Formula For Peace Research Articles

The Main Strategies of Education Development In The Context of The Ukraine's Peace Formula

The Main Strategies of Education Development In The Context of The Ukraine's Peace Formula

INCLUSIVE ECONOMY AND PUBLIC FINANCE: CURRENT STATE AND PRINCIPLES OF POST-WAR RECOVERY

The purpose of this study is to analyse the current state of the economy and public finances in Ukraine and to develop an inclusive and collaborative framework for their post-war recovery. The main research methods used were quantitative, qualitative and documentary analysis. Quantitative analysis was used to evaluate and compare key economic and financial indicators between different countries, as well as to identify trends, including inclusive ones, in the development of the economy and public finances. Qualitative analysis was used to study and analyse the political, social and economic factors that influence the development of an inclusive economy and public finance after conflicts. The documentary analysis was used to assess the legal and regulatory framework governing economic and financial relations in Ukraine and other countries, and to determine the capacity of the existing regulatory system to ensure inclusive post-war recovery. The results of the study, based on the study of empirical material and typologies of best practices of countries that have been in various types of conflicts, prove the need for an in-depth study of the interactions and interdependencies between the inclusive economy and public finance based on the Inclusive Growth Index and structural changes in the issues of the impact of inclusion on the ontogeny of public finance, solving problems with corruption, involvement of civil society institutions and adaptation of SMEs to the conditions of the military economy. The paper also identifies structural, fiscal and debt obstacles to ensuring the sustainability of public finances, which threatens Ukraine's further post-war recovery based on an inclusive paradigm. The authors present the key determinants of post-war recovery based on an inclusive country ranking, which should underpin further progress in public finance in the context of short-, medium- and long-term post-war goals. The study's conclusions are based on the inclusive economy paradigm, which forms an ecosystem of rationalisation of natural resources and the use of innovations, which should become the basis for post-war recovery, ensuring sustainable and balanced development of public finances and inclusive economic policy based on the Ukrainian Peace Formula. To this end, the article substantiates the need to develop a modified version of the strategy (in the tactical projection – more broadly adapted to the conditions of the wartime economy, the need to provide financial resources for the shift in economic policy from raw material orientation to inclusive development, in the medium term – anti-crisis correction of behavioural models of economic agents in the direction of imbuing the Ukraine Facility Plan for 2024-2027 with the spirit of inclusion and barrier-free access, and in the long term – achieving the goals of post-war recovery, ensuring the sustainability of public finances and the national economy) for reforming the public finance management system, which should organically include the post-war recovery of Ukraine and take into account the inclusiveness of the economy, taking into account the programmed joint evolutionary progress in the specified niche (sectoral) strategies. The new socio-economic, financial and budgetary reality coloured by the Russian-Ukrainian war makes it necessary to rethink the interactions and interdependencies between inclusion, public finance and the potential for post-war recovery, both as a result of their collaboration and multidirectional development. The unregulated transition of economic policy to inclusive development is the root cause of the current restraint of transformational changes in public finance, and further creates a regulatory "vacuum" in the unbalanced development of niche strategies that define the paradigm of inclusion and sustainability of public finance. In such a disposition, there is no logical institutional and regulatory "flow" between these strategies to the conceptualisation of Ukraine's post-war recovery from the consequences of the war, as expressed in the Ukraine Facility Plan for 2024-2027.

New formula for peace: the system of global non-aggressive security

The research sets out a formula for creating a new security system, which can be called the Global Non-Aggressive Security System (or GNASS). According to this formula, states, private companies, non-governmental organizations, and individuals can join the GNASS regardless of their location or place of business. At the same time, at the initial stage, the GNASS would consist of only three main elements. The first element is the Transit Territorial Security Policy, which is based on the following principles: an effective structure (based on an interstate corporation), effective transport security corridors (the SATTRON), and effective legal solutions. The second element implies the Non-Provocative Defense Policy, which is achieved by fulfilling the following conditions: the renunciation of all states from national military legislation and their accession to the UN Unified International Military Charter (which shall be developed); the reduction of the armed forces of all states through their refusal of military and other types of mobilization of people; the protection from prosecution and punishment of any individuals, private companies or non-governmental organizations that refuse to take part in hostilities. The third element is the Food Security Policy, which is based on the construction of the Underground Greenhouse-Bomb Shelter System (the SUGREBOS) to guarantee food for people both in peacetime and during military conflicts and natural disasters. According to the author, the development of a global security system based on the GNASS principle would eliminate military conflicts within several years, since the economic and security attractiveness of this system is so extreme that most states would agree to fulfill all the conditions for joining the GNASS.

The peace formula of Volodymyr Zelenskyy before and after the Vilnius NATO summit

Abstract. The Peace Formula put forward by Volodymyr Zelenskyy at the G20 Summit was a response to the challenges caused by the russian-Ukrainian war and the destruction of the existing world order that followed it. Undoubtedly, the Formula stirred great resonance both among diplomatic circles and the entire international environment since the old system of regional and global security was destroyed, and the global world now faced the problem of finding the contours of a new architecture of international security. Therefore, the Formula represented an attempt to simultaneously solve a whole set of different-scale and multi-directional strategic tasks: urgent and long-term, regional and global, etc. The level of priority of those tasks depends not just on the course and outcome of russian-Ukrainian war but also on the challenges and threats that subsequently emerged at the global level of international security. The article describes the conditions and factors that preceded the emergence of the Peace Formula, as well as the process of filling the sessions and content of the document. The author emphasises the Formula’s significance for potential negotiations with russia to end the war and analyses the positions of key geopolitical actors regarding the implementation of the Peace Formula and its role in formulating security guarantees for Ukraine. Other aspects covered in the study include the influence of the decisions of the Vilnius NATO Summit on the fulfilment of the items of the Peace Formula, the prospects of security guarantees for Ukraine, and the ultimate formation of a new regional security architecture. Key words: Peace Formula, security guarantees, NATO, regional security.

Assessment and documenting of the war consequences at the enterprise: analysis of the accountant’s professional potential

Introduction. As a result of the full-scale war, many enterprises, particularly agricultural ones, suffered direct losses: the capture and destruction of production facilities and real estate objects, the theft of equipment, vehicles, stocks and raw materials. The Ukrainian «peace formula» envisages the creation of an international mechanism to compensate for all the damages caused by the war at the expense of Russian assets. The first step in this direction is assessing and recording the damage caused at the enterprise level.Purpose. The article aims to analyze the professional potential of the accountant to confirm his functional ability to timely and fully assess and document the consequences of the war (direct losses) at the agricultural enterprise.Methods. The research is based on a comparative analysis of the components (education, practical experience, size of the professional community, methodical support) of the potential of specialists whose functional duties include property valuation of legal entities. The authors use comparison, analogy, induction and deduction, abstraction, graphical, and tabular methods to prove the research hypothesis. Separate data for the study were collected by the survey method and submission of requests for obtaining public information.Conclusions. The regulatory, organizational, and methodical principles of assessing direct losses of an agricultural enterprise caused by the war were revealed. The size of the professional community of independent evaluators and forensic experts was estimated. The idea of implementing an accounting approach to assessing the direct losses of agricultural enterprises was presented. The results of the study show that the potential of the accountant’s education and practical experience and the scale of the professional accounting movement allows us to state that temporary changes to the legislation on granting a professional accountant the right to assess direct losses caused to an agricultural enterprise in connection with the armed aggression of the Russian Federation will be appropriate. The advantages of implementing an accounting approach are apparent: mass application, short deadlines, and minimal costs.Discussion. Expanding the functions of a professional accountant of an agricultural enterprise in martial law conditions can be extended to other branches of the economy, and the development of methodical support for implementing such functions is the object of new scientific research.

United Nations Security Council’s Role in the Liberation War of Bangladesh: Critical Analysis

Bangladeshis began their fight for independence on March 26, 1971, as a response to Pakistani rule that was unfair to their race and treated them like a colony within their own country. Between the start of the Liberation War and November, the UNO's main job was to provide aid and support for civilians. When India and Pakistan went to war on December 3 over the Liberation War, the UN Security Council got very busy. The Security Council met nonstop during this time and discussed many ideas and counter-proposals. Two superpowers of this time, USA and the Soviet Union, took opposing positions in the Security Council. United States and China sided with Pakistan while Soviet Union sided with Bangladesh (East Pakistan). In the Security Council, France and Britain remained neutral and did not vote. The Security Council could not reach a consensus. After debate and vote in the Security Council, the agenda was transmitted to the General Assembly on 6 December. General Assembly passed a 'Unity Formula for Peace' resolution by an overwhelming majority on December 7. India and Bangladesh rejected this idea; therefore, the US called a second Security Council session. The Security Council met from 12 to 21 December at various times. Bangladesh's independence on December 16 altered everything. International representatives acknowledged reality and unanimously approved a ceasefire agreement on December 21, resolving the long-awaited Bangladesh problem.

THE ROAD TO PEACE: STRATEGIES, AGREEMENTS, FORMATS, SCENARIOS AND ZELENSKY’S 10-POINT PEACE FORMULA

The study is devoted to the analysis of strategies, agreements, formats, scenarios and formulas of peace, which were proposed by both national statesmen and the international community, security organizations, and analytical centers for the survival of the Ukrainian state. The peacemaking efforts of V. Zelenskyi in the first two years of his presidency are demonstrated. The transformation of approaches to the resolution of the conflict from 2014 to 2022 was traced. The fact was established that Ukraine had to recognize the Russian-Ukrainian war as a reality on February 24, 2022. V. Zelenskyi’s ten-point peace formula, which aims to ensure the path to a just peace, is analyzed. The courage of the president to publicly state at the G20 summit that there is a set of solutions that need to be implemented and that needs to be done publicly, not behind the scenes, is noted. This aggressive Russian war should have ended justly, on the basis of the UN Charter, and Ukraine should not be offered compromises with conscience, sovereignty, territory and independence. It is emphasized that the Russian-Ukrainian war is the largest in Europe since the Second World War, goes beyond the limits of a bilateral conflict and has a fundamental impact on the system of international relations in the security, economic, trade components and on regional and global processes as a whole.

УКРАЇНСЬКА "ФОРМУЛА МИРУ" ЯК УМОВА ЗАВЕРШЕННЯ ВІЙНИІ ПОБУДОВИ ПОВОЄННОГО МИРУЬКОГО САМІТУ НАТО

Abstract. The peace formula put forward by Volodymyr Zelensky at the G-20 Summit was a response to the challenges caused by the Russian-Ukrainian war and the destruction of the existing world order caused by it. Undoubtedly, it received great resonance both among diplomatic circles and the entire international environment, since the old system of regional and global security was destroyed and the global world faced the problem of finding the contours of a new architecture of international security. Therefore, the Formula represented an attempt to simultaneously solve a whole complex of different-scale and multi-directional strategic tasks: urgent and prospective, regional and global. The article describes the conditions and reasons that led to the emergence of the Peace Formula, as well as the process of filling the sessions and content of this document; its significance for negotiations with Russia to end the war; positions of key geopolitical players regarding the implementation of the Peace Formula and its role in formulating security guarantees for Ukraine; the influence of the decisions of the Vilnius NATO Summit on the implementation of the Peace Formula, security guarantees for Ukraine and the formation of a new regional security architecture.

ENSURING THE EFFICIENCY OF MANAGING THE FINANCIAL AND ECONOMIC SECURITY OF THE ENTERPRISE DURING THE CRISIS

The purpose of the article is to present effective anti-crisis management measures to bring enterprises out of the crisis situation and improve their financial and economic security. The subject of this study is the financial and economic security of an enterprise during a crisis. Methodology. Using the historical and comparative methods, the author analyzes the events of recent years and analyzes the impact of external factors on the formation of the crisis state of an enterprise. The economic and statistical method made it possible to analyze the scale of damage caused by the Russian Federation to the state of Ukraine during almost nine years of active hostilities in violation of such principles of international law as the principle of non-use of force or threat of force; the principle of sovereign equality of states; the principle of equality and self-determination of peoples; the principle of peaceful settlement of international disputes; the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of states; the principle of peaceful cooperation; the principle of fulfilling international obligations in good faith; the principle of inviolability of borders; the principle of territorial integrity of states; the principle of universal respect and protection of human rights; and to see what level of crisis the terrorist state of the Russian Federation has spread in the largest country of the European Union, namely Ukraine. Using the philosophical dialectical method, the author analyzes the very phenomenon of crisis in the broad sense of the word and finds a way to respond to the challenges of the crisis. Results. This study assesses the benefits that have contributed to the development of economic relations with countries in Africa, Asia, and Europe. The losses suffered by the Ukrainian economic system due to the destructive processes of the crisis are analyzed. The author examines the peace formula approved by Volodymyr Zelenskyy, which provides for the implementation of measures aimed at shaping peace in the European space and correcting the mistakes made by officials of the terrorist state of the Russian Federation, which led to terrible consequences; the author analyzes the achievements of this peace formula and determines how much benefit and lives it has already brought. The practical significance lies in the definition of reorganization as one of the best anti-crisis management measures that can bring an enterprise out of a crisis. In particular, attention is drawn to the effectiveness of rehabilitation measures that can restore the solvency of an enterprise. In turn, taking into account the established practice of attracting investment capital as a means of improving the economic activity of an enterprise, the author analyzes the risks of losing property and non-property assets in the event of adverse conditions and proposes to create a mechanism for investment guarantees, which consist in preserving assets by the investor in the event of adverse market fluctuations. The scientific novelty lies in the proposal to amend the current legislation to guarantee the safety of the rehabilitation procedure to the investor by mitigating the risk of loss of invested assets in restoring the enterprise's solvency.

A People-Oriented Peace Formula for the Donbass

Ukraine’s recent presidential election was, in many ways, exceptional. The first-round poll had never been so undecided. On April 21, 2019, a young newcomer, Volodymyr Zelensky, won a large victory...

Out of the mouths of babes: Comenius and World Peace

Comenius was a leading European intellectual and philosopher. In the wake of the Thirty Years War, he dedicated himself to perfecting and promulgating what he believed to be the formula for peace, a formula based on the idea of universal education.

Johann Gottfried Herder on War and Peace

In the Briefe zu Beforderung der Humanitat , J. G. Herder engages both Saint-Pierre and Kant in the eighteenth-century debate about perpetual peace, but comes to his own characteristic conclusions. With the last letters of the last collection, Herder analyzes past and present rationalizations for war, finds them hypocritical and self-serving, and proposes a paradigm for peace suggested by a Native American institution instead. An investigation of his formula for peace reveals as well a clear and fundamental link to his definition of Humanitat , the concept at the center of all his thought. Although unable to assert a utopian solution for eternal peace, he nevertheless challenges his readers then and now to temper realism with idealism, skepticism with hope.

Uneven Economic Growth and the World Economy’s North-South Stratification

The liberal formula for peace and prosperity in the 21st century involves substantial convergence in economic growth rates between the affluent North and the poor South, facilitating a decrease in the global North–South gap. This diminished developmental gap should lead to reduced conflict within the South and between the North and South. The problem is that long-term world economic growth is stimulated in part by intermittent upsurges in radical technology generated principally in the system's lead economy. These growth impulses diffuse outwards from the center of the North unevenly. We hypothesize that Northern economies are the primary beneficiaries of these periodic extensions of the technological frontier and that much less trickles down to the South. We test this question of uneven diffusion with time series data dating back to 1870 on systemic leadership growth, Northern economic growth, and Southern economic growth. We find that technological gains in the North have been more likely to expand the North–South gap than to close it. To the extent that the South and Southern turmoil are a function of uneven growth and stratification, neither is apt to disappear anytime soon.

The Nagorno-Karabakh Settlement Revisited: Is Peace Achievable?

The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, which mars relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan and impedes the political stability and economic development of the South Caucasus, has a long history and deep roots. Its main political cause lies in the contradiction between the aspirations for national self-determination of the predominantly Armenian-populated enclave and Azerbaijan's claim of territorial integrity to its Soviet-defined boundaries. Although the Bolsheviks granted sovereignty over the overwhelmingly Armenian-populated oblast of Nagorno-Karabakh to Azerbaijan in 1921, the people of Nagorno-Karabakh have since questioned this decision. In 1988, the Soviet of the Nagorno-Karabakh autonomous oblast requested secession from Azerbaijan, an event beginning the present phase of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. The response was the massacre of Armenians in the Azerbaijani industrial city of Sumgait. Rising ethnic tensions and the ensuing violence gradually degenerated into a full-scale war between Azerbaijan and the local Armenian self-defense forces in and around Nagorno-Karabakh and then, following the collapse of the Soviet Union at the end of 1991, the devastating military confrontation along the borders of newly independent Armenia and Azerbaijan.On May 12, 1994, a cease-fire agreement, brokered by Russia and signed by Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Nagorno-Karabakh1 put an end to the years of bitter armed fighting in the battle about the of Nagorno-Karabakh. Because of the conflict, 6,500 Armenians and 20,000-25,000 Azerbaijanis were killed; 412,000 Armenians were expelled from Azerbaijan; and 186,000 Azeris fled from Armenia.2 Nagorno-Karabakh forces established military control over most of Karabakh, as well as seven districts of Azerbaijan, from where some five hundred thousand Azeris were displaced. Since the cease-fire, various international mediation efforts between the conflicting parties have been consolidated into negotiations under the auspices of the Organization for security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), led by the so-called Minsk Group, cochaired since 1997 by France, Russia, and the United States. The negotiations, which so far have produced few results, have focused on two possible methods for the settlement of the conflict. One approach is the package deal and the other is a step-by-step (or phased) solution.The package solution requires an agreement on the final of Nagorno-Karabakh to open a road for the elimination of the armed conflict's consequences. On the other hand, the step-by-step approach postpones an agreement on the final of Nagorno-Karabakh to the indefinite future, focusing instead on a agreement addressing all other issues. These include provisions for reliable international security guarantees for Nagorno-Karabakh, the withdrawal of Nagorno-Karabakh forces from the occupied territories, the return of displaced persons to their prewar homes, and the normalization of the relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan, including the reopening of trade and communication links.The choice between a step-by-step and a package methodology for the conflict's settlement has become a bitter point of contention in Armenian political discourse. The administration of the first president, Levon Ter-Petrossian, favored the step-by-step approach as a way to avoid the irreconcilable contradictions of the conflicting parties' maximalist positions, promoting the land for peace formula. His opponents in the government, who forced him to resign over differences on the settlement, declared the policies defeatist.The current Armenian president, Robert Kocharian, has been a long-time advocate for the package solution based on the land for status formula. Besides, the former Karabakhi leader's rise to power in 1998 eventually brought a change to the negotiations' format. Whereas the 1994 Budapest Summit of the OSCE recognized Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Nagorno-Karabakh as parties to the conflict, the negotiators' perception of Kocharian as representing both Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh eventually led to the replacement of the negotiations' trilateral format by bilateral Armenian-Azerbaijani talks. …

War and peace in the Internet era

This article looks to find the ideological causes that lead human beings to war or peace nowadays, in the Internet era. This proposal is worthy of study as war is not a need in terms of human nature or history: we are capable of war and peace simultaneously. However, why does war survive if we are able to live in peace? In our opinion, the actual cause of conflict is fanaticism. This phenomenon comes from the perversion of the two bases of our civilisation: liberty and rationality. This twofold perversion leads us to believe that we are the Absolute, or at least its instrument. Since the fall of the Berlin wall, this kind of fanaticism has come from the generalised conviction that we are at the end of history; in this light, one can conclude that this irrationality is definitive and, thus, that any efforts to achieve world peace are useless. However, we believe that the formula for peace can only be derived from reflection and the effective extension around the world of a technical medium that makes communication between all men possible. This would be able to resolve all the perversions of liberty and rationality and make people aware of the infinite distance between us and the Absolute. However, this reflection is not enough. For this awareness to triumph, the technical and ideological situation represented by the Internet has to spread over the whole planet: liberty for those taking part, rationality to allow for communication among all those connected and universal access. This is the moral trend for the Internet, which in itself encourages progress towards world peace.

The Internationalization of Industrial Relations in Europe: Prospects and Problems

Abstract European industrial relations are rapidly internationalizing; internationalization, however, is not necessarily de-nationalization. Even as European integration accelerates, national politics and industrial relations will remain the principal arenas for the social regulation of work and employment in Europe. The paper investigates the implications of European industrial relations developing into a multi-level system within which national regimes compete with each other in an integrated international market. In particular, it tries to outline the emerging new peace formula between business and labor in Europe, which is centered on the notion of joint competitiveness, and its consequences for social protection and the regulation of labor markets. Five examples are given for the continuing importance of national industrial relations in integrated Europe: the renewal of tripartite concertation at national level, especially under the pressure of the Maastricht criteria; the likely impact of European Monetary Union on national collective bargaining regimes; the practical consequences of the European Works Councils Directive of 1994; the experience with the Social Dialogue since the Maastricht Treaty; and the Posted Workers Directive, which is discussed as a possible paradigm of the future relationship between European and national social protection in Europe.

Colombia's Bloody War of Words

Colombia's Bloody War of Words Maria Jimena Duzan (bio) On 26 February 1990, six armed men entered a restaurant in Cimitarra, Colombia, and wiped out the leaders of a nascent peasant union movement. Also killed in the shooting that day was a journalist named Silvia Duzan who was working on a documentary about the activities of the union leaders. Silvia had hoped to describe an effort that to many Colombians seemed an impossible task. The union workers were attempting to find a peace formula for the Middle Magdalena Valley, a region of our country that has become a virtual no-man's land. It was first conquered by leftist guerrillas and, more recently, by an alliance of wealthy landowners, drug bosses, and the paramilitary groups that they control. All that I have left of my sister Silvia is the last remembered echo of her warm laughter, which seems to follow me, reverberating. She and [End Page 99] the peasant leaders were killed by the forces with whom they were trying to negotiate. They were but a few of the thousands of victims who have fallen in a twisted struggle that pits the Colombian establishment against the drug bosses and their allies. Today Colombians confront much more than a group of drug dealers intent on pursuing criminal profits. The cocaine business has exacerbated social and political conflicts to the point where ministers of state and peasants alike are threatened with death, and politicians, judges, priests, journalists, farmers, and even shoppers in downtown Bogotá must face the prospect of a sudden bomb blasting apart their lives. It was against this backdrop of explosions, assassinations, and massacres that Colombians went to the polls on 27 May 1990 and elected a president who vowed to keep fighting the drug dealers. President César Gaviria was one of the survivors of the most bloody and painful political campaign ever in my country, a campaign in which the most prominent candidates were killed. In the end, as a colleague put it, "Colombians voted for the dead." A lull has followed Gaviria's ascension to the presidency, but proclamations of victory for the democratic process could be quickly belied by a single attack. There have been many massacres and many fallen innocents, yet not so many that we Colombians have become inured to the horrors. We have, however, become far too skilled in the business of dying. We make bitter jokes about it as a survival mechanism. "The only thing that has become democratic lately in Colombia has been the violence itself," a friend said to me not long after his mother had become one of the 120 people killed in the December 1989 terrorist bombing of an Avianca Airlines jet in Bogotá. Ours is a bloody reality. While the world looks on, stupefied, through its distant television sets, a massive criminal network surrounds us. This network, which only begins in the Andean countries, operates in the multibillion-dollar daily bank transactions of Europe and the United States, where cocaine profits are laundered and legitimized; on the streets of major U.S. and, increasingly, European cities where a street dealer may sell a kilogram a week and snort some of the profits himself; in the warehouses of international chemical firms, which produce more ether and acetone than legitimate business can consume, then ship it off through front companies by plane, boat, truck, and canoe to the clandestine laboratories that need those materials to produce cocaine. This is the atmosphere in which Colombian journalists must work—one of coercion, terror, and, all too often, death. Targeting the Press It was 7 P.M. on 16 December 1986 in northern Bogotá. As had been his custom for 15 years, Guillermo Cano lsaza, publisher and editor-in- chief of El Espectador, took a final look around the newsroom and checked the latest reports before heading home. Nothing new had happened, as far as he could tell. President Virgilio Barco Vargas had just decided to confront the Supreme Court with the highly sensitive question of Colombia's extradition treaty with the United States. As always, the nation was divided. Cano supported the treaty, under which major drug dealers could be...

Image and Issues and the AIPAC Conference, 21–23 May 1989

Certainly the most newsworthy event of the 30th Annual Policy Conference of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) held in Washington, D.C., was U.S. secretary of state James Baker's much-publicized speech* * on 22 May calling on Israel to lay aside a vision of greater Israel . . . stop settlement activity. Allow schools to open. Foreswear annexation. Although the speech, stressing the land for peace formula and exhorting both Arabs and Israelis to make concessions, marked no new departures in U.S. policy, it appeared to startle some members by its directness. More important, its focus on substance and issues contrasted sharply with AIPAC's preoccupation with image-a theme that was pervasive throughout the three-day gathering of 2,000 members of the pro-Israel lobbying group. The question of image and the need to carry the truth about Israel to the political molders in the world we live in-to use the phrase of president Edward Levy in his opening remarks to the conference-took on particular importance at a time when the PLO was seen as having made important inroads in American opinion. As executive director Thomas Dine noted in his State of AIPAC address, Since the last time

Japan, Vietnam and ASEAN

The year 1984 witnessed a good deal of movement in the search for a solution to the Kampuchean question. Despite the fact that a solution remained as elusive as ever, a few proposals were made not only by the ASEAN countries, but by Japan and Australia as well. Japan continued to pursue a policy of strongly supporting the ASEAN group in political and economic terms. Its support to the ASEAN countries was seen in various forums. Its trade and investment links with the ASEAN region remained strong. There was some significant, though yet marginal, mobility, in Japan's relations with Vietnam after a few years of almost total diplomatic inactivity. To be sure, bilateral relations still continued to remain in a state of suspension. There was, however, considerable speculation on Japan's possible role in the setdement of the Kampuchean question. But, soon it became evident that Japan's ability to influence decisions on Kampuchea was somewhat constrained by the closeness of its relations with the ASEAN countries. Had Japan's economic involvement in Indochina been substantial, its clout to initiate a peace formula could have been much stronger. Yet both sides involved in the Kampuchean question thought it fit to discuss it with the Japanese leaders, and Tokyo served as a centre for consultations among the parties concerned. But Japanese efforts however small should be seen in conjunction with certain peace parleys conducted by Indonesia, Australia, and other countries. An indication of a slight change in Japan's attitude towards Vietnam was seen in the closing stages of 1983 itself, though its importance, judging by what followed it, was marginal. Firsdy, in December 1983 the Japanese Government sent Hashimoto Hiroshi, Director-General of the Asian Affairs Bureau of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to Hanoi, and Hashimoto undertook his trip in response to the Vietnamese Vice-Foreign Minister, Hu Van Lau's visit to Tokyo earlier in March 1983. Hashimoto held talks with both Lau and Nguyen Co Thach, Vietnam's Foreign Minister, and the significance of his visit lay in the fact that no ranking Japanese official had visited Hanoi since November 1982.' Secondly, following a severe typhoon which caused considerable human and material loss to Vietnam in the same month, the Japanese Government extended token aid of US$100,000 on humanitarian grounds. Japan's aid indeed came in response to Vietnam's request.2 Though this was a positive development in Tokyo-Hanoi relations, it did not constitute a decisive trend indicating a change in the mutual attitudes and orientations. By the beginning of 1984, their relations remained by and large the same as at the commencement of 1983. The Vietnamese Foreign Minister Nguyen Co Thach summed up as follows his country's position: (a) There was a possibility of AS FLAN desiring a setdement of the Kampuchean question, but it was hampered by the People's Republic of China.

The Theological Ingredients of Peace

THE THEOLOGICAL INGREDIENTS OF PEACE By J. C. OsBOURN, 0. P. j\NY peace pact among men which relies solely upon the£"\.. enlightenment of philosophies is doomed to ultimate failure. The ~ebulous metaphysic of the idealist philosophies at one extreme has constantly elaborated over-pretentious dreams about the spiritual side of man only to see these dissolved and cancelled out by the opposite trend of materialist or romanticist naturalism which has always endeavored to compress the nature of man within the narrow and stuffy confines of matter. Between these two extreme and dehumanizing viewpoints stands the mean, the perennial philosophy of the Aristotelians; but this, too, is frequently forced to a frank avowal of its incompetency to gauge adequately the total dimensions of man's nature. There are realities and potentialities , vitalities and wells of energy hidden in the nature of man which escape the finest insights of mere philosophy. Among such realities it would be altogether fitting and proper to enumerate peace, since it is the mature fruit of truly human living, the connatural result, as we shall see, of a fuller evolution and understanding of human nature. On account ·of philosophy's inability to do full justice to the stature of. human nature, it has failed and will consistently fail to prescribe the satisfactory formula for a lasting peace among men. Human peace, like human nature, thrusts its roots deep down below the surface realities of philosophy and draws its nourishment from sources which can be successfully tapped and analyzed only with the more precisioned tools of theology. From a theological standpoint, however, the most significant account of man's moral, mental, and even physiological dimensions is unmistakably set down in Genesis to the effect that man was created to the image and likeness of God; 1 whereas 1 Goo., i, ~6-~7. 28 J. C. OSBOURN the theological conception of peace as the tranquillity of order 2 has undeniably close affinities with the Gospel message, " Glory to God in the highest: and on earth peace to men of good will." 3 What are the tangible connections between these two Biblical statements? What bearing has the aforesaid theological evaluation of human nature upon the problem of peace conceived in terms of order and good will? What are the chances of a workable peace formula based upon such a comparative analysis? Can it be said-indeed, must it be saidthat the essential conditions, the truly theological ingredients of peace among men, are to be distilled from just such premises as these? These vital questions will be examined in the following pages from the theological viewpoint in which they were invariably conceived and pondered by St. Thomas and his disciples . Our aim, therefore, can be accomplished only through a clear statement of St. Thomas's position on the following points of doctrine. I. The doctrine of divine likeness in man. II. The divine exemplar at work in the world. III. The influence of the divine exemplar upon divine likeness . I. THE DocTRINE oF DIVINE LIKENEss IN MAN As to the general prerequisites for an image, St. Thomas is brief and to the point. To be truly the image of another, he tells us, a thing must proceed from that other according to a likeness in species, that is, in nature or at least according to some likeness which signifies the other's nature.4 Two essential conditions, therefore, must be realized in an image. First, it must be a similitude derived from or expressed from its prototype . Secondly, there must also be found in the image, not just any kind of likeness, but a similitude in nature or in some sign, especially the figure/ proper to that nature. Unless these two conditions be realized a thing cannot be properly called an image. • Summa Theol., II-II, q. !'l9, a. 1, ad 1. 3 Luke, ii, 14. • Summa Theol:, I, q. 85, a. 1, c. • Ibid., I, q. 98, a. 2, c. THE THEOLOGICAL INGREDIENTS OF PEACE fl5 The first condition, then, involves a matter of origin. This procession or origin from its prototype which is demanded of an image may take place in two ways. First, generation offers the most...