Peacebuilding In Northern Ireland Research Articles

Collective Memories and Community Interventions: Peace Building in Northern Ireland

This paper examines the role of community interventions in post-conflict settings. The focus is on peacebuilding through the shaping of collective memories, achieved through the transformation of social ties. By addressing community interventions, this paper opens the black box between interventions by formal institutions (such as peace treaties, trials, or truth commissions) and outcomes. It is based on a study of one specific cross-community initiative in Belfast, Northern Ireland, which – in 2012 – employed a Transitional Justice Grassroots Toolkit. Document analysis is complemented by interviews with participants and organizers to reveal the role of pedagogical practices, mediated by cohort effects, in facilitating cultural transformation through group interactions. This paper suggests how community interventions can change collective memories, cultural trauma, and related identities of the conflict, away from their polarized and polarizing forms, and it explores implications for future peace and social justice.

Stories of Gender Inclusion, Power-Sharing and the Good Friday Agreement

Abstract Marking the 25th anniversary of the Good Friday Agreement, we review the gendered legacy of power-sharing and peacebuilding in Northern Ireland. The participation of an all-women’s political party in the 1996–1998 peace talks and world-class commitments to human rights and equality enshrined in the Good Friday Agreement suggested that Northern Ireland would stand as a conflict resolution and institutional design model par excellence. While the intervening years have been largely peaceful, and women’s political representation has improved, years of political stalemate and poor equality and human rights protections for women suggest a mixed legacy of gender inclusion and power-sharing. In this paper, we chart the ups and downs of Northern Ireland’s power-sharing institutions in the context of feminist peace activism over two and a half decades and offer a set of feminist reflections on the promise and peril of power-sharing in Northern Ireland.

Exploring the Origins of EU Peacebuilding in Northern Ireland through the Role of John Hume and the European Parliament

This article explores the origins of the European Union (EU) peacebuilding approach in Northern Ireland through the role of the long-serving MEP and Nobel Laureate, John Hume. It gives particular emphasis to the part played by the European Parliament (EP) in this endeavour, which has been neglected in existing studies of the EU influence on Northern Ireland. The article shows how Hume helped to create better understanding, interest and ultimately engagement by the EU to support peacebuilding efforts in Northern Ireland. Local political shifts would prove decisive in creating the peace process that emerged in the region in the 1990s, but the article argues that Hume's efforts, stretching as far back as the 1970s, both encouraged these shifts and then provided the basis for much greater EU engagement in support of the peace process. This deepens our understanding of the EU role in aiding political change in Northern Ireland.

Harmonising or politicising: Youth sector peacebuilding in contested societies

Peacebuilding in contested societies is a cross-sectoral enterprise in which young people are primary stakeholders. Multilateral state-sponsored programmes and philanthropic agencies have resourced a vibrant youth sector delivering peacebuilding initiatives in Northern Ireland and the border counties. Despite billions in investment and a rich tapestry of transformative practice, a visionary peacebuilding strategy co-created with young people has remained elusive. As a result, youth sector peacebuilding in Northern Ireland is inhibited by an obstacle facing civil society peacebuilding across the globe – an ill-articulated vision resulting in pockets of disparate practice. Based on empirical research involving 43 youth work practitioners, this article offers a novel and rigorous methodological framework and sociological analysis to support researchers, policymakers and practitioners in contested societies to advance conceptualisations of peacebuilding. Freeden's framework of morphological analysis is operationalised through Q methodology leading to the identification of four distinctive orientations to peacebuilding. Bourdieu's concepts of capital and field are drawn upon to analyse the four perspectives, framed within a new sociopolitical model of youth sector peacebuilding. Tensions between harmonising versus politicising propensities are discussed as a substantial divergence variously incentivised or neglected by powerful actors within the field with significant implications for the trajectory of practice.

Economic Aid, Marginalization, and Peacebuilding in Northern Ireland

Economic aid and peacebuilding efforts to transform the Northern Ireland conflict impact grassroots, civil society organizations (CSOs) and vulnerable people of concern. Brexit is an example of how democracies privilege white, cisgender, heterosexual, able-bodied voices, exclude marginalized voices from peacebuilding efforts, and maintain structural violence that exacerbates sectarian identity conflicts. A qualitative methodology was used to interview 120 participants who shared their experiences of grassroots peacebuilding efforts to transform the Northern Ireland conflict. Findings revealed that community audits are critical to inclusion of local needs, and helped to assess what escalates conflict, British job cuts create needs that overwhelm CSOs and youth who feel hopeless are attracted to sectarian paramilitary groups. They reject peace and trigger further conflict as a result.

Women and peace-building in Northern Ireland’s print news media

This research sits at the nexus of women, peace-building and the news media in order to decipher how the representations of women and peace-building in post-conflict Northern Ireland affect women’s social situation in divided societies recovering from violent ethnonational conflict. Women are habitually associated with non-political community-level reconciliation through an assumed innate and feminine propensity to peace. This is amplified through gendered news media portrayals which serve to reinforce patriarchal social knowledge, and in turn, this disenfranchises women by foregrounding their femaleness rather than political expertise; and damages peace by marginalizing a significant demographic of the population and intensifying social inequality, which is the foundation for conflict.

Collaboration, Collaborators, and Conflict: Archaeology and Peacebuilding in Northern Ireland

Collaboration in contemporary archaeological parlance principally refers to active engagement with one or more selected groups of stakeholders and co-producers of knowledge. Yet to be a “collaborator” in conflict settings implies an allegiance, often deceitful, to one cause or another. When embedding archaeology in conflict transformation activities, being seen as a “collaborator”, or partisan, can therefore actively work against the aims of peacebuilding. Drawing upon experience in conflict transformation within post-Troubles Northern Ireland, issues of ethics and positionality are considered, and an alternative terminology for embedding archaeology in peacebuilding activity is posited.

Ex-combatants and post-liberal peacebuilding in Northern Ireland: challenging cultures of militarism

ABSTRACT This article analyses a programme in which an alliance of ex-combatants from the British Army, and loyalist and republican ex-prisoner backgrounds, engaged with young people about cultures of militarism in Northern Ireland. It argues that the alliance’s focus on cultures of militarism sets it apart from other ex-combatant groups; in particular its critique of state militarism alongside paramilitarism makes it a rare example of Richard Jackson’s ‘post liberal peace plus.’ It finds that the alliance could enhance its engagement with young people by developing a more comprehensive programme that expands on the gender dynamics of militarism and on non-violent alternatives to military and paramilitary action. Noting that most peacebuilding funding depends on state-based sources, it concludes that the very critique of state militarism that makes the alliance such a compelling example of ‘post-liberal peace plus’ limits its ability to secure resources, highlighting a key obstacle to building a radical post-liberal peace.

Zero-sum politics in contested spaces: The unintended consequences of legislative peacebuilding in Northern Ireland

Studies of ethno-nationalist conflict have repeatedly underlined the significance of policy interventions that seek to de-territorialise contested space after armed conflict and create more plural societies. Creating ‘shared’ space in divided societies is often critically important and inextricably linked to peacebuilding. However much of this scholarship has tended to focus on the relative success or failure of such policies. This paper conversely explores the ‘unintended consequences’ (Merton, 1936) of legislating around fragile public space in Northern Ireland and considers its potential to undermine, rather than reinforce efforts to transition to peace. Drawing on a body of work around unintended consequences, territorial socialisation and peacebuilding, we argue that such legislation in ethno-nationalist societies emerging from conflict is a double-edged sword which can be utilised both explicitly and implicitly to reactivate tribal spatial politics and exacerbate divisions in deeply divided societies.

Masculinities in Transition? Exclusion, Ethnosocial Power, and Contradictions in Excombatant Community-based Peacebuilding in Northern Ireland

This study critically examines how masculinities and intersecting ethnonational and social class identities underscore the social and political agencies of excombatants in Northern Ireland and in the specific context of community-based peacebuilding. The authors draw on interviews with female and male leaders in grassroots and governmental organizations, which illustrate how state-led practices of exclusion reshape such intersectional identities and increase the instrumentality of hypermasculinist, pseudo-paramilitary practices in maintaining excombatants’ status and control on neighborhood levels. The research documents how structural dynamics of excombatants’ social class locations and political disaffection help shape their social agencies of “resistance,” underscored by desires for autonomy and recognition, and channeled by ethnogendered scripts rooted in both violent cultures of paramilitarism and nonviolent peacebuilding masculinities. The implications on women of male excombatants’ takeover of leadership roles in the community sector are also discussed.

Tweeting for peace? Twitter and the Ardoyne parade dispute in Belfast, July 2014

This paper explores how social media can facilitate peace building by focusing on how citizens used Twitter during a contentious march in the Ardoyne district of North Belfast in July 2014. Fears of a repeat of sectarian clashes seen a year earlier were not realized, and the study was designed to empirically investigate whether critics and supporters of the Orange Order used the microblogging site to help reduce the sectarian tensions that surrounded the contentious parade. In particular, it focused on how users responded to rumors and disinformation spread on the micro-blogging site, which had the potential to incite violence in the contested interface area. The nature of the debate amongst those ‘tweeters’ who commented on the contentious Ardoyne parade was also investigated, with a focus on how they framed the attitudes and behavior of the ‘other’ community during these events. Results indicate that the majority of tweeters praised both sides for keeping the parade and related protests peaceful. However, Twitter did not appear to be a shared space capable of fostering cross-community consensus on how to resolve the parade dispute. The study suggests that Twitter’s most significant contribution to peace building in Northern Ireland might lie in its empowerment of citizens to correct rumors and disinformation, which have the potential to exacerbate sectarian tensions and generate intercommunal violence.

Peace Process and Sustainable Peace Building in Northern Ireland

Peace Process and Sustainable Peace Building in Northern Ireland

Hybrid Peacebuilding in Northern Ireland and the Border Counties

Hybrid Peacebuilding in Northern Ireland and the Border Counties

Reconstituting Community in Divided Society: Faith-inspired Civil Organizations and the Case of Corrymeela

Faith-inspired civil organizations (FICOs) are growing in recognition for their relational and sustainable approaches and contributions to peacebuilding, especially in areas where religious or cultural identities have complicated contexts of violent conflict. The capacity of FICOs to penetrate the deeper and long-term obstacles to peacebuilding is largely a consequence of their underlying faith-based motivations and methods for intervention. This article explores one particular FICO: the Corrymeela Community, which has played a notable public role in the work of peacebuilding and reconciliation in Northern Ireland. In examing the theological roots and operational character of Corrymeela, this article explores possible answers to three important questions. First, as a Christian-inspired organization emphasizing an ecumenical, interfaith approach to sustainable peace, where does Corrymeela locate its theological understanding of violent conflict and purposeful intervention? Second, how does this theological understanding inform and shape its operational strategies for strategic peacebuilding in Northern Ireland? Finally, in a “post-Troubles” Northern Ireland, what is the way forward for such an organization? How might its work and lessons-learned as a FICO continue to impact Northern Ireland, while at the same time contribute to the convoluted work of reconciliation in other regions confronting religiously-fueled violence?

Generational Change and Redefining Identities: Post-Conflict Peacebuilding in Northern Ireland

This paper focuses on how peacebuilding in Northern Ireland is a slow process based primarily on generational replacement. Because Northern Ireland did not experience a Truth and Reconciliation Commission or a formal process of reconciling those who experienced “The Troubles,” older cohorts have not redefined their identities or are as likely to change their identities as younger cohorts. However, especially among Protestants, there is evidence of significant generational differences in identity emerging in Northern Ireland. This paper will highlight how the peace process itself counted on this process of intergenerational change in Northern Ireland and how it offers the best hope for transforming historically sectarian conceptions of identity into less reactionary or hostile identities that open up aspirations for new relations across the sectarian divide in Northern Ireland. Thus, the slow process of reconciliation may accelerate in future decades and residual support that continues to exist for republican dissidents and loyalist paramilitaries slowly dissipate over time. Of course, many potential intervening events (i.e. period effects) could overwhelm this slow process of social and identity change in Northern Ireland.

Peace with strings attached: exploring reflections of structure and agency in Northern Ireland peacebuilding funding

This article examines Northern Ireland's peacebuilding process by analysing perspectives about economic assistance to determine if the peacebuilding process contributed to the reification of structure or the promotion of human agency. Economic assistance, a key pillar of liberal democratic peacebuilding, has been credited with creating a political economy of civil society peacebuilding in Northern Ireland by either incentivising or coercing community groups to participate in the peace process. Interviews with 120 community group leaders who received International Fund for Ireland (IFI) and/or EU Peace III funding are analysed to see how the respondents' perspectives reflect aspects of the structure–agency debate. Rules, resources, mental schemas and knowledge are used as criteria for evaluating statements from respondents to determine if community groups feel empowered, invested and capable of sustaining peace in post-peace accord Northern Ireland. The study concludes by discussing the implications for sustaining peace in Northern Ireland and other post-peace accord environments where liberal democratic peacebuilding methods are used.

Circle of friends: unravelling the networks of peacebuilding in Northern Ireland

Ridding societies of the scourge of violence is a primary concern for practitioners, funders and observers of peace processes. Addressing, in a comprehensive way, segregation, division and deep-seated mistrust requires targeted and penetrating application of models of change in terms of the structural and relationship bases of conflict. Predicated on the interwoven relationships that bind macro, meso and micro actors to the common purpose of building peace we argue that the fruitfulness of relationships serves to create enterprise, employment and activity yet the consequence of peacebuilding remains ambiguous. We contend that the withdrawal of the macro level – international donors – from the Northern Ireland context has prompted concerns that are both new-fangled and problematic: the tools, language and instruments of peacebuilding are being redressed to fit a context which is characterised by the persistence of conflict dynamics coupled with a vast reduction in funding for the community and voluntary sector peacebuilders.

From paramilitarism to peacebuilding in Northern Ireland: an interview with Noel Large

Noel Large is a community worker with Interaction Belfast, an organisation working to promote reconciliation and build trust among the Catholic/nationalist/republican and Protestant/unionist/loyali...

Ontological Security and Peace-Building in Northern Ireland

Ontological security, which focuses on the security of oneself, one's identity, and group affiliations, best informs the nature of sectarian conflict and conflict resolutions in contemporary Northern Ireland. This article seeks to move the debates over the role of ontological security concepts in international relations by applying a mainly theoretical discussion to testable case studies. While high-end, official peacemaking can be explained by rational actor models, constraints on peace-building remain ontologically driven. This explains the dichotomy between the dramatic reduction of violence since ‘the Troubles’ and the existential anxieties that persist despite the peace process. In parts of Northern Ireland politics and security are ontologically defined. Choices that might not seem rational in the sense of value maximizing are better understood via this framework. Northern Ireland shows a clear correlation between ontological security frameworks and post-peace process developments. Ontological security also shows the possibilities and limits for exporting formally rational, state-centred models of peacemaking, and reminds us that the urban geographer might be as important a security actor as the diplomat or military representative.

After Antagonism? The British–Irish Ethnic Frontier after the Agreement

Frank Wright believed that the defining factor in the emergence of modern ethnicity is ‘a crisis of assimilation’ resulting in persistent and potentially violent antagonism between an emergent staatsvolk and its unassimilated competitors. As ‘the internal other’ represents a real danger, national self-assertion becomes the dominant mode of democratic political experience. Northern Ireland is a paradigmatic ethnic frontier but an unusual one. Partition and devolution allowed it to be abandoned until 1969. The desire for containment after 1972 forced both Britain and Ireland into a new search for transcendent authority. The pre-eminent pattern of politics since then is of increased British–Irish cooperation in the search for a viable order. Does the Agreement represent truce or a transformation? The article considers the enormous challenges to alternatives to containment and concludes that the current political arrangements have not ultimately addressed this question. Wright controversially offers the crucifixion of Christ as the emergence into history of the story of history as told from human suffering and against the rationale of violent victory – against Heraclitus. Embarrassing or not, Wright's importance is to understand that this dilemma lies at the heart of peace-building in Northern Ireland and increasingly highlights the limits of politics.