Election Manifestos Of Parties Research Articles

Education in the Centenary of the Republic: An Assessment of the Educational Promises in the 2023 AK Party Election Manifesto

Bu çalışmanın amacı, Ak Parti 2023 Seçim Beyannamesinde yer verilen eğitime ilişkin hedeflerin daha önceki seçim dönemlerine ait Ak Parti seçim beyannameleriyle karşılaştırmalı olarak incelenmesidir. Bu amaçla nitel araştırma yöntemine bağlı olarak doküman incelemesinin kullanıldığı bu çalışmada temel veri kaynağı olarak 2002, 2007, 2011, 2015, 2018 ve 2023 Ak Parti seçim beyannameleri kullanılmıştır. Çalışmada elde edilen bulgulara göre 2023 Seçim Beyannamesinin daha önceki seçim beyannamelerinde yer verilen vaatlerden bir kısmını içerdiği, genel olarak tüm kademelerde eğitimde niteliğin ve uluslararası alanda başarının artırılmasının hedeflendiği, 2023 dönemi için okul öncesi dönem ve ilköğretim kademeleri ile ilgili vaatlerin çok sınırlı kaldığı, lise kademesi için meslek eğitimlerinin, piyasa ihtiyaçlarının gözetildiği, yükseköğretimde farklı kurumlarla işbirliğinin, uluslararası sıralamalarda başarı elde etmenin ve uluslararasılaşmanın öne çıktığı görülmüştür. Hayat boyu öğrenmede dijitalleşme becerilerine, dezavantajlı grupların eğitiminde fırsat eşitliğinin sağlanmasına, öğrenme ortamlarının teknoloji ile desteklenmesine, eğitimde dijitalleşme ve yapay zekaya ayrıca yer verildiği görülmüştür. Müfredat konusunda çağın gereklerine göre değişikliklerin yapılmaya ve öğretmen niteliklerinin artırılması için ihtiyaç duyulan eğitimlere devam edileceği ifade edilmiştir. 2023 seçim beyannamesi genel olarak değerlendirildiğinde eğitim konusuna günümüz dünyası ve ülke ihtiyaçlarının gözetilerek yaklaşıldığı, hedeflerin eğitimin geleceği ile ilgili umut vaat etse de zayıf yönlerinin olduğu sonucuna ulaşılmıştır.

The reshaping of political conflict over Europe: from pre-Maastricht to post-‘Euro crisis’

Party competition over European integration is structured by two main dimensions of political conflict: a socio-economic dimension (market liberalisation vs. a more regulated economy) and a socio-cultural dimension (libertarian, cosmopolitan values vs. authoritarian, nationalist values). This article investigates the relationship between these conflict dimensions and parties’ positions towards EU issues across time and space, in particular focussing on two ‘critical junctures’ in the European unification process. For this purpose, analysis is made of the election manifestos of parties competing in European Parliament elections (Euromanifestos) from 1979 to 2014. First, it is found that the key moment of the Maastricht treaty significantly reshaped party competition over Europe. After Maastricht, positions towards European integration have become less connected to the economic dimension and much more related to the cultural dimension in Western Europe. Second, it is contended that the Euro crisis has not dramatically restructured political conflict over European integration.

Does EU regional policy increase parties’ support for European integration?

How does EU funding to European regions affect sub-national parties’ support for European integration? This paper aims at analysing whether the EU regional development policy contributes to setting up support for EU institutions and European integration and thus strengthens the whole ‘European idea’ among political parties. To answer this research question, the article analyses election manifestos of parties acting on the regional level in Germany, the Netherlands, Spain and the UK for two EU programming periods: 2007─2013 and 2014─2020. The results show that sub-national parties are more supportive of European integration if regions receive more EU funding and if the parties represent regions that are dependent on EU funding.

Through the looking glass of Bhils - How Markets win what the State has lost in the desert jungles of Western Rajasthan

Based on the author’s field work in western Rajasthan, this paper forwards the argument that the growing chasm between its promises and delivery has made the state lose its credibility among the Bhils of western Rajasthan in India. The interviews and observations are based on twelve weeks of participation in the daily life of multiple actors in desert jungles of Jodhpur and Bikaner western Rajasthan. The main motive was to understand various postures on hunting- as a community activity as well as a legal input behind certain modern state laws. Still waiting for basic amenities such as reliable supply of water and electricity, forest communities as Bhils also remain unhappy with the way the power politics amongst caste plays out to suppress their ascent into public offices. Many practices of the state remain out of bounds for them. In as far as evoking from the state a moral-functional response over its failings is concerned, Bhils see no light at the end of the day either. They substantiate this by pointing out that, perhaps, their demands, requirements and expectations from the state still remain pretty much the same as the promises in the inaugural election manifestos of parties post-independence. However, although they find it hard to reach the state, its reciprocal reach towards intervening in day to day lives of the communities remains much more than its own ability to deliver for them. This is evidenced by the helicopter visions emanating from changed hunting laws which in turn change the way Bhils view the state and society around them. While Bhils come to terms with or question these laws in India, the irony is that the hunting of the very species which stands declared as under threat stands hunted clandestinely on ground by all kinds of actors, despite a ‘jail without bail’ provision that presumably should up the ante for criminal activities such as poaching. In this context this paper talks of the world view of the Bhils over the issue in general, their dilemmas and emic perspectives in particular. It also brings to light the implications of conservation politics by other communities in the vicinity such as the Bishnois who wage collective struggles to ensure protection of endangered species, while the state remains distant and lags behind in its approach to answer the issues raised by the Bhils, newer market strategies and products gain a quick entry as well as growing relevance in the Bhil lifestyles.

A Critical Analysis of the African National Congress’s Dominant Hegemonic Liberal Discourse

The objective of this paper is to engage in a critical analysis of the discourse of the ANC’s 1999, 2004 and 2009 national election manifestos. The three texts draw from the resources of the genre of manifesto, perhaps the sub-genre of party election manifesto, and share certain common structural features. We argue that these texts also use ambiguous pronouns to ensure an affinity between the ANC and the audience, (i.e., masses) with respect to the achievements of an ANC-led government, assuring it about what work still needs to be done and thus positioning the ANC’s vision as shared. Inherent in these texts are contrasting expressions, that we argue are used to denigrate the apartheid system (the segregationist regime prior to the 1994 South African democracy) and to laud the current democratic dispensation. What is also evident in all the three texts is the biased foregrounding of the ANC as the organisation which brought freedom to South Africans, leading the struggle for political, social, economic and educational transformation. It is silent about the contributions of the other political organisations to the emancipation struggle. DOI: 10.5901/mjss.2014.v5n1p313

A populist Zeitgeist? Programmatic contagion by populist parties in Western Europe

In this article, we examine the programmatic reactions to the rise of populist parties. It has been argued that populism is not necessarily the prerogative of populist parties; it has been adopted by mainstream parties as well. The article investigates whether populism is contagious. On the basis of the results of a content analysis of election manifestos of parties in five Western European countries (France, Germany, Italy, The Netherlands and the United Kingdom), we conclude that the programmes of mainstream parties have not become more populist in recent years. We find no evidence that mainstream parties change their programmes when confronted with electoral losses or successful populist challengers. Yet, we do find that populist parties change their own programmes when they have been successful: Their initial success makes them tone down their populism.

Working at the science–policy interface: a discursive analysis of boundary work at the Netherlands Environmental Assessment Agency

The Netherlands Environmental Assessment Agency (MNP) attempts to produce policy assessments and evaluations that are both useful for policy and politics and scientifically valid. A ‘boundary work’ perspective is used to analyse how the interface between science and policy is produced and reproduced discursively. Analysis of the general discourse about the position of the MNP and the relation between science and policy is followed by a case study on the environmental effect assessment of political party election manifestos. Pielke's classification of scientists' roles in policy is used to typify the discourses identified. On a general level, MNP employed ‘Science Arbiter’ discourses, steering clear of political considerations but trying to meet policymakers' demands for assessment and information. However, in the case study, discourse moved in the direction of the ‘issue advocate’, with science used to steer policy in a certain direction. The dynamics behind these processes are analysed and their implications discussed.

Unfulfilled Promises? German Social Democrats and their Policy Positions at the Federal and State Level between 1994 and 2006

From day one, the German red–green coalition government was under high pressure in the electoral arena. Previous analyses of voting behaviour showed that mainly traditional supporters refused to vote for the Social Democrats due to their lack of left‐wing profile on economic issues, which was manifested by reforms implemented in economic and welfare policy. This paper argues that the SPD adopts a leftist position on economic policy issues in order to address its core voter clientele. The analysis of voter policy positions, federal and state party election manifestos as well as coalition agreements between 1994 and 2006 shows that there is empirical evidence for this expectation. Social groups affiliated with the SPD prefer a left‐wing profile of the party. When participating in government, however, Social Democrats implement a more liberal economic policy than originally promised before elections. This is expected to lead to a further alienation of the core voter clientele from the SPD.

Neoliberalism, Institutional Change and the Welfare State: The Case of Britain and France

Neoliberal turn in economic policy involved an attack on the welfare state in some countries but not in others. This article provides an institutionalist explanation of the causes of this variation through a comparative analysis of the transformation of British and French economic policy from the end of the Second World War through the end of the 1980s. The author shows that in both nations the transition to neoliberalism accompanied the economic crisis that took place in the 1970s. However, consistent with the differences in the way the two countries came to diagnose the nature of their respective crises; the policy manifestations of neoliberalism remained different in each. In Britain, where the crisis was diagnosed as one of Keynesianism, neoliberalism emerged as a radical antiKeynesian movement that sought to dismantle major Keynesian institutions and policies.In this context, the welfare state, a fundamental Keynesian institution, was identified as a part of the ‘problem,’ and became subject to the neoliberal ‘solution.’ On the other hand, in France, where the crisis was perceived to reside in the declining competitiveness of the dirigiste policies, the neoliberal reorganization of the economy focused on industrial policy. The welfare state was not associated with the problems of dirigisme, and remained largely resilient. Through this analysis, the author attempts to develop a general theory of the relationship between neoliberalism and national policies and provide insights into the process through which paradigmatic ideas such as neoliberalism translate into concrete policy preferences in different national contexts. Data for this study come from a combination of content analysis of major government documents concerning the economy and social policy, political party election manifestos, opinion papers, OECD statistics and secondary literature.

‘Racist Crime’: Racially Aggravated Offences in the Crime and Disorder Act 1998 Part II

The introduction of racially aggravated offences in Part II of the Crime and Disorder Act 1998 (the Act) represents a major shift in the state response to violence and harassment of minorities in the United Kingdom (UK).1 It comes at a time when 'racial violence' is increasingly recognised as a persistent social problem. High profile incidents such as the Stephen Lawrence enquiry have ensured that the debate about the relationship between racial violence, crime and law enforcement agencies in the United Kingdom has taken on greater urgency.2 Previous governments resisted pressure to introduce a specific criminal offence of racial violence and harassment. In 1994, the Home Secretary, Michael Howard summarised this approach in setting out the Government's objection to the Home Affairs Committee's call to introduce such an offence in its report on Racial Attacks and Harrassment: 'All violent crimes, regardless of motivation, can already be dealt with properly under existing legislation'.3 In a sharp contrast to this approach, the Labour Party election manifesto stated that 'Britain is a multiracial and multicultural society. All of its members must have the protection of the law. We will create a new offence of racial harassment and a new crime of

British Labour and the Cold War: The Foreign Policy of the Labour Governments, 1945–1951

Labour took office in 1945 amid high hopes that its socialist message could be applied abroad as well as at home. Although Clement Attlee, Ernest Bevin, and other Labour leaders had had almost as much responsibility as their Conservative counterparts for Britain's wartime foreign policy, it was widely believed that once on its own Labour would play a different role in world affairs.Let Us Face the Future, the party's election manifesto, pledged to “apply [a] Socialist analysis to the world situation.” Bevin's famous “Left understands Left” remark was widely taken to mean that Labour would be more sympathetic to revolutionary developments throughout the world but above all to the Soviet Union. For many in the Labour movement, a socialist foreign policy and sympathy for the Soviet Union also implied distrust of the United States and its attempt to create what theNew Statesmancalled a capitalist “economic empire.” For the Labour movement as a whole, the story of these years can be summarized simply: the reluctant abandonment of hopes of Anglo-Soviet friendship and the grudging acceptance of an Anglo-American alliance.Labour leaders, of course, did not fully share the assumptions of their more enthusiastic followers, and they made clear from the start that they intended no radical break with the foreign policy of the wartime coalition that they had helped to shape. Ernest Bevin told the Commons in his first major speech as foreign secretary that he accepted the foreign policy of his predecessor, Anthony Eden. But a commitment to continuity in foreign policy did not immediately entail complete hostility to the Soviet Union or a special relationship with the United States.

Bureaucracy and Power without Responsibility

The pressures on the politician frying to impfement his party's election manifesto are often at variance with the interests of the departmental bureaucracy he expects to design his policies. Dr Keith Hartley, Director of the Institute of Social and Economic Research at the University of York, examines the direct interests of bureaucrats in their departmental budgets.

Foreign Policy of the Janata Party Government

the foreign policy of the new Janata Party government began to emerge within a few weeks of assuming power in India in March 1977. party's election manifesto had been extremely vague on foreign policy. The Janata Party's foreign policy, it said, reflect the nation's enlightened interest and its aspirations and priorities at home. It will oppose all forms of colonialism, neocolonialism, and racialism. It stands for friendship for all. During the election campaign, Morarji Desai left no doubt as to what he thought of Indira Gandhi's practice of nonalignment. Her father never became subservient to anybody, but she has done so. When she signed a treaty with Russia and not one with America also, this was not proper.' He emphasized that he would not abrogate the Soviet treaty, but only alter the special relationship which it reflected to true nonalignment. Opinion in the Janata Party was divided on this subject; and its General Secretary, Surendra Mohan, reacted to reports that Desai had advocated annulment of the treaty by expressing himself in favor of perpetuating it. India's relations with the Soviet Union must not be affected no matter which party came to power. But Mohan belonged to the Socialist Party. other constituent parties of the Janata, most notably the pro-Hindu, right-wing Jan Sangh, had a different outlook on foreign policy-and one which was radically opposed to the Congress Party. As it happened, Prime Minister Desai assigned the portfolio of External Affairs to one of the Jan Sangh's most articulate critics of the

New Focus on Industrial Democracy in Britain

Industrial democracy in Britain has traditionally operated through the process of collective bargaining, but since 1973 the Trades Union Congress has pursued the objec tive of giving workers' representatives parity on company boards of directors with shareholders' representatives. This approach was adopted in the Labour party's election manifesto for the current Parliament, but the government, somewhat uncertain as to how to implement this objective, has appointed the Bullock Committee to investigate the issue. The com mittee's report is expected to be broadly favorable to the TUC viewpoint, but most employers and some unions want a more flexible approach to worker participation. Any government legislation in the near future is likely to be threatened by time constraints and a declining majority in Parliament, but there is general agreement in all the political parties about the need for some further development in participation, even if not about the precise form that it should take.