Yet despite his prolific activity, not a single painting is even attributed to him today, and his career has attracted no critical commentary. The paradox of great productivity and almost complete anonymity is a result of the complete involvement of Luz6n in the New World markets. The first notice of Luz6n is his certificate of examination as a painter by the Sevillian guild on May 17, 1634, in which he is identified as a native of Seville and twenty-six years old.5 A few years later, on February 28, 1637, the first reference is made to his wife, Dofia Ana de Vargas, whom he married at an unknown date.6 Nothing more is known of his life until the decade of the 1650's. On March 13, 1658, Luz6n empowered two men to act as his agents in collecting a debt due him in the Province of Tierra Firme for paintings sent there in 1653 (Document 1). The canvases had been packed in three cases and were identified as thirteen large pictures and 181 smaller ones. The large pictures were worth 160 reales apiece and the small pieces were worth forty-eight reales each, for a total value of 10,768 reales. To put this sum in perspective, Murillo was paid 10,000 reales for the altarpiece of Saint Anthony's Vision of the Christ Child in the baptismal chapel of the cathedral of Seville. Murillo's painting was the largest and most expensive altarpiece in Seville.7 Apparently neither agent was successful in collecting the debt and Luz6n empowered another man to undertake the identical task on September 17, 1659 (Document 2). Thirteen months later, on October 21, 1660, Luz6n appointed two more men to collect 8,000 reales due him in Tierra Firme (Document 3). One of the debtors, Juan Bautista de Ibarquen, is the same man cited in the previous two documents, but the other debtor is new and the sum owed is different. In all probability, therefore, the third debt is from a separate transaction. These three documents illustrate some of the problems that confronted the artist dealing with the New World markets. The amounts owed also clearly indicate the potential profits and they were sufficiently large to compensate for the risks. The debts are not referred to again, which indicates that Luz6n eventually collected these past-due payments. However, the experience may have prompted him to act with more caution with a subsequent shipment. Thus, in October of 1660, Luz6n appointed collection agents for his next shipment before it was sent (Document 4). The ninety-nine canvases were sent in one box to be sold in either Cartagena or Portobello, the ports-of-entry for modern Colombia and Peru. Neither the size nor worth of the works were recorded, but the titles were as follows:

The Catholic Lay Movement in Peru: 1867-1959

The dramatic changes in the Latin American church since the Second Vatican Council have taken many observers by surprise. In search of an explanation for these changes, much recent scholarship has devoted itself to analyzing the changing political climate, the influx of foreign religious personnel, the creation of radical priests' groups, the impact of Vatican II itself and the episcopal assemblies of Medellín and Puebla and, of course, the varying currents of liberation theology. In contrast, the tendency has been to overlook pre-Vatican II history. The pre-conciliar Peruvian church in particular has been characterized as tradition-bound, obscurantist or subservient to the upper classes. One author writing in the early seventies stated:“The intimacy between the church and the Peruvian upper class has been an unvarying characteristic of colonial, post-independence and modern eras in Peru.”

The Peruvian Church at the Time of Independence in the Light of Vatican II

When I began this extended period of research into the history of nineteenth-century Peru, I was burdened with the ideas drawn from the writings of Bernard Moses and Desdedives du Dezert. In the main, they seem to think that by the end of the 18th century, the Church in Peru had grown stagnant and formalistic, forgetful of the heritage of Santo Toribio, San Martín, San Solano, or Santa Rosa.