Paula England Research Articles

Feminist Institutionalism and Neoliberalism

Neoliberalism is an ideology that requires the public/private split in human affairs to exist and to be perceived as normal and natural. This paper begins by looking at the feminist critique of dualisms, as developed by the feminist institutional economist Ann Jennings and feminist economists Paula England and Julie Nelson and then applies their critique of the public/private dualisms to neoliberal conceptions of agency and care. The paper argues that once dualism is exposed as an incorrect representation of existential reality, it becomes impossible to use for justifying the characterization of behavior, invidious distinctions, and the social valuations of human behavior it supports, thereby making neoliberal assumptions about normal behavior that support its policy prescriptions untenable. Finally, it explores the consequences of this critique of neoliberalism on the conceptualization of agency and the economics of care. HIGHLIGHTS Feminist economists and original institutionalists share aspects of their inquiry. Both approaches understand economics as the study of social provisioning. The public/private dualism is necessary to sustain neoliberal ideology. Discrediting the public/private dualism leads to rejecting neoliberal agency. Caring is inconsistent with neoliberal ideology.

Is a “Warm Hookup” an Oxymoron?

In a review of Lisa Wade’s American Hookup (W.W. Norton, 2017), sexuality scholar and former American Sociological Association president Paula England discusses the author’s use of original research and data from England’s studies to engage the particularities of heterosexual hookups on American college campuses.

Marcia J. Carlson and Paula England: Social Class and Changing Families in an Unequal America

Marcia J. Carlson and Paula England have compiled and edited a number of important chapters that explore changing family patterns and how they adapt to a more unequal America in their book Social Class and Changing Families in an Unequal America. Each chapter addresses a different aspect in the changing formation or behavior of families within the United States. Since the beginning of the twentieth century, families have undergone a diverse and complex change that has led to a larger socioeconomic divide than ever before. Inequalities continue to be recognized most notably in education, social class, and in the financial health of families. Carlson and England have chosen topics on how family life has changed and adapted in light of the socioeconomic divide that infects the United States. Some changes are a product of the growing inequalities in education or the difficulties of social mobility, while other changing family patterns seem to have contributed to the growing divide. Not surprisingly, Carlson and England have concluded that family life in the United States remains unequal, and the chapters in their book highlight how family patterns have adapted in light of those inequalities. In the first chapter, ‘‘Birth Control Use and Early, Unintended Births,’’ the authors begin their discussion by acknowledging the changes that have occurred between the current generation and generations past. While young adults traditionally married early and had their first birth shortly after, this trajectory has changed drastically, causing unanticipated consequences. More than anything the change has been due to what the authors term the ‘‘retreat from marriage,’’ which has occurred at all socioeconomic levels, but has hit the poor or less privileged classes hardest. Many young adults are getting married later, no matter their socioeconomic status, but those adults coming from middle or upper class families tend to have less unplanned births prior to their marriages. Furthermore, the authors go on to state that youths from higher socioeconomic backgrounds are waiting longer before their first time having sex as well as having greater access to birth control, which only further contributes to the difference between youths born into wealthier backgrounds compared to youths born into less privileged homes in terms of unplanned pregnancies. Also of note is the impact a parent’s education and social status has on whether a youth will engage in sex or even whether a youth will have an unintended birth. Those youths who have parents with a college education or more financial resources tend to have less sex, less unplanned births, and greater access to contraceptives. The chapter concludes by effectively saying social class begets social class. Those born to educated and financially stable parents will more than likely go on to get an education themselves, while those whose parents do not have more than a high school education are more likely to have sex earlier and with that earlier, unintended births. The second chapter, ‘‘Thinking about Demographic Family Difference,’’ examines the link between ethnicity, race, religion, and socioeconomic status and fertility differentials. In order to understand and interpret the demographic information that is in abundance, the author first explores a theory that he and his colleagues created called the ‘‘Theory of Conjunctural Action’’ (TCA). The basic idea behind the TCA is that individuals store stimuli and experiences called schemas. Many of these schemas are experiences that are shared or reinforced among communities and social groups, which lead the author to conclude S. Briles (&) Maurer School of Law, Indiana University Bloomington, Bloomington, IN, USA e-mail: sbriles@indiana.edu

Marcia J. Carlson and Paula England (eds) (2011) Social class and changing families in an unequal America

Marcia J. Carlson and Paula England (eds) (2011) Social class and changing families in an unequal America

Social Class and Changing Families in an Unequal America. Edited by Marcia J. Carlson and Paula England. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press. Pp. 248. $24.95.

<i>Social Class and Changing Families in an Unequal America</i>. Edited by Marcia J. Carlson and Paula England. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press. Pp. 248. $24.95.

An Unfinished Revolution

After many decades of feminist activism, the is incomplete. Feminist gains have spawned an ongoing backlash (Douglas 2010; Faludi 1991/2006), and as England (2010) notes, the pace of change for women has slowed in many spheres. Given the tension between the feminist movement and the anti-feminists who have galvanized against it, it is unsurprising that the movement's gains have been unevenly paced, showing swift progress in some areas and slower progress in others. It is thus also unsurprising that a sociologist who has studied throughout her career would describe the progress of the gender revolution as uneven and identify some aspects as stalled. What has been surprising to some, however, are the explanations for this that Paula England (2010) proposed in her SWS Feminist Lecture The Gender Revolution: Uneven and Stalled. This symposium includes responses to this argument from other scholars on the front lines of the revolution. What is clear from all of the responses is that England's piece has served as a catalyst for a vital conversation that promises to advance research about women's opportunities and changes in the system. Paula England's contributions to feminist sociology and research have been profound. Her books and articles have been cited in thousands of publications and have shaped the direction of research in gender, work, and family. Early on, her work critiqued human capital and neoclassical economic theories of women's wages and of occupational segregation (e.g., England 1982, 1984) and pointed to the role played by demand-side factors such as discrimination (England 1985). She has analyzed the devaluation of women's work and the implications for pay equity (England 1992) and has contributed cutting-edge scholarship on segregation and earnings inequality. Attention to families has been a component of her work throughout her career, par ticularly as families relate to employment (e.g., England and Farkas 1986). In short, any sociologist who studies gender, work, and family must take

The Uneven Pace of Change in Heterosexual Romantic Relationships

In The Gender Revolution: Uneven and Stalled, Paula England (2010) argues that gender dynamics ha changed little in the personal realm, particularly with respect to heterosexual romantic relationships. She contrasts this to schooling and jobs, where she argues that the incentives for change have been greater. We agree that the level and pace of gender change in educational and occupational domains have surpassed those in personal rela tionships. However, England's account does not fully appreciate how changes in women's education and work have helped reshape women's intimate rela tionships. Much recent research suggests that as women have increased their education, occupational status, and earnings, the characteristics of couples have changed, and with them the breadwinning dynamics of relationships. Rather than considering the material characteristics of couples as engines of change, England's account of the lack of change in heterosexual romantic relationships is based largely on examining the noneconomic and symbolic aspects of gender, for example, the continuing expectation that men initiate dating and marriage, that women and children generally take men's surnames, and that men and women are judged old and sexually undesirable at dif ferent ages. In this comment, we review changes in the characteristics, atti tudes, and behaviors of couples that relate to their breadwinning and status arrangements. We argue that these changes have been substantial and that although this finding strengthens England's argument that change has occurred where incentives are the greatest, it also suggests a less than stalled revolution in family relationships. While there may be few material rewards

Women and Men as Class and Race Actors

Paula England's ambition in Gender Revolution: Uneven and Stalled (2010) is to explain why occupational sex segr gation and the gender division of familial labor are still robust despite decades of egalitarian values and policies. But because the explanations she offers the status of hypotheses rather than well-documented conclusions (England 2010, p. 150), her article raises many questions for which we have few answers. Still, there is perhaps more evidence about some of these questions than England considers. In particular, England incorporates notions of class and social mobility into her explanations, grappling with how these intersect with gender identi ties and gendered jobs. The main argument to which I will respond is the one that treats men and women as gendered economic actors in pursuit of gender-typical jobs and family responsibilities. She proposes that occupa tion integration occurred primarily because a typically gendered path was unavailable to women from a middle-class background. The class positions of all other men and women were compatible with pursuing gendered occu pations, thus maintaining much of the gender order. Although England does not discuss counterfactuals, we must assume that if a typically female set of occupations sat atop the hierarchy alongside elite male occupations, no change whatsoever would have occurred since women would have entered those jobs. Similarly, had there been greater demand in men's blue-collar jobs, commensurate with the demand in upper white-collar jobs that pulled in women (an important factor England does not mention), women still would not have entered them because of their preference for female-dominated pinkand lower white-collar jobs. Without evidence to support these counterfactuals, England's framework rests on shaky ground, and other interpretations of the trajectory of occu pational segregation and gender inequality seem at least as plausible. Those

Unmarried Couples with Children. Edited by Paula England and Kathryn Edin. New York: Russell Sage, 2007. Pp. 312. $42.50 (cloth); $23.95 (paper).

<i>Unmarried Couples with Children</i>. Edited by Paula England and Kathryn Edin. New York: Russell Sage, 2007. Pp. 312. $42.50 (cloth); $23.95 (paper).

Unmarried Couples with Children. Edited by Paula England and Kathryn Edin. New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 2007. Pp. vii+301. $42.50.

Previous articleNext article No AccessBook ReviewUnmarried Couples with Children. Edited by Paula England and Kathryn Edin. New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 2007. Pp. vii+301. $42.50.Daniel T. LichterDaniel T. LichterCornell University Search for more articles by this author Cornell UniversityPDFPDF PLUSFull Text Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by American Journal of Sociology Volume 115, Number 1July 2009 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/605755 Views: 60Total views on this site © 2009 by the University of Chicago Press. All rights reserved. For permission to reuse, please contact [email protected]PDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article.

Unmarried Couples With Children ‐ Edited by Paula England and Kathryn Edin

Unmarried Couples With Children ‐ Edited by Paula England and Kathryn Edin

Feminist Economics Today: Beyond Economic Man (review)

Reviewed by: Feminist Economics Today: Beyond Economic Man Deborah M. Figart (bio) Feminist Economics Today: Beyond Economic Man edited by Marianne A. Ferber and Julie A. Nelson. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003, 184 pp., $16.00 paper. For a variety of reasons, feminists have been slower to establish a toehold within economics than within other social science and humanities disciplines. Although feminists have struggled at the margins of the discipline for over a century, we established an institutionalized presence only recently. It has been fifteen years since I attended an attention-grabbing panel titled "Can Feminism Find a Home in Economics?" at the Allied Social Science Association/American Economic Association annual meetings in 1990. Prior to that session, the word "feminism" was not part of the lexicon in the field. While some of us clawed our way through doctoral programs in economics and were fortunate enough to have dissertation advisors who supported our research that included women in the analysis or contrasted the experiences of women and men, little published work was explicitly feminist. The overcrowded session at the 1990 annual meetings was refreshing. A sign-up sheet was passed around to ascertain interest in starting a new feminist economics network. Within two years, the International Association for Feminist Economics (IAFFE) was born. For a significant number of economists who were feminists, the phrase "feminist economist" became an important, more accurate, descriptor of our identity, and our feelings of isolation in a male-dominated and androcentric discipline began to change. The development of a feminist perspective within economics is important not only for those within the discipline, but gender scholars and women's advocates in many fields. Mainstream economic theory is the dominant paradigm of contemporary public policy. Free markets and minimal government are predicated on a view of human behavior that is deeply androcentric. The androcentrism of economics was explored in an earlier volume by the same editors, Beyond Economic Man (Ferber and Nelson 1993). Feminist Economics Today is a fitting sequel. The feminist economics project has come a long way in a decade, and the book serves as an excellent illustration of the richness of its [End Page 213] scholarship. Specifically, feminist economics has begun to move beyond critique. The majority of the contributions in this new volume, after turning traditional, mainstream, or neoclassical economics on its head, provide the foundations for a developing paradigm. This second generation of work, demonstrating how feminists within economics have benefited from scholarship in other social sciences and the humanities, is written for a broad audience of students as well as gender scholars, making it widely accessible as a teaching resource. Editors Marianne Ferber and Julie Nelson have assembled a collection of eight chapters that exemplify the direction that feminist economic research has taken in the last decade. Paula England, for example, substantially updates her chapter on the separative self from 1993's Beyond Economic Man. England reviews recent feminist critiques of separative as well as soluable selves and points us to literature within economics that provides "a partial corrective to this dichotomous notion of the self" (34). Three research streams are summarized: bargaining models of the household; models of endogenous (as opposed to exogenous) tastes; the study of care work, tending children, other household members, nursing, doctoring, counseling, and therapy. In the subsequent chapter, "Contracting for Care," England, with Nancy Folbre, develops an analysis of care that links feminist theory with new institutionalist approaches within economics. Drawing upon the institutionalism of Karl Polanyi, Lourdes Benerìa both hones a critique of mainstream development policies and constructs an alternative framework for analyzing globalization. Lisa Saunders and William Darity, Jr. supply a critical chapter on the evolving work of race-ethnicity as a social category and its interactions with gender. In the years since Beyond Economic Man, there has been considerable progress in developing a sophisticated, nuanced, transdisciplinary, understanding of racial discrimination. For readers who are unfamiliar with the origins of postcolonial thought, S. Charusheela and Eiman Zein-Elabdin provide a superior primer in a chapter titled "Feminism, Postcolonial Thought, and Economics." One of the most innovative chapters delves inside the "black box" of the firm. Julie Nelson explores areas where economists...

Work‐family challenges for low‐income parents and their children.

Work-Family Challenges for Low-Income Parents and Their Children. Ann C. Crouter & Alan Booth (Eds.). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. 2004. 304 pp. ISBN 0-8058-5077-5. $32.50 (paper). Based on the 10th national symposium in the Penn State University Family Issues Symposia Series, this volume follows the familiar format for this series: four major papers, each commented on by three discussants, with participants drawn from multiple disciplines. This time the symposium aims to illuminate how work and family affect one another among families with low incomes, and the four key chapters focus on the trends in the distribution of available jobs, by Jared Bernstein, an economist; nonstandard employment schedules, by Harriet B. Presser, a sociologist and demographer; nonparental child care, by Aletha Huston, a developmental psychologist; and problems in transitions from cash welfare to paid employment, by a team of sociologists headed by Susan Clampet-Lundquist. Overall, these lead chapters and discussants' comments provide interesting insights. There is some unevenness in maintaining a focus on families and even on how to define such families. For example, Bernstein discusses employed adults whose individual earnings are low, some of whom are not in families because of the presence of additional adult earners. He looks at those whose wage rates would bring individual earnings to the poverty threshold for a family of four if the worker worked 40 hours a week and 50 weeks a year; in 2001, this threshold is $18,096, earned at $8.70 an hour. Of course, one problem is that many workers at that wage level do not work that many hours each week nor that many weeks, so that they do not actually reach this threshold. And Bernstein argues that in fact there is reasonable consensus that families' consumption needs require 200% of the poverty threshold for their family size. He notes that this does not all have to come from market earnings: tax policies such as the Earned Income Credit, food stamps, health insurance, and housing and child-care subsidies or credits can substantially increase available income. Obviously, our estimates of how many families with children are families, and what their characteristics are, will vary considerably if we look at hourly wage rates of individual workers, total family earnings below poverty thresholds or less than twice the poverty threshold, or total available income after considering earnings, credits, and subsidies (and, seldom mentioned, child support from nonresident parents). Thus, precisely who are low-income families across various authors is often unclear or inconsistent. And as Paula England as well as Lynne Casper and Rosalind King comment, total family earnings crucially depend not just on individual wages but on the sum of wages from a varying number of earners, as well as the number of children in these families, so that Bernstein needs to consider how family composition may combine with labor market characteristics to shape family income adequacy. Nevertheless, Bernstein's focus on jobs actually available, and how many relatively poorly paying jobs versus better paying jobs are out there, provides a needed downward estimate to ideas about how much changing the education or skills of workers can change the percent of workers in poorly paying jobs. …

More mercenary mate selection? Comment on Sweeney and Cancian (2004) and Press (2004)

Journal of Marriage and FamilyVolume 66, Issue 4 p. 1034-1037 More mercenary mate selection? Comment on Sweeney and Cancian (2004) and Press (2004) Paula England, Paula England Stanford UniversitySearch for more papers by this author Paula England, Paula England Stanford UniversitySearch for more papers by this author First published: 12 October 2004 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.0022-2445.2004.00075.xCitations: 12 Department of Sociology, Building 120, Serra Mall, Stanford University, Stanford, CA 94305-2047 ([email protected]). Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Citing Literature Volume66, Issue4November 2004Pages 1034-1037 RelatedInformation

The New Economic Sociology: Developments in an Emerging Field. Edited by Mauro F. Guillen, Randall Collins, Paula England, and Marshall Meyer. Russell Sage, 2002. 381 pp

The New Economic Sociology: Developments in an Emerging Field. Edited by Mauro F. Guillen, Randall Collins, Paula England, and Marshall Meyer. Russell Sage, 2002. 381 pp

Reconfigurations of Class and Gender

List of tables and figures Acknowledgments 1. Introduction Mark Western and Janeen Baxter 2. Foundations of class analysis: a marxist perspective Erik Olin Wright 3. A conceptual menu for studying the interconnections of class and gender Erik Olin Wright 4. The gendered restructuring of the middle classes Rosemary Crompton 5. Who works? comparing labor market practices Wallace Clement 6. The links between paid and unpaid work: Australia and Sweden in the 1980s and 1990s Mark Western and Janeen Baxter 7. Employment flexibility in the United States: changing and maintaining gender, class, and ethnic work relationships Rachel A. Rosenfeld 8. Gender and access to money: what do trends in earnings and household poverty tell us? Paula England 9. Women and the union democracy - welcome as members but not as leaders? a study of the Scandinavian confederation of labor Gunn Elisabeth Birkelund and Siv Overad Notes References Index.

"We Don't Sleep around like White Girls Do": Family, Culture, and Gender in Filipina American Lives

Au Etats-Unis, les immigres Philippins resistent a differentes formes de discrimination a travers l'affirmation de certaines specificites culturelles. Par exemple, la chastete des femmes avant le mariage est presentee comme une resistance au modele de la societe dominante blanche americaine, mais ceci se fait au prix de l'autonomie des femmes et renforce le pouvoir patriarcal dans ces communautes

Reducing Income and Wealth Inequality: Real Utopian Proposals

ERIK OLIN WRIGHT University of Wisconsin Juster, Susan and Maris Vinovskis. 1987. Changing Perspectives on the American Family in the Past. Annual Review of Sociology 13: 193-216. Kamerman, Sheila. 1996. and Family Policies: An International Overview. Pp. 31-48 in Children, Families, and Governmerlt, edited by E. Zigler, J. Kagan, and E. Hall. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Kelly, Erin and Frank Dobbin. 1999 forthcoming. Civil Rights Law at Work: Discrimination and the Rise of Maternity Leave Policies. American Journal of Sociology. Kessler, Ronald and Jane McLeod. 1984. Sex Differences in Vulnerability to Undesirable Life Events. American Sociological Review 49: 620-31. Kilbourne, Barbara, Paula England, George Farkas, Kurt Beron, and Dorothea Weir. 1994. Returns to Skill, Compensating Differentials, and Gender Bias: Effects of Occupational Characteristics on the Wages of White Women and Men. American Journal of Sociology 100: 689-719. King, Rosalind B. 1999. Time Spent in Status among Adults in the United States. Demography 36: 377-85. Lasch, Christopher. 1977. Haven in a Heartless World: the Family Besieged. New York: Basic Books. Louv, Richard. 1990. Childhood's Future. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. Manning, Steven. 1999. Students for Sale: How Corporations Are Buying their Way into America's Classrooms. Nation, September 27: 11-18. McLanahan, S. and J. Adams. 1987. Parenthood and Psychological Well-Being. Annual Review of Sociology 13: 237-57. Monson, Rene. 1997. State-in and Gender: Collecting Information from Mothers and Fathers in Paternity Cases. Gender and Society 11: 279-95. Preston, Samuel. 1984. and the Elderly: Divergent Paths for America's Dependents. Demography 21: 435-57. Riflin, Jeremy.1994. End of Work. New York: Putnam. Simon, Robin W. 1995. Gender, Multiple Roles, Role Meaning and Mental Health. Journal of Health and Social Behavior 36:182-94. Sonenstein, Freda L. 1991. The Child Care Preferences of Parents with Young Children: How Little is Known. Pp. 337-53 in Parental Leave and Child Care, edited by J. S. Hyde and M. J. Essex. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Sprague, Joey. 1996. Seeing Gender as Social Structure. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association, New York. Waldfogel, Jane. 1997. The Effect of Children on Women's Wages. American Sociologzcal Review 62: 209-17. Wolman, William. 1997. JuEs Economy: Triumph of Capital and the Betrayal of Work. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley. Wright, Erik. Olin. 2000. Reducing Income and Wealth Inequality: Real Utopian Proposals. Contemporary Sociology 29:143-56. Zelizer, Vivian. 1985. Pricing the Priceless Child. New York: Basic Books.

Minimizing Workplace Gender and Racial Bias

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Marxism and Social Movements: Theory and Practice for Social Justice

T. R. YOUNG Texas Women's University Lehmann, Jennifer M. 1994. Durkheim and Women. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. Orloff, Ann Shola. 1993. and the Social Rights of Citizenship: Comparative Analysis of Gender Relations and Welfare States. American Sociological Review 58:303-328. Quadagno, Jill. 1994. Color of Welfare: How Racism Undermirled the War on Poverty. New York: Oxford University Press. Reskin, Barbara F. and Patricia A. Roos. 1990. Job Queues, Gender Queues: Explainirlg Women's Inroads into Male Occupations. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Risman, Barbara J. 1987. Intimate Relationships from a Microstructural Perspective: Men Who Mother. Gender and Society 1: 6-32. Rossi, Alice S. 1984. and Parenthood. American Sociological Review 49: 1-19. Smith-Lovin, Lynn and J. Miller McPherson. 1993. Are Who You Know: A Network Approach To Gender. Pp. 223-51 in Theory on Gender/Femirlism on Theory, edited by Paula England. New York: Aldine de Gruyter. Spelman, Elizabeth V. 1988. Inesserltial Woman: Problems of Exclusion in Feminist Thought. Boston: Beacon Press. Sprague, Joey and Mary K. Zimmerman. 1993. Overcoming Dualisms: A Feminist Agenda for Sociological Methodology. Pp. 255-80 in Theory orl Gender/Feminism on Theory, edited by Paula England. New York: Aldine de Gruyter. Tannen, Deborah. 1990. You Just Don't Understand: Women and Men in Conversatiorl. New York: Ballantine Books. Tong, Rosemarie. 1998. Feminist Thought: A More Comprehensive Introdmctiorl. 2d Ed. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Tuana, Nancy. 1993. Less Noble Sex: Scientific, Religious, and Philosophical Conceptiorls of Woman's Nature Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Udry, Richard S. 1994. The Nature of Gender. Demography 31 : 561-73. Walby, Sylvia. 1986. Patriarchy at Work: Patriarchal and Capitalist Relations in Employment. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. West, Candace and Sarah Fenstermaker. 1993. Power, Inequality and the Accomplishment of Gender: An Ethnomethodological View. Pp. 151-74 in Theory on Gender/Feminism on Theory, edited by Paula England. New York: Aldine de Gruyter. Williams, Christine L. 1993. Psychoanalytic Theory and the Sociology of Gender. Pp. 13149 in Theory on Gender/Feminism on Theory, edited by Paula England. New York: Aldine de Gruyter. Wright, Erik Olin. 1997. Class Counts: Comparative Studwies in Class Analysis. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.