Peacemaking Operations Research Articles

The work of the United Nations to achieve gender equality and improve the status of women in the world

This article examines the main problems of women around the world. It was shown exactly how the UN tries to solve these problems throughout the existence of the organization, various UN structures that deal with the women's issue were considered, and it was also possible to study the activities of women themselves, for example, in UN peace-making operations.

Роль миротворческих операций ООН во внешней политике Дании в 1990-е годы: от образцового миротворца к жесткому атлантисту

Under the Cold War Denmark successfully employed the UN peacemaking operations to increase its own international status and strengthen relations with the key Western allies. The Nordic model of peacemaking was later considered as an example to be followed by other European states in the 1990s. As the role of the UN gradually declined during the 1990s and the UN peacemaking operations led to major failures, most notably the Srebrenica massacre and the Rwandan genocide, NATO, as well as the EU, started expanding their own activities in the sphere of peacemaking and peace enforcement. As a consequence, Denmark stopped considering the UN peacemaking as the main framework for international activism and started getting increasingly engaged in coalition operations and NATO operations as a means to win the favor of the key ally — the USA. Another factor that significantly contributed to Denmark’s growing atlanticism was the so-called "defense clause" which prevented Denmark from participating in the military dimension of the emerging CFSP within the EU and later CSDP. The Danish international activism acquired therefore a tangible military element which on the one hand enabled Denmark to punch above its weight, but at the same time became contradictory to the very ideas and goals which made international activism attractive for the Danish public in the first place. The initial value- and identity-driven UN peacemaking eventually became reduced to a means of accomplishing limited goals of status-seeking and ensuring the country’s place as a non-permanent member of the Security Council. It is thus becoming increasingly difficult for Denmark to reconcile the adherence to humanitarian diplomacy and Nordic "Peace Brand" with aggressive military activism.

Interesy i wartości we współczesnych konfliktach międzynarodowych: ewolucyjna zmiana paradygmatu

Interests and values in contemporary international conflicts: evolutionary paradigm alternations
 The paper deals with contemporary modernizing proposals of international conflicts resolution theories, based on axiological approach with reference to a paradigm guided by patterns of culture and civilization. A comparative analyses of Anglo‑Saxon, French‑German, Near‑Eastern and Far Eastern models of conflict resolution reveals insufficiency of these systems. Because of that insufficiencies some problems emerge during attempts to apply the above mentioned patterns in contemporary peacemaking operations. The author stresses the necessity of modernization of existing patterns. Revealed malfunction raises new requirements for the Russian model of conflicts resolution, based on civilizational patterns.

Encyclopedia of military science

The Encyclopedia of Military Science provides a comprehensive, ready-reference on the organization, traditions, training, purpose, and functions of today's military. Entries include coverage of the duties, responsibilities, and authority of military personnel and an understanding of strategies and tactics of the modern military and how they interface with political, social, legal, economic, and technological factors. A large component is devoted to issues of leadership, group dynamics, motivation, problem-solving, and decision making in the military context. Finally, this work also covers recent American military history since the end of the Cold War with a special emphasis on peacekeeping and peacemaking operations, the First Persian Gulf War, the events surrounding 9/11, and the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq and how the military has been changing in relation to these events.

Миротворчество по-британски в 1990–2000-х годах

The subjects of the article are the doctrine and the practice of the British participation in international peace-keeping, peace-building and peace-making operations. The article also highlights peculiarities of this participation in 1990-2000 years, which is closely interconnected with significant changes in the international relations system as a whole, political objectives and opportunities in this system for US, EU, NATO and UN.

НапрямкИ вирішеннЯ завданЬ екологічноЇ безпекИ війсьК У миротворчиХ операціяХ

The ways of the development of corporative ecological-informational system on the basis of the functional and structural approach are considered. The implementation of the ecological profile of the MNTG in the peace-making operations when solving the tasks of the troops ecological safety and effective management of the environment status is offered

The Legacy and Lessons of the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor

Introduction During the Cold War, traditional United Nations (UN) peacekeeping operations had to cope with cases of international conflict, which required the UN to monitor ceasefire agreements and buffer zones. This first generation of peacekeeping operations was followed by new missions with new goals when the global order evolved. With the end of the Cold War, the UN has become involved in a second generation of peacekeeping operations, related to domestic rather than international conflicts, and requiring civilian administrations and policemen, as well as soldiers, to oversee the implementation of peace plans negotiated by the parties in conflict that have agreed to resolve their disputes at the ballot box. (1) In each case, the parties involved had earlier accepted the UN presence and, therefore, UN peacekeepers only used force to defend themselves. Meanwhile, a third generation of peacekeeping operations, which did not require the consent of the parties involved, has emerged under Chapter VII of the UN Charter. Th is development overlapped with the appearance of coalitions of the willing with a mandate from the Security Council to undertake specific enforcement actions, such as the International Force East Timor (INTERFET). It was against this background that a UN mission was undertaken in East Timor, a mission seen by some as the precursor of a fourth generation of state-building operations, (2) and by others as a classic case of decolonization. (3) The UN Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET) was established by UN Security Council Resolution 1272 on 25 October 1999, endowed with overall responsibility for the of the territory and empowered to exercise all legislative and executive authority, including the of justice, during the period of transition from Indonesian until formal independence. At the same time, it also had many other tasks to accomplish, such as providing security, maintaining law and order, establishing an effective administration, assisting in the development of civil and social services, ensuring the co-ordination and delivery of humanitarian assistance, rehabilitation and development assistance, supporting capacity-building for self-government, and as sisting in the establishment of conditions for sustainable development. UNTAET's scope of responsibilities and the range of the mandate were without any precedent in the peacekeeping or peacemaking operations that came before (UNMIK [UN Interim Administration in Kosovo] is the only, but partial, exception). For the first time, the UN had sovereign control over a trust territory, and UNTAET was a trusteeship administration preparing a territory for independence. (4) In other words, there was a combination of UN governorship with the strategic objective of independent statehood. (5) As such, it was a state-building mission, and this was viewed by many as a test case. In fact, it was considered that UNTAET would have to invent a functioning state of East Timor. (6) Between October 1999 and May 2002, the territory became a laboratory for an experiment of governance, and UNTAET was the de facto sovereign in the territory. With so much at stake, and now that UNTAET's mandate has expired, it is apt to evaluate its performance. Some questions are particularly relevant. What were the results of the experiment? Did it accomplish the goals established by UN Security Council Resolution 1272? Were there any lessons learned from this experience? What kind of legacy did it leave in the new sovereign state of East Timor? The Establishment of UNTAET In 1999, after twenty-four years of occupation, Indonesia finally allowed a popular consultation -- Jakarta refused to call it what it really was, a referendum -- to take place in East Timor. (7) The United Nations Mission in East Timor (UNAMET) was responsible for the organization and conduct of the popular consultation, on the basis of a direct, secret, and universal ballot. …

‘Forget the Rhetoric and Boost the Geopolitics’: Emerging Trends in the Bush Administration's Policy Towards Africa, 2001

This article assesses the Bush administration's self-proclaimed 'realist' policy towards Africa, the essential thrust of which is captured by the motto: 'Forget the rhetoric and boost the geopolitics'. Three essential elements of this approach include the strategic imperative of cultivating strong links with Africa's leading regional powers, most notably Nigeria and South Africa, harkening back to the Nixon administration's strategy of relying on such powers to ensure regional stability; building upon the Clinton administration's success in promoting US trade and investment with African countries, with a special focus on oil-producing countries; and underscoring the need for Africans to 'do more for themselves' in the realm of conflict resolution, suggesting a low-profile Bush administration approach to involvement in either peacekeeping or peacemaking operations. Emerging trends are analyzed by treating the US policymaking establishment as a series of three concentric circles: the inner circle of the White House; a second circle comprising the bureaucracies of the executive branch; and an outer circle inclusive of the US Congress and the larger African affairs constituency. An important result of White House and Congressional neglect of Africa is that the Bush administration's foreign policy towards Africa, perhaps more so than that directed towards any other region of the world, essentially will be delegated to the high-level bureaucrats and political appointees within the executive branch, leading to an outcome best characterized as 'bureaucratic incrementalism' in which continuity rather than change will mark the administration's policies towards Africa. THE INAUGURATION IN JANUARY 2001 OF GEORGE W. BUSH as the 43rd President of the United States potentially heralds the beginning of a new era in US policy towards Africa. As was the case with two previous presidential transitions in which Republican Presidents took office after a period of Democratic Party control of the White House (Nixon's replacement of Johnson in January 1969 and Reagan's replacement of Carter in January 1981), the Bush foreign policy team has castigated its Democratic predecessor (the Clinton administration) as having pursued an overly idealistic and ultimately Peter J. Schraeder is associate professor in the Department of Political Science at Loyola University Chicago. His most recent books include African Politics and Society: A mosaic in transformation (2000) and Exporting Democracy: Rhetoric versus reality (forthcoming 2001).

Psychological Intervention with Military Personnel in Rwanda

The Canadian Forces have deployed on humanitarian, peacekeeping, and peacemaking operations frequently throughout the 1990s. The circumstances that many Canadian soldiers have found themselves in while deployed have been grim. They have been witness to countless unspeakable acts and carry the burden of their experiences with them. As a result of their operational deployment, many soldiers develop stress reactions that interfere with their daily social functioning. This article reviews the psychological support provided to Canadian soldiers deployed to Rwanda in 1994. The primary intervention known as "debriefing" is also elaborated upon.

Expanding Japan's role in the United Nations

Abstract In 1994, Japan made a bid for a permanent UNSC seat. This reflects Japan's growing influence in the United Nations as the second largest financial contributor to the regular UN budget and to the UNPKO budget. Moreover, Japan's contribution is no longer limited to the financial realm. Japan has actively participated in UNPKO since it enacted the International Peace Cooperation Law in 1992. It has sent military contingents to three UNPKO missions and a number of civilian missions. The changing international system necessitates fundamental reforms of the UNSC. The UN's fiftieth anniversary seems to be an opportune time for establishing realistic guidelines for the SC reforms to facilitate permanent membership for Japan and Germany comparable to their growing economic and political standings at the global level. In the meantime, Japan should overcome its reluctance to commit itself to UN peacemaking operations, as Germany did, and consolidate public opinion at home and abroad in support of its bid.

Karel V en de Staten-Generaal

This article provides an introduction to the rights of the States General ininternational relations during the reign of Charles V. It examines the imperialpolicy-making process that established and tried to apply new norms of statesovereignty. In this process marriage policy remained to the fore and thusthere was no place left to the intrusion of the States General.The 'alternativa' or the proposal of giving away Milan or The Netherlandsto France in order to guarantee the international law and order has been studiedin depth. This proposal was the main issue of the Treaty of Crépy-en-Laonnais(1544) and had to provide a blueprint for far-reaching developmentsin peace-making operations and for a necessary reform agenda ininternational polities for both Francis I and Charles V, but the principalactor, Charles, duke of Orléans, died before the execution of the Treaty.