Function Of Parties Research Articles

Electoral System and Party Dimension Assessment in Democratic Indonesia

Studies on election and its consequences on political parties in new democratic countries have often paid attention to cover the impacts imposed on the party system. This paper aims to examine the extent of the electoral system in influencing political parties in terms of improving their function or performance. This study will apply an analytical framework initiated earlier by webb and White (2009) on party dimension in the new democracy by looking at the Indonesian case. In this framework, there are saveral generic factors in the relation between the electoral system and the party's function such as ideological polarization, party constituency base, fractionalization in parliament and vote distribution. This study found that any changes applied to the electoral system in democratic Indonesian bear little or insignificant impact on political party performance. In addition, this study made use of the national election result dataset and calculated the variables with correlated formula which were subsequently analyzed to obtain an empirical explanation.

The catch‐all party thesis and the Austrian social democrats

This article examines Kirchheimer's catch‐all party thesis systematically, using the example of the Austrian Socialist Party (SPO). First, five central elements of the Kirchheimer catch‐all party are identified and possibilities for empirical research are explored. Then the empirical evidence on these five dimensions is analysed. As Kirchheimer has expected, the SPO's ‘ideological baggage’ has been drastically reduced, its top leadership groups and its electoral leader in particular have been further strengthened, the working‐class clientele has been de‐emphasised, and the party's function in the political system has been substantially reduced. Concerning the SPO's link to interest groups, however, Kirchheimer's thesis is only valid when looking at the most recent period. In view of the cumulative effect of the changes in the direction of a catch‐all party the SPO of the 1990s can definitely be classified as a catch‐all party.

Parliamentary and Extra-Parliamentary Labor: New South Wales 1941 to 1965

Although Labor in N.S.W. had shown itself quite successful at winning elections, one of the main reasons the Party failed to entrench itself in office before 1941 was internal conflict: both within the Parliamentary Party and between the Parliamentary and extra-Parliamentary Party. It is the purpose of this article to examine how relations in these two areas were handled during Labor's 24 years of government from 1941 to 1965 and, if there was a significant improvement, to look at the reasons why. The theoretical model of Labor's structure (or the 'Labor myth' as L. F. Crisp has put it)1 in brief outline goes something like this: the branches of the Party and the affiliated unions (numerically the dominant group) make up the Party Conference. The Conference is the supreme body in the Party structure and the annual Conferences determine the Party's policy. The Conference also elects the Executive as its delegate to oversee the running of the Party between Conferences. The Parliamentary Labor Party's function is to implement the policy of the movement as determined by Conference. Some discretion, however, is allowed to the Parliamentarians as to the timing of implementation of policy. A further means of ensuring the sovereignty of the rank and file is the Caucus. This body elects the leader and ministers and should approve all major decisions of a Labor Government.