Perceptions Of China Research Articles

An Analysis of International Tourists' Perceptions of China

To analyze international tourists' perceptions of their experiences of hotels, food, transportation, shopping, recreation, guided tours, and telecommunications in China, the authors conducted a comparative analysis of the demographic characteristics of tourists from Europe, North America, East Asia, and Australia and the differences in their perceptions of Chinese tourism services. The analyses were based on a sample of 6,600 questionnaires distributed by the writer and 26 graduate student helpers at six popular tourist cities. The results show that international tourists have a good overall perception of China as a tourist destination and believe that China is safe and interesting. However, the price of tourism services is much lower than is deserved. The authors make some recommendations to help the tourism authorities in China to strike a balance between service quality and service price to increase China's revenue from tourism. 为了更清楚的分析国际游客对中国国内住宿、餐饮、交通、购物、娱乐、导游服务和邮电通讯等七方面的感知情况，文章以作者亲自参与的六大国际旅游热点城市(北京、上海、西安、桂林、昆明、广州)市场调研所获得的6600份问卷数据为基础，对比分析了欧洲、美洲、亚洲和澳洲游客在性别、年龄、职业、受教育程度、家庭结构和收入6方面的差异，并分析了四个区域游客对中国旅游服务的感知情况的差异。结果发现外国游客整体对中国的满意度比较高，认为中国是一个安全而且充满新奇的旅游客源国。同时，分析结果发现中国旅游服务完全处于一个“高质低价”的状态，即虽然中国有很好的旅游服务，但定价比较低，严重影响中国的旅游收入。最后提出建议:中国未来应加强旅游服务与价格的平衡，从而扩大旅游收入。

The man who unveiled China

An English biochemist single-handedly changed the West's perception of China, revealing its past scientific glories and predicting more to come. Simon Winchester investigates the ongoing legacy of Joseph Needham.

The Western Representation of Modern China: Orientalism, Culturalism and Historiographical Criticism

The West's perception of China as a historical entity has evolved over the centuries. China has gone from a country of miracles and marvels in the medieval world and a refined and erudite culture in early modern Europe, to become a nation without history or progress since the Enlightenment of the late 18th and early 19th centuries. The first historians of China were, in fact, representatives of the great Western empires at the end of the 19th century and their work perceives China from epistemological positions that clearly form part of the Orientalist and colonial thought that was characteristic of the period. History written throughout the 20th century, despite the efforts made to overcome the prejudices of the past, was unable to distance itself completely from some of the resources used in representation or the stereotypes that the Western world had come to accept about China and East Asia since the Enlightenment. Only in recent decades has a critical historiography appeared to denounce the problems inherent in the discourse produced on China, and even this has failed to address them fully.

Preparing to Take Credit for China's Glory: American Perspectives on the Beijing Olympic Games

China's plan to use the 2008 Olympics to herald hopes of a coming Chinese global dominion follows a custom established by the US in the preceding century. US leaders and the public routinely hailed the twentieth century as the ‘American century’ and used the Olympics to signify their hegemony. During this period the US perceived China both as a ‘sick man’ that could be rescued by American-style sport and as a ‘sleeping giant’ that might someday awake and challenge US power in sport and other domains. This dual paradigm historically shapes US interpretations that swing between fear of China's potential for challenging the US to glib analyses that China's problems render it an impotent rival. This history chronicles US perceptions of China at the Olympics from the dawn of the modern games to contemporary debates over Beijing's hosting of the 2008 games.

The Japan-Australia security declaration and the changing regional security setting: wheels, webs and beyond?

The March 2007 Japan-Australia Security Declaration has garnered more than its share of hyperbole. Described variously as an historic milestone for peace or an agreement designed to encircle China; the declaration's actual strategic consequences are somewhat unclear. The purpose of this article is to provide a critical analysis of the security declaration and to assess its impact in the context of the changing patterns of the region's security setting. Some have argued that it marks a small but qualitatively significant shift in the essential features of the regional security architecture. The article assesses this claim and argues that while the declaration is of some diplomatic importance, and clearly contributes to improving cooperation in disaster relief and other humanitarian operations, it is of little strategic significance to the broader patterns of East Asian security over the short to medium term. Each side's operational constraints, their different strategic priorities, most obviously their perceptions of China, as well as the continued military predominance of the US, means that the agreement will be of little immediate significance for East Asian security. That said, it remains an important development for the respective parties and is a leading edge indicator of broader forces for change that are increasingly present in East Asia.

Refined Beauty, New Woman, Dynamic Heroine or Fighter for the Nation? Perceptions of China in the Programme Selection for Mei Lanfang's Performances in Japan (1919), the United States (1930) and the Soviet Union (1935)

AbstractOne of the seminal cultural transformations in twentieth-century China was the rise of the female impersonator, the dan actor, to national stardom, with Mei Lanfang (1894–1961) as the most famous example (see Figure I). In the short span of 20 years, this figure, once strongly associated with being the 'male flower' and the 'call-boy' of elite men, became the representative and high point of Chinese cultural achievements. The three visits Mei Lanfang made to Japan in 1919, the United States in 1930 and the Soviet Union in 1935 helped establish the image of cultural China through the art of the female impersonator.

Travelling Toward True Translation

In this paper I argue that the growing emphasis on first-hand observation in the emerging scientific discourse of eighteenth-century Europe led to a privileging of travel and travel narratives as important markers of authentic knowledge of non-European lands, including China. The first generation of translators of Chinese texts and their reviewers therefore emphasized this personal knowledge of China, while at the same time denigrating foreign ‘book knowledge’ of the region. Ultimately, however, this had the effect of undercutting the translator’s own claims to direct representation of the Chinese, as travel accounts by British subjects continued to enjoy more cultural capital than translations of Chinese texts, even though translators also made competing claims of the effectiveness of translation to open up a window onto the lives of the Chinese, and even when texts were translated by such confirmed Chinese experts as Sir George Thomas Staunton. Although Chinese-English translations became ‘truer’, they were consigned to play a subservient role vis-a-vis travel narratives in the development of British Sinology and the British public’s perception of China.

Perceptions of China in the Turkish Korean War Narratives

Turkey’s decision to enter the Korean War in the early 1950s was a major event in the republic’s history. As the country became a NATO member after the war, most scholars see this event as the beginning of a new era in Turkish foreign policy. This article argues that the Korean War has also been important in shaping the long‐term image of East Asian cultures and peoples in Turkish collective memory. The article’s main focus is on the Sino‐Turkish military encounter and the representation of China and the Chinese in the Turkish war memoirs, journals, and other narratives. This study also aims to discuss the critical role of these narratives in constructing a negative image for China while they created a favorable cultural stereotype for Koreans and Japanese.

The emerging China–EU space partnership: A geotechnological balancer

Abstract Through a techno-nationalist lens, this paper will assess the growing China–European Union (EU) space partnership, and its implications for international space cooperation and competition. Techno-nationalism ( jishu minzuzhuyi ), the idea that technological strength is an effective determinant of national power in a harshly competitive world, 3 informs both Chinese and US perceptions of China's space development. Using this lens elevates all space activities—manned, unmanned, military and scientific—to the strategic level. It is our contention that because of the increasing China–EU space partnership, the USA must re-evaluate its approach to China—away from the containment approach, which has thus far predominated, toward an approach which would offer the USA the opportunity to influence and, thereby, decrease the importance of the emerging partnership.

The Bear Watches the Dragon: Russia's Perceptions of China and the Evolution of Russian-Chinese Relations since the Eighteenth Century. By Alexander Lukin. Armonk, N.Y.: M. E. Sharpe, 2003. xxiv, 415 pp. Notes. Bibliography. Index. Tables. $74.95, hard bound. $29.95, paper.

The Bear Watches the Dragon: Russia's Perceptions of China and the Evolution of Russian-Chinese Relations since the Eighteenth Century. By Alexander Lukin. Armonk, N.Y.: M. E. Sharpe, 2003. xxiv, 415 pp. Notes. Bibliography. Index. Tables. 29.95, paper. - Volume 63 Issue 4

The bear watches the dragon: Russia's perceptions of China and the evolution of Russian-Chinese relations since the eighteenth century

1. From Mysterious Neighbor to Weak Ally: The Image of China in Imperial Russia 2. Proletarian Brother or Revisionist Foe? The Image of China in the Soviet Union 3. A Genuine Threat or a Political Weapon? The Image of China in Russian Border Regions 4. An Ally, a Foe, or a Model to Follow? 5. An Unsinkable Aircraft Carrier or a Beautiful Island? The Image of Taiwan in Russia 6. China's Image and Foreign Policy

National Image Building and Chinese Foreign Policy

This paper studies national image building as part of Chinese foreign policy, a subject hitherto neglected by scholars of China. First, it traces the various images the PRC government has tried to project of China, revealing both changes and continuities from the Maoist period to the present time. It then compares China's projected national images with others' perceptions of China, explaining the convergence and divergence of images and perceptions. Finally, this article explores whether the projected national images affect Chinese foreign policy behaviour, and if so, how? It draws on both neo-liberal institutionalism and constructivism in international relations theory to provide an answer.

Constructing Cathay

As relation between China and the West changed precipitately in the middle of the nineteenth century, there was a heightened demand in the West for knowledge about the “Flowery Kingdom”. But until well into the twentieth century, virtually the only direct source of information about China and the Chinese came from missionaries, in which respect they were often lauded as “cultural brokers”. As missionary communication of their experience provided Western readers with a vicarious experience of China, their cultural brokerage inexorably shaped Western popular perceptions of China and the Chinese in the West. These perceptions, when channeled politically, often had a defining effect on the nature and manner of the Western presence in China. This essay examines the China writing of John Macgowan, a veteran missionary from the London Missionary Society. What is interesting about Macgowan’s cultural brokerage is that unlike other missionaries (e.g., Arthur Smith) who often struggled with the difficulties between the missionary enterprise and Western expansionism, Macgowan uninhibitedly affirmed the intimacy between Mission and Empire. His writings on China and Chinese life — their social behavior and habits of thought, their relation with the living environment, the religious and cultural values by which they ordered their lives — therefore gave strong credence not only to the necessity, viability, and nobility of the christianizing project but ultimately to the sanctity of Western presence in China. In other words, Macgowan’s brokerage of his China knowledge exemplified the processes in which knowledge was legislated and communicated to establish the ideological conditions of the Western expansionism in China.

Japanese Perceptions of China in the Nineteenth Century: Influence of Fukuzawa Yukichi. Sushila Narsimhan. New Delhi: Phoenix Publishing House, 1999, 306 pp

Japanese Perceptions of China in the Nineteenth Century: Influence of Fukuzawa Yukichi. Sushila Narsimhan. New Delhi: Phoenix Publishing House, 1999, 306 pp

Indonesia and China: The Politics of a Troubled Relationship

Preface. Acknowledgements. Abbreviations. Introduction. Indonesia's foreign policy and Indonesia-China Diplomatic Relations (1950-1967). The origins of Indonesia's foreign policy and the establishment of Indonesai-China diplomatic relations. The foreign policy of a new republic: The origins of the Bebas-Aktif principle. The establishment of diplomatic relationans. Indonesia's domestic politics. The Management of unstable relations. The Early years (1950-1956) A time of suspicion. The Radicalisation of Indonesia's foreign policy and Indonesia-China relations (1957-1967). Domestic political change and a new course in foreign policy. Conclusion. The Suspension of Diplomatic Ties: Its Functions and the Roots of Resistance. The suspension of Indonesia-China relations and the domestic imperatives. Communism, China and the Overseas Chinese: The Logic of New Order's threat perception. Indonesia's perception of China: The foundations of threat perception. The Origins of the foreign policy debate. The basic positions of the contending parties: The significance of diplomatic ties with China. Conclusion. Foreign Policy Debate: The Primacy of National Security. The nature of the New Order's domestic politics and foreign policy making. Adam Malik's quest for normalisation: The problem of the ethnic-chinese minority. KADIN's visit to China. The problem of Cambodia. Conclusion. The Functions of Resistance: Domestic Politics and Regime Legitimacy. Domestic politics and resistance (1970-1984): National security and normalisation. Domestic policy and resistance (1 985-1988): Change amid Continuity. The Surprising 1989 descision: President Saharto ended the debate. Conclusion. Towards the Restoration of Relations: The Dimensions of Change in the New Order's China Policy. The changing domestic context. The changing external context. Policy Justification and perception of the elite: Has Indonesia really changed? Conclusion. Indonesia's Normalisation Decision and the Role of President Suharto. The changing political structure: The decline of ABRI's role and the ascendancy of President Suharto. Suharto and foreign policy making: The discovery of a new appetite. Suharto and the making of normalisation decision. Conclusion. The Functions of Diplomatic Ties with China. Bibliography.

Through a Glass Dimly: Perceptions of China in the American Business Community

Many foreign investors in China have been inexcusably negligent in educating themselves about the business environment, and some are likely to continue to ignore lessons they could draw from two decades of experience.

A Peculiar but Uninteresting Nation: China and the Discourse of Commerce in Eighteenth-Century England

Representations of the foreign inevitably reveal as much about the historical circumstances of those doing the observing as about those being observed. The debates over trade issues and human rights that have largely shaped Western perceptions of China over the past decade, for example, have foregrounded a series of distinctive tropes with a consistency suggestive of a well-worn cultural habit. China's economic miracle, we are given to understand, is predicated upon an increasingly free circulation of goods and capital entailed by the reversal of long-standing policies of state interference in the marketplace. The unremitting suppression of political dissent in the wake of the Tiananmen Square massacre, meanwhile, offends democratic sensibilities as a systematic obstruction of the free flow of ideas posited by the liberal ideal.1 I will argue in this paper that the centrally constitutive role of these familiar tropes of circulation and constraint in modern Western conceptions of China have identifiable roots in the eighteenth-century history of this encounter and reflect, in particular, the distinctively commercialist orientation of British visitors to China during that period. These visitors approached the Far East with an unshakable and universalizing conviction that trade was the lifeblood of a prosperous society, and that, in turn, the free circulation of goods and capital was the lifeblood of trade. The Chinese refusal to accept this doctrine, their contemptuous hostility toward Western traders, and the barriers they erected to the free flow of international commerce contributed to a widespread perception among British observers that an unnatural tendency toward blockage and obstructionism was an integral, defining feature of Chinese society as a whole. If the geography of England is increasingly defined in this period by writers

Japanese Perceptions of China: The Sinophilic Fiction of Tanizaki Jun'ichiro

Japanese Perceptions of China: The Sinophilic Fiction of Tanizaki Jun'ichiro

Constructing a China Metaphor: Sukarno's Perception of the PRC and Indonesia's Political Transformation

Throughout Sukarno's long and colourful political career, China constituted one of the central objects in his construction of the outside world. What did the PRC stand for in his intellectual and political imagination? How relevant was Sukarno's China perception to the evolution of his own socio-political thought? This paper suggests that Sukarno's favourable view of the PRC reflected more of his predispositions about Indonesia than it did Chinese realities. China as seen through Sukarno's eyes became the point of reference for both intellectual judgement and political thinking. Furthermore, Sukarno employed his perception of China as a cultural metaphor, social symbol, and political model in his drive to establish and consolidate the Guided Democracy regime.

Art Collecting as International Relations: Chinese Art and American Culture

In the course of the nineteenth century, a few Americans recognized the maturity and quality of Chinese and Japanese art and individual Americans and museums began collecting it. The collecting of East Asian art affected American perceptions of China and Japan, Ameri can taste, American conceptions of art, and American culture. Admi ration for Asian art, specifically Japanese art, was of political signifi cance as well. And, across the Pacific, the American response to Asian art had consequences for Chinese and Japanese culture as well. In short, art collecting proved to be a significant form of intercultural relations, an important component of international history.