Use Of Party Research Articles

Global Insights on Public Perceptions and Engagement based on TikTok politics

In the digital era, social media platforms like TikTok are increasingly used for political campaigns. This study examines the PAN party's use of the viral TikTok song "PAN 12" to engage students, using Davidoff’s public perception theory. Employing a qualitative descriptive method with six student informants from Sidoarjo, the research reveals mixed perceptions: some find the content engaging, while others criticize it for lacking substantive political content. The findings highlight that while TikTok can reach a wider audience and enable direct interaction with voters, it risks prioritizing popularity over political substance. Therefore, the PAN party should address criticisms with transparency and substantial communication to enhance understanding of their political goals. Highlights: TikTok engages a wider audience for political campaigns. "PAN 12" song evokes mixed reactions from students. Balance popularity with substantive communication to address criticisms. Keywords: Social Media, TikTok, Political Campaigns, Public Perception, Student Engagement

All You Need is Love? An analysis of the election campaign of the Green Party in 2021 on Facebook.

The 2021 federal election in Germany was very different from previous elections. For the first time, the environmental party, The Greens, ran a candidate for chancellor. In addition, the election campaign was increasingly digital due to the Corona pandemic. Citizens increasingly turned to the internet for information. In this context, Facebook was the most used social network for reading, sharing, and discussing political news. This paper examines the Green Party's use of Facebook during the election campaign to identify characteristics of their communication behaviour and user reactions. The empirical investigation is carried out by means of a qualitative content analysis according to Mayring. In the period from 01/04 to 26/09/2021 a total of 251 posts of the Green Party were analysed. The tool Fanpage Karma was used for this purpose. Based on the number of posts, relevant topics of the online election campaign were identified. We also looked at how often and with which reactions users responded to the party's posts. The results of the study show that the 2021 chancellor candidate Annalena Baerbock plays a prominent role. She is mentioned in 30.68% of all posts. In addition, environmental policy, the party's core issue, takes up a comparatively large amount of space with a total of 111 posts (44.22%). Of these, 39.84% deal with climate-related issues. The results of the analysis also show that the party has a broader range of topics. Social issues are mentioned in 38.65% of the posts and the image of being a ‘single-issue party’ is being shed to some extent. It can also be seen that The Greens, who are among the winners of the 2021 election, publish a comparatively low number of posts. At the same time, they receive the second-most ‘Love’ reactions, and the most ‘Loves’ per post. The study shows Facebook's status in the online election campaign of the German environmental party in the 2021 federal election. It provides information about the scope of use and topic setting on the social platform. At the same time, the results show to what extent and with what reactions the posts have been addressed.

Law, justice and the role of courts in changing the social superstructure narrative in climate litigation

Law, justice and the role of courts in changing the social superstructure narrative in climate litigation

Quota, Class, and Political Violence in Mao's China

AbstractBy investigating a one thousandth national execution quota issued in the Campaign to Suppress Counterrevolutionaries (1950–1953), the article explores an aspect of Maoist politics that has largely escaped mainstream scholarship on Mao, the CCP, and PRC history. It shows how the newly created Maoist regime sought to eliminate its political enemy based on a specific demographic estimate of one thousandth. Tracing the roots of this quantification of political enemies into Mao's class-analysis theory back to the 1920s and explaining other political campaigns throughout the 1950s as continuations of the party's use of this method, the article argues that quantitative concepts and relations were important instruments in Maoist ideology, the CCP's political strategy and the working of the party-state. By proposing a concept of “quotacide,” the article identifies an ignored type of large-scale, ideologically based, and politically driven homicide in the history of political violence. The article also brings in similar quantitative policies of political suppression in other authoritarian party-states such as the Soviet Union (the 1930s) and North Vietnam (the 1950s) in this context.

The Gülen Movement in Turkey: The Politics of Islam, Science and Modernity

The Gülen Movement in Turkey: The Politics of Islam, Science and Modernity

The timeous enforcement of trade mark rights

Ideally, a trade mark proprietor should take steps to enjoin infringing use as soon as possible after a third party commences use of a registered trade mark, such use amounting to infringement. The reality of commerce is, of course, that this does not always happen. Sometimes the proprietor might simply not be aware of the infringement. At other times the third party's use could be perceived not to be prejudicial at first, due to, inter alia, geographical considerations, the size of the operation, the nature of the goods produced or services rendered etc. The result could be that court proceedings are only instituted a number of years after use first began (but always on the assumption of course that the third party's use postdates the registration date of the proprietor's mark). By way of example, in Turbek Trading CC v A & D Spitz Ltd 2009 (SCA) 158, a claim was considered on the merits despite a delay of six years (par 15). One question that needs answering here is what the legal consequences are when there is a delay before a trade mark right is enforced. Another, in what circumstances the delay can constitute a defence, and the various defences that could feature (waiver and consent are not dealt with here - see Sonnekus The Law of Estoppel in South Africa (2012) 161). These issues are discussed below (see also Alberts 'Check who's using yourtrade mark: The need for the timely enforcement of trade-mark rights' 2007 Juta's Business Law 32).

From Latin America to Africa: Defining the “World Revolution” in The Black Panther

Throughout the late 1960s and 1970s, the Black Panther Party offered an alternative discourse to the Civil Rights Movement, primarily using Black power rhetoric, Black nationalism and internationalism, and Marxist-Leninist revolutionary politics. This article provides a historical analysis of the Party's international news coverage, published between 1967 and 1970, in its newspaper The Black Panther Black Community News Service. Although previous literature has largely analyzed the Party's use of print media, less work has analyzed how the Party's newspaper became a tool for internationalizing the U.S. Black Power Movement (BPM), immediately following the launching of The Black Panther. An analysis of the newspapers’ first 3 years of publication locates the 1960s BPM within a global movement focusing on both race and class struggle. Although there is little evidence that suggests the newspaper had a significant effect on fostering an international BPM, its existence is important. This article shows how the newspaper helped shape the discourse of race and class by highlighting how The Black Panther informed their members and other readers about the organization and its messages, but also educated readers about international affairs (particularly about socialist and liberation movements abroad). Such a project underscores the importance of the relationship between media history and social movements.

Patent Holdouts and the Standard-Setting Process

A patent holder whose patent is made public only after the relevant technology has been widely adopted can demand not only a royalty that reflects the intrinsic value of that technology but also a royalty that reflects the value of each infringing firm's technology-specific investments. This is the familiar patent holdout problem, and it particularly plagues the standard-setting process. Importantly, and the insight missed both in practice and in the literature today, the greater the number of patent holders in this holdout position, the less each can expect to earn from this tactic. That is, if fifteen patent holders can credibly threaten to shut an infringer for six months while that firm redesigns its products and services, the value associated with avoiding six months of disruption must be split fifteen ways. If three hundred patent holders can credibly make that threat, the pro rata share drops by a factor of twenty. More patents means less money per patent holder. Less money, in turn, means less of an incentive for a firm to strategically delay in the hopes of being a patent holdout, and less of an incentive for an accidental patent holdout to actually bring suit. In this eight-page magazine-style piece, I examine this dynamic and argue that firms can harness it as a way of protecting themselves from patent holdouts. If I am right here, my analysis has not only a practical payoff for firms hoping to implement patented technologies, but also some theoretical punch. After all, the conventional literature on the tragedy of the anti-commons asserts that resources will be inefficiently under-used in the face of too many overlapping patent rights. My point here is that some resources actually come into efficient use precisely because there are so many patent holders who each can plausibly veto a particular party's use.

The Value of Precedent: Appellate Briefs and Judicial Opinions in the U.S. Courts of Appeals

This study of appellate advocacy examines factors that affect judicial treatment of precedents identified in litigant briefs. Although we find some attorney and party characteristics influence whether a court addresses precedent cited by a party, legal resources are not as influential in the court's adoption of a party's use of a precedent. At times, ideological congruence between the circuit panel and the litigant increases the likelihood that the court's opinion will use a precedent in the same way as presented by the litigants. Concerning attorney experience, when their clients ultimately win the case, attorneys with no experience before the circuit are less likely to see the court use litigant-cited precedents in a similar way to the party brief. Even when their clients lose, experienced attorneys are more likely to see the court's opinion address the precedents the attorneys have raised positively. This suggests that attorney experience has some influence in shaping legal policy, regardless of whether the litigant wins or loses.

Effects of a Visual Technology on Mock Juror Decision Making

SummaryTwo studies explored the effects of lawyers' use of PowerPoint on liability judgments in a case involving statistical evidence. Participants (Study 1, N = 192; Study 2A, N = 180; Study 2B, N = 189) watched videotaped opening statements for plaintiffs and defendant. In general, defendant's responsibility was judged to be greater when plaintiffs used PowerPoint slides than when they did not and less when defendant used PowerPoint slides than when it did not. Furthermore, PowerPoint's impact was greatest when its use was unequal. PowerPoint enhanced persuasion partly through central and partly through peripheral processing. In general, each party's use of PowerPoint increased participants' recall of that party's evidence, which in turn increased defendant's judged responsibility (when plaintiffs used PowerPoint) or reduced it (when defendants used PowerPoint), indicative of central processing. PowerPoint also functioned as a peripheral cue, influencing participants' judgments of defendant's responsibility by affecting their perceptions of the respective attorneys. Copyright © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Moralpolitik og marketing – Dansk Folkepartis brug af pressemeddelelser [Moral politics and marketing – The use of press releases by Dansk Folkeparti

Dansk Folkeparti (the Danish People's Party) uses press releases to a much larger extent than any other Danish party. But they also use them in a different way. Through an analysis of press releases from a randomly chosen month in 2010, this article discusses the party's use of press releases not only as a source of information about the party's political initiatives but as a way of doing what George Lakoff has called Moral Politics. The use of press releases is then discussed in relation to the distinction presented by Lees-Marshement between product oriented, sales oriented and market oriented parties. The conclusion is that Dansk Folkeparti use the press releases as a part of their political marketing, but that the party due to its moral politics has to be classified as a sales oriented party.

“Whatever the Party Asks of Me”: Women's Political Representation in Chile's Unión Demócrata Independiente

The most conservative party in Chile, the Unión Demócrata Independiente, has nominated and elected more women to local-level office than any of the other major parties in the country. In this article, I argue that the candidate selection processes used by this party explain how it has proposed more women candidates for municipal office than parties with defined ideological commitments to increasing women's representation. The party's use of candidate selection procedures that are both exclusive and centralized allow women to avoid important obstacles on the path to obtaining candidacies. The case of the Unión Demócrata Independiente is important, first, because it allows us to understand how a party without a commitment to increasing women's participation can nonetheless do so, and second, because it lays bare the causal mechanisms of candidate selection procedures and increases our understanding of the effects that these processes have on female representation.

Advocate General says comparative advertising is not a matter of trade mark law

According to Advocate General Mengozzi, trade mark infringement is not relevant in assessing the legality of a third party's use of an identical trade mark or similar sign in comparative advertising, but such advertising is governed exhaustively by Article 3a of the Misleading Advertising Directive (84/450), as amended by the Comparative Advertising Directive (97/55) (‘CAD’).

Managing Land Use and Institutional Controls with GIS

ABSTRACT Between 1992 and 2005, Brookhaven National Laboratory (BNL) carried out a comprehensive environmental cleanup of thirty contaminated areas and facilities. Because some of the cleanup efforts involved isolation of contamination in permanent storage (e.g., safe-storage of the United States Government. Neither the United States Government nor any agency thereof, nor any of their employees, nor any of their contractors, subcontractors, or their employees, makes any warranty, express or implied, or assumes any legal liability or responsibility for the accuracy, completeness, or any third party's use or the results of such use of any information, apparatus, product, or process disclosed, or represents that its use would not infringe privately owned rights. Reference herein to any specific commercial product, process, or service by trade name, trademark, manufacturer, or otherwise, does not necessarily constitute or imply its endorsement, recommendation, or favoring by the United States Government or any agency thereof or its contractors or subcontractors. The views and opinions of authors expressed herein do not necessarily state or reflect those of the United States Government or any agency thereof. of reactor components), residual low-level soil contamination, or long-term groundwater treatment to achieve cleanup goals, land use restrictions are needed to prevent human and environmental exposure to remaining contaminants that are above levels that allow unrestricted use. BNL uses a web-based geographic information system (GIS) to integrate and overlay information from databases, electronic documents and paper reports that are distributed throughout the BNL site, and to convey this information to stewards and stakeholders.

When Two Giants Collide: Article 17 and the Scope of Trademark Protection Afforded Under the Trips Agreement

The protection of trademarks, when it raises a conflict with the protection of geographical indications is one of the most contested issues on the international trade and intellectual property arena. In European Communities - Protection of Trademarks and Geographical Indications for Agricultural Products and Foodstuffs a WTO panel was faced with this issue. The panel report gives some insight into what international trademark law mandates as well as some pointers on how conflicts between different IP rights should be solved. This article attempts a deeper analysis of the coexistence of rights in the framework of the TRIPS Agreement that will inevitably grow in importance, when trade-related aspects start permeating all intellectual property issues in WTO fora. The article adopts a new approach to analyzing international trademark law. The Western concept of trademarks as property is contrasted to another concept of property that is derived from the use of property. While the property discussion in itself is not new to trademark law, nor is a discussion on the significance of trademark use in trademark law, here, the discussions are combined and refined in an attempt to provide an analytical framework for deciding international trademark cases. It is argued that the property right in a trademark should be assessed through how it is used, and any finding of infringement hinges upon whether the use of the trademark by its proprietor is unlawfully affected by a third party's use of an identical or similar sign. Informed by property theory and international law, the analytical framework is applied to the issues raised in the panel report. This leads to the conclusion that the panel report is flawed in certain respects.

The Politics of Disruption: War Veterans and the Local State In Zimbabwe

This article is about war veterans' recent assault on the local state in Zimbabwe. From February 2001, veterans stormed local authorities in districts where the political opposition had strong support-primarily but not exclusively in Matabeleland and Midlands Provinces. They locked district council and other local goverment offices, closed some schools and demanded the dismissal of numerous officials, councilors, teachers and workers. Officials were suspended from their jobs and subjected to a procedure of 'vetting' by war veterans in which they were accused of a wide range of offences from dancing on the photograph of the President, to campaigning for the opposition party, to maladministration and corruption. This process has received little comment from President Mugabe, war veterans, or party leaders- in contrast to war veterans' interventions in other areas, such as land and labour issues- yet its consequences are potentially far-reaching. Here the focus is on Matabeleland North. I investigate the veterans' demands, the ad hoc bodies set up to deal with them, and local reactions to the closures and suspensions. I argue that war veterans' interventions have politicized all areas of public sector work and have seriously undermined the scope for professionalism within the public service. The ruling party has used veterans' disruption to newly conflate party and state structures at district and provincial level, and to set up new channels of authority. In so doing, Zanu(PF) has gained more control over the local state. However, the party's use of the veterans has also produced unintended effects related to the priorities of particular groups of veterans and their exploitation of a range of local grievances.

Expert witnesses, nonexpert witnesses, and nonwitness experts.

The role and responsibilities of the expert winness is a controversial subject. This article emphasizes the legal rules (of evidence and procedure) governing the expert and the policy grounds on which they rest. As the law's policies for the use of expertise shift from stage as stage as litigation progresses, or differ between categories of legal cases (criminal vs. civil), or with a party's use of an expert (from being a nonwitness consultant to an expert witness at trial), the law expects the role of the expert to be reshaped accordingly. On some important issues, the law sends contradictory messages: What its formal rules announce is at war with its structure and practices. And these, in turn, sometimes are in tension with the demands of the expert's professional ethical codes. On other matters of importance to experts, the law is silent, because the rules were motivated by a need to control the behavior of parties and lawyers, not experts. The result of all this is to present those who would be conscientious expert witnesses with a need to resolve nearly impossible role conflicts and ethical dilemmas.

The Nazi Party in the Fast East, 1931-45

A common feature of Hitler's Germany and Mussolini's Italy was their pursuit of foreign policies along two separate but parallel directions. One side involved the orthodox channels of intergovernmental diplomacy represented by the Foreign Ministries of each country, while the second element centred around the propaganda and subversive work abroad of such unofficial agencies as the Fascist League of North America and groups of Hitler's Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (NSDAP) operating outside Germany.1 If this system was dualistic and confusing in nature, its basic goal was always to increase the influence of fascism or National Socialism around the world and to establish in selected countries the political and economic hegemony of the dictatorships. While the activities of Nazi party organizations in the United States, Latin America, and Southwest Africa have been studied at great length, the penetration of Asia and the Far East by the NSDAP has gone virtually unnoticed.2 Two important aspects of Hitler's policy toward the Far East were his racial ideology and the Nazi party's use of German communities in China, Japan, India, Australia, and the Dutch East Indies as pawns of German policy. According to unofficial estimates at the end of the 1920s, roughly 357,480 Germans and persons of Geman descent (Volksdeutschen) lived in Asia and the Pacific islands. In 1937 Nazi statisticians counted 14,020 German nationals residing in the Far East (Auslandsdeutschen), of which 2,035 (14.51 per cent) were party members.3 Already in 1931 and 1932, long before the German and Japanese