Personal Service Workers Research Articles

Understanding and including 'pink-collar' workers in employment-based travel demand models.

The segmentation of commuters into either blue or white-collar workers remains is still common in urban transport models. Internationally, models have started to use more elaborate segmentations, more reflective of changes in labour markets, such as increased female participation. Finding appropriate labour market segmentations for commute trip modelling remains a challenge. This paper harnesses a data-driven approach using unsupervised clustering-applied to 2017-20 South East Queensland Travel Survey (SEQTS) data. Commuter types are grouped by occupational, industry, and socio-demographic variables (i.e., gender, age, household size, household vehicle ownership and worker skill score). The results show that at a large number of clusters (i.e., k = 8) a highly distinct set of commuter types can be observed. But model run times tend to require a much smaller number of market segments. When only three clusters are formed (k = 3) a market segmentation emerges with one female-dominated type ('pink collar'), one male-dominated type ('blue collar') and one with both genders almost equally involved ('white collar'). There are nuances as to which workers are included in each segment, and differences in travel behaviours across the three types. 'Pink collar' workers are mostly comprised of female clerical and administrative workers, community and personal service workers and sales workers. They have the shortest median commutes for both private motorised and active transport modes. The approach and methods should assist transport planners to derive more accurate and robust market segmentations for use in large urban transport models, and, better predict the value of alternative transport projects and policies for all types of commuters.

P114 How should we classify on-call workers? A proposed taxonomy for modern working arrangements

Abstract Introduction Research and guidance materials addressing on-call work typically focus on a narrow set of industries (e.g., emergency services, healthcare). However, modern working arrangements are changing. The casualisation of many industries, combined with the rise in online and app-based working arrangements, means that many workers who can be called to work are not included in current on-call literature. We therefore present a proposed taxonomy for classifying a broader range of on-call workers, based on the work and sociodemographic characteristics of on-call workers in Australia. Methods Work arrangements and sociodemographic factors of 1057 Australian adults were assessed in a survey. Questions addressed on-call work undertaken in the previous three months, occupation, work hours, and any non-standard working conditions. Results At least one workday characterised as ‘on-call’ was reported by 45.5% of respondents, with a higher prevalence in younger individuals (63.1% of respondents aged 18–24 years reported working on-call). On-call work was reported in a range of industries, including management, community and personal service workers, sales workers, machinery operators, and drivers. Discussion Findings suggest that previous reports of on-call work prevalence (typically based on traditional on-call industries such as emergency services) likely underestimate the proportion of individuals who consider themselves on-call workers. As a result, on-call work requires a novel classification system that is able to capture non-traditional on-call work and can differentiate between types of on-call working arrangements. A taxonomy including traditional on-call work, gig economy work, relief, or unscheduled work, and out of hours work is presented.

Who is 'on-call' in Australia? A new classification approach for on-call employment in future population-level studies.

BackgroundOn-call research and guidance materials typically focus on ‘traditional’ on-call work (e.g., emergency services, healthcare). However, given the increasing prevalence of non-standard employment arrangements (e.g., gig work and casualisation), it is likely that a proportion of individuals who describe themselves as being on-call are not included in current on-call literature. This study therefore aimed to describe the current sociodemographic and work characteristics of Australian on-call workers.MethodsA survey of 2044 adults assessed sociodemographic and work arrangements. Of this population, 1057 individuals were workforce participants, who were asked to provide information regarding any on-call work they performed over the last three months, occupation type, weekly work hours, and the presence or absence of non-standard work conditions.ResultsOf respondents who were working, 45.5% reported working at least one day on-call in the previous month. There was a high prevalence of on-call work in younger respondents (63.1% of participants aged 18–24 years), and those who worked multiple jobs and more weekly work hours. Additionally, high prevalence rates of on-call work were reported by machinery operators, drivers, community and personal service workers, sales workers, and high-level managers.ConclusionsThese data suggest that on-call work is more prevalent than previously recorded and is likely to refer to a broad set of employment arrangements. Current classification systems may therefore be inadequate for population-level research. A taxonomy for the classification of on-call work is proposed, incorporating traditional on-call work, gig economy work, relief, or unscheduled work, and out of hours work.

Privileging wage and salary increases? Who asks, gets, doesn’t ask or doesn’t get a raise in Australia

ABSTRACT Australian workers have experienced low to no wage growth for several years. This study examines Australian Workplace Relations Study data to describe and categorise workers’ experiences in obtaining wage or salary increases, or a promotion, in their current workplaces. The findings suggest sharp divisions. On one hand, there are those achieving better pay and/or promotions who include managers, but also clerical and administrative workers, who often also benefit from bonus payments or commissions; and workers in companies covered largely by Individual Arrangements who negotiate their wages. These groups contrast with workers without pay rise or promotion, who include community and personal service workers, some of whom opt not to seek better conditions. One worker in eight is tied to a firm without processes and procedures for promotion or wage negotiations, and without recent experience of improved conditions.

Infection prevention in personal services settings: Evidence, gaps and the way forward.

BackgroundPersonal services is a continuously evolving industry that encompasses a variety of aesthetic treatments and personal enhancement services. Personal services are an important public health concern because delivery of service may pose potential health risks for both clients and workers. To date, there is a lack of evidence on the specific infection risks involved with personal services and the magnitude of these risks. While guidance and regulation of personal services settings do exist, they appear in varying degrees and complexity across Canada.ObjectivesTo summarize relevant literature on the risk of infections related to personal services; conduct an environmental scan of current provincial and territorial guidance and regulations; identify key risk mitigation measures; and summarize gaps and challenges.MethodsA working group of national experts in the field was established for consultation on key issues. A narrative literature review was conducted to summarize findings from relevant articles. Key questions and a literature search strategy were developed and articles were screened and critically appraised for eligibility. An environmental scan of key guidelines was also conducted to identify relevant legislation and guidance. Findings from both the narrative review and environmental scan were summarized to inform guidance and identify gaps.FindingsThe review of the literature identified factors associated with increased risk of infection including inadequate training of personal services workers and non-compliance with established infection prevention principles. The environmental scan demonstrated that some guidelines have been developed by provincial/territorial ministries of health utilizing basic, generally accepted infection prevention principles. The established body of evidence that informs infection prevention and control recommendations is valid for health care settings; however there are factors to consider in extracting and applying such guidance to personal services settings. Major gaps and challenges remain in supporting both the advancement of infection prevention guidance and the development of enhanced regulatory frameworks, applicable to personal services settings in Canada.ConclusionThis review involved a comprehensive examination of relevant literature and provides a summary of issues addressing the risk of infection in personal services settings. There is a paucity of high quality evidence to support guidance, and findings reveal the need for further investigation and enhanced awareness of public health risks associated with personal services. Nonetheless, these findings can inform future research and the development of infection prevention and control guidelines and recommendations for such settings.

Patch test results of the European baseline series among patients with occupational contact dermatitis across Europe - analyses of the European Surveillance System on Contact Allergy network, 2002-2010.

Occupational contact dermatitis is one of the most common occupational diseases in Europe. In order to develop effective preventive measures, detailed and up-to-date data on the incidence, main causes and professions at risk of occupational contact dermatitis are needed. To describe the pattern of patch test reactivity to allergens in the European baseline series of patients with occupational contact dermatitis in different occupations. We analysed data collected by the European Surveillance System on Contact Allergy (ESSCA) network from 2002 to 2010, from 11 European countries. Allergens in the European baseline series associated with an at least doubled risk of occupational contact dermatitis include: thiuram rubber chemical accelerators, epoxy resin, and the antimicrobials methylchloroisothiazolinone/methylisothiazolinone, methyldibromo glutaronitrile, and formaldehyde. The highest risk of occupational contact dermatitis was found in occupations classified as 'other personal services workers', which includes hairdressers, nursing and other healthcare professionals, precision workers in metal and related materials, and blacksmiths, tool-makers and related trades workers. In the planning and implementation of measures aimed at preventing occupational contact dermatitis, the focus should be on the identified high-risk occupational groups and the most common occupational allergies.

Maternal occupation and the risk of major birth defects: A follow-up analysis from the National Birth Defects Prevention Study

This study further examined the association between selected maternal occupations and a variety of birth defects identified from prior analysis and explored the effect of work hours and number of jobs held and potential interaction between folic acid and occupation. Data from a population-based, multi-center case-control study was used. Analyses included 45 major defects and specific sub-occupations under five occupational groups: healthcare workers, cleaners, scientists, teachers and personal service workers. Both logistic regression and Bayesian models (to minimize type-1 errors) were used, adjusted for potential confounders. Effect modification by folic acid was also assessed. More than any other occupation, nine different defects were positively associated with maids or janitors [odds ratio (OR) range: 1.72-3.99]. Positive associations were also seen between the following maternal occupations and defects in their children (OR range: 1.35-3.48): chemists/conotruncal heart and neural tube defects (NTDs), engineers/conotruncal defects, preschool teachers/cataracts and cleft lip with/without cleft palate (CL/P), entertainers/athletes/gastroschisis, and nurses/hydrocephalus and left ventricular outflow tract heart defects. Non-preschool teachers had significantly lower odds of oral clefts and gastroschisis in their offspring (OR range: 0.53-0.76). There was a suggestion that maternal folic acid use modified the effects with occupations including lowering the risk of NTDs and CL/P. No consistent patterns were found between maternal work hours or multiple jobs by occupation and the risk of birth defects. Overall, mothers working as maids, janitors, biologists, chemists, engineers, nurses, entertainers, child care workers and preschool teachers had increased risks of several malformations and non-preschool teachers had a lower risk of some defects. Maternal folic acid use reduced the odds of NTDs and CL/P among those with certain occupations. This hypothesis-generating study will provide clues for future studies with better exposure data.

Hypertension and Occupation Among Seniors

Little is known about statistical associations between occupation and hypertension for persons more than age 65. We analyzed cross-sectional data from the 2004 Health and Retirement Survey. We drew 12 gender-specific sub-samples (age 65+; age 70+; age 75+) who reported at least 1 year or 10 years tenure in the same occupation. For 65+ with at least 1 year tenure, n = 3645 men and n = 3644 women. Hypertension was self-reported based on physician diagnosis. Logistic regressions controlled for demographic variables and risk factors. After adjusting for control variables, including education, race, income, smoking, drinking, body mass, and number of comorbidities, the following occupations were significantly (P < 0.05) more likely than managers to report hypertension in at least two of the six sub-samples for women: professionals, salespeople, private household cleaning service workers, and personal service workers. Statistically significant occupations in at least two of the six sub-samples for men included: salespersons, personal service workers, mechanics, construction trades, precisions production workers, and operators. Current and especially pre-retirement occupations were risk factors for hypertension among seniors.

Sleep duration and sleep-related problems in different occupations in the Hordaland Health Study

The aim of this study was to examine the relationship between occupation and sleep duration, sleepiness, insufficient sleep, and insomnia in day and shift workers (including night work and watches). The study was population-based and cross-sectional, and relied on self-administered questionnaires. It was conducted as part of the 1997-1999 Hordaland Health Study in collaboration with the Norwegian National Health Screening Service. Aged 40-45 years, 7782 participants answered a sleep questionnaire, reporting their occupation and whether or not they were employed in shift work. Our study found differences in sleep duration during the working week between occupational groups; in both shift and day workers. Craft workers, plant operators, and drivers slept less than leaders, and non-personal and personal service workers. Within some occupations (leaders, personal service workers, and plant operators), shift workers slept less than day workers. The mean sleep duration of shift workers was 15 minutes shorter than that of day workers. Rise times, but not bedtimes, were earlier in craft-and construction workers, plant operators, and drivers than in leaders and non-personal and personal service workers, particularly day workers. When adjusted for shift work and working hours - compared to leaders - craft workers, plant operators, and drivers had an increased risk of daytime sleepiness (odds ratio 1.5, 1.8, and 1.8 respectively) and of falling asleep at work (odds ratio 1.6, 2.1 and 2.0 respectively). Shift workers had an increased risk of falling asleep at work and insomnia. Occupation has separate effects on sleep duration and sleep-related problems, independent of the effects of shift work.

Responsible Entrepreneurship in Developing Countries: Understanding the Realities and Complexities

Developing countries have recently experienced a burgeoning of small-scale individual entrepreneurs (SIEs) – who range from petty traders to personal service workers like small street vendors, barbers and owners of small shops – as a result of market-based reforms, rapid urbanisation, unemployment, landlessness and poverty. While SIEs form a major part of the informal workforce in developing countries and contribute significantly to economic growth, their potential is being undermined when they engage in irresponsible and deceptive business practices such as overpricing, sale of underweight or substandard products, or attempts to hoard goods, to name a few. Despite the growing interest in corporate social responsibility (CSR) initiatives of small businesses in developing countries, the SIEs have received almost no attention. To address this void in the literature, we explore the reasons for the less than optimal level of social responsibility demonstrated by some SIEs in developing countries. We do so by drawing upon the existing literature to develop a comprehensive framework of social responsibility of SIEs highlighting their unique characteristics and the different contextual factors that they encounter in developing countries. Based on this framework, we then present a set of propositions specifying the influence of these contextual factors such as business environment, cultural traditions, socio-economic conditions, and both international and domestic pressures on the business practices of SIEs. The framework offers an explanation for the lack of responsible entrepreneurship of SIEs and has important implications for promoting sustainable business practices in developing countries where businesses are striving hard to survive and compete.

Social Polarisation or Professionalisation? Another Look at Theory and Evidence on Deindustrialisation and the Rise of the Service Sector

The debate over whether or not the deindustrialisation of cities is accompanied by the occupational and income polarisation of their working populations has been characterised by some confusion over the relationship between incomes and occupations in the service sector. Specifically, many scholars have misunderstood the significance of middle-income service-sector occupations for their interpretations of the post-industrial class structure of cities. Through a comparative study of deindustrialisation in Cape Town, evidence is presented to show that the growth of service-sector employment can produce a large middle-income occupational class of clerks, sales and personal services workers. The growth of this class can offset the decline of middle-income jobs caused by the loss of artisans, machine operators and drivers in the declining manufacturing sector. These results therefore suggest that many studies have overestimated the extent of occupational polarisation and underestimated the extent of professionalisation.

Creating Masculinity in Los Angeles's Little Manila: Working-Class Filipinos and Popular Culture, 1920s-1950s

Much recent writing on the history of Asian Americans before 1965 has challenged the traditional image of Asian American bachelor communities. Madeline Y. Hsu, Xiaojian Zhao, Dorothy Fujita-Rony, and this reviewer have all emphasized the role of women and families, either on-site or across the Pacific, among Chinese Americans and Filipino Americans. By contrast, Linda España-Maram returns the story to the bachelors—Filipinos in Los Angeles between the 1920s and 1950s. She thus extends and deepens Carlos Bulosan's semiautobiographical America Is in the Heart (1946), which sketched the lives of young, Depression-era Filipino agricultural workers along the Pacific slope, much as social historians a generation ago re-envisioned the Chicago eastern Europeans of Upton Sinclair's The Jungle (1906). Because Filipinos faced economic discrimination, they lacked job security, as well as legal protection. As seasonal workers in California agriculture or in Alaska's salmon canneries, or as personal service workers in West Coast cities, they created mutual support networks, piled into battered automobiles to drive from job to job, and sustained themselves as a “portable community” (p. 9). The single-room occupancy hotels, tailor shops, pool halls, and restaurants of Los Angeles's Little Manila supplied a stopping point for these young men in motion. But their community rested on more than shared struggles to survive. As España-Maram demonstrates in three well-documented chapters, Filipinos also gambled, cheered countrymen such as the middleweight champion Ceferino “Bolo Puncher” Garcia at boxing matches, and avidly patronized taxi-dance halls where they drew hostile attention for flamboyant attire and for dancing with white women. Leisure created solidarity in a hostile world. In each arena, they made social space, grounded in their nationality, gender, and age. Of particular interest, each activity pitted Filipinos against other racial minorities: Chinese who owned the gambling dens, African Americans who boxed, and Mexicans who also dressed up to frequent the taxi-dance halls.

Globalization, polarization and the informal sector: the case of paid domestic workers in London

Considerable debate has occurred over whether ‘global cities’ are witnessing polarization of their labour forces into highly paid professionals and low paid personal service workers. This paper offers evidence on paid domestic labour in London, some of which occurs in the informal sector, and considers its potential significance for the polarization debate.

Differential effects of strain on two forms of work performance: individual employee sales and creativity

AbstractIn this research, we develop and test a model of the links between psychological strain (subjective experiences of feeling conflict and tension) and work performance. Our model includes two types of strain (work strain and home strain) and two forms of work performance (quantity of individual sales performance and creativity). Thus we acknowledge the importance of work and non‐work sources of strain as well as the multidimensional nature of work performance. We test the proposed relationships with data collected over six months from a field sample of 195 hair salon stylists (personal service workers who interact directly with customers and provide services directly to individuals and not to other firms). Results demonstrate a positive relation between work strain and individual employee sales performance and a negative relation between home strain and employee creativity at work. Leader–member exchange moderated the effects of work strain and home strain on creativity. We discuss findings and implications, emphasizing multiple roles, the importance of differentiating types of strain, and the multidimensionality of work performance. We conclude by suggesting that strain may be particularly relevant to work performance of employees in jobs like those in our sample which are characterized by high social interdependence and low task interdependence. Copyright © 2001 John Wiley &amp; Sons, Ltd.

Developing a collaborative community partnership program in medical asepsis with tattoo studios.

The possibility of transmission of infectious agents during tattooing has become a legitimate issue of concern for health care providers. A collaborative educational program was developed by a county health department, College of Nursing, and tattoo artists to address issues of medical asepsis with the goal of producing a mechanism for certification of tattoo studios. The group's effort was enhanced by recognizing each other's value systems and by the mutual need for a successful program. A framework for developing, implementing, and evaluating community partnerships was addressed. This program demonstrated that community health nurses can play an instrumental role in collaborating with both health care providers and personal-service workers to minimize transmission of infectious agents during cosmetic procedures.

Does the occupational structure of the Hunter Region explain the high rates of ischaemic heart disease among its men?

To compare rates of ischaemic heart disease (IHD) among men in occupation groups defined by the new Australian Standard Classification of Occupations (ASCO) and to investigate whether their high mortality rates from IHD in the Hunter Region of New South Wales (NSW) could be explained by its occupational structure, we used official death records and data from the World Health Organization MONICA Project conducted in Newcastle. The study population consisted of men aged 25 to 64 years in NSW and in the Hunter Region for whom occupational information was available. For deaths from IHD between 1984 and 1988 in NSW, indirectly standardised mortality and morbidity ratios (SMRs) were: significantly low for professionals, 66 (95% confidence interval (CI) 60-71) and managers and administrators, 79 (95% CI 74-83); intermediate for paraprofessionals (92), clerks (94) and salesmen and personal service workers (97); and significantly high for tradesmen, 113 (95% CI 107-118), labourers and related workers, 118 (95% CI 113-124) and plant and machine operators and drivers, 125 (95% CI 118-133). Broadly similar patterns were found for IHD deaths and for fatal and nonfatal myocardial infarction in the Hunter Region. When occupation- and age-specific mortality rates from IHD were used to calculate SMRs for the Hunter Region, SMRs for all ASCO groups except paraprofessionals were over 100. Mortality rates for occupational groups classified by ASCO were consistent with well-established differences associated with socioeconomic status.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 250 WORDS)

Self-poisoning and self-injury in the Oxford area. Epidemiological aspects 1969-73.

A prospective study of self-poisoning and self-injury in the Oxford area for 1972-73 and a retrospective study for 1969 has shown the following: (a) The number of admissions to a general hospital following self-poisoning and self-injury has increased by approximately 45% in 3 1/2 years. The increase is more marked in women than in men. (b) When compared with a previous study the incidence in Oxford city has quadrupled in ten years. (c) A total of 74% of men and 67% of women, aged 16 years and over, harming themselves in this way are under the age of 35 years. The repetitiveness is increasing and the proportion of those repeating the attempt was 10% within three months, and 15% within six months. (d) The rates are exceptionally high for teenage wives and single, widowed, and divorced women aged between 24-35 years. Single men show exceptionally high rates in the 35-45 year age group. (e) With the exception of married women aged between 25 and 34 years and women over 60, the rates were higher in urban than in rural areas. (f) In men the rates were higher among personal service workers, semi-skilled manual and unskilled manual workers. In women the rates were highest among non-manual, ancillary to professional (especially nurses), and semi-skilled manual workers. Male students had rates much lower than those of their age group, while female students had rates about the same as their age group. The lowest rates were among professional and 'own account' workers.

Women's Work and Wages in the United States

I. Changes in women's work, 1900–1910. Trade and transportation, 203. — Manufactures; the continuance of the industrial revolution, 204. — Domestic and personal service workers, 206. — II. Wages of Women in the United States, 207. — Minimum wage means a living wage, 208. — Various investigations of actual wages, 209. — Effect of lost time and seasonal occupation, 210. — III. Causes of Low Wages, Lack of mobility, 212. — Youth, 213. — Race and immigration, 217. — Woman as a member of a family group, 222. — IV. Minimum wage legislation and the potential labor supply, 228. — Possible prolongation of the working years, 229. — Probable attraction of more women into industry, 230. — Part time workers may be transformed into full time, 230. — V. Conclusion, 232. — Needed measures of support for the minimum wage legislation, 234.