Party Government Research Articles

Hybrid Political Regime: The Fall of Foreign Direct Investment in Mexico

Today we can identify a variety of political and economic systems in the world. A free market economic system is more likely to work if it is based on a democratic political system. According to the Democracy Index 2021, Mexico went from being an imperfect democracy to a hybrid regime, with the risk of becoming an authoritarian regime. The transition from a political system of imperfect democracy to a hybrid regime represents a great risk for domestic and foreign private investment. There is a latent political risk for investors in this type of country, which scares away foreign direct investment. This research presents an analysis of the behavior of foreign direct investment in Mexico from 2000 to 2021 by state and political party. A point biserial correlation test is performed to prove the existence of a dependencie between the attraction of foreign investment and the political party in government. Lower capital inflows in Mexico is observed since the presence of MORENA, actual political party that is in both, the federal and some state governments. Descriptive statistics show that in most of the matches there is a dependence and also a correlation, however it is prudent to study the direction of this relationship and the strength. The findings are based on an analysis of three years of government of the MORENA political party; therefore, a longer period could be considered for future research.

Policy Implementation of Law No. 35 of 2014 Regarding Child Protection in Cibeber District, Lebak Regency

Child protection is all the forms that are implemented that every child can get the rights and responsibilities to grow and develop naturally, both physically, mentally, and socially. The purpose of this research is to find out the implementation of Law No. 35 of 2014 on Child Protection Policy in Cibeber District, Lebak Regency. The research used descriptive qualitative methods and the basis for the use of research methods aims to collect and analyze a certain process related to the research focus. The data obtained are presented descriptively and analyzed using descriptive analytic techniques of the case study type. The theory used in this research is the Implementation Theory of Donald Van Metter and Carl Van Horn in Widodo (2008). The results of the study show that the Cibeber District Government has socialized child protection regulations quite well, this is evidenced by the role of the Cibeber District Government in collaboration with related parties such as the Health Party, Law Enforcement Officials, Village Government Parties, Social Assistance Parties (PATBM), to socialize and implement programs related to child protection, especially in Law No.35 of 2014. The obstacles found are the lack of public understanding of child protection regulations, as well as socio-economic conditions that result in gaps in the occurrence of violence against children, besides that the form of programs and socialization carried out by the government is not carried out in stages.

Ministerial Advisers as Power Resources: Exploring Expansion, Stability and Contraction in Westminster Ministers’ Offices

Abstract In this article, we argue that the entourage of ministerial advisers available to prime ministers and other ministers is an institutional power resource that can serve as a useful indicator to measure the changing nature of the political executive. Two novel contributions are made utilising four new datasets on ministerial advisers coupled with a comparative analysis of 21 governments in Australia, Britain, Canada and New Zealand, in varying dates between 1997 and 2020. First, by using ministerial advisers as a proxy indicator, we chart how the offices of executive politicians can either expand, remain stable or contract. As a corrective to the general long-term narrative that ministers’ offices continually expand, our evidence shows this expansion has in some cases been interrupted and more generally manifests in different patterns from one government to the next. Second, we interrogate these patterns against the background of four typical assumptions from the party family, government tenure, parliamentary control and leadership stability literature. The new datasets, typology and analysis provide fresh comparative insights to advance our understanding about the evolving nature of the political executive in the four classic Westminster family countries.

‘Judicialization of corruption’ in Ghana: an analysis of how Ghanaians view the Office of the Special Prosecutor

ABSTRACT Anti-corruption agencies in Ghana have failed over the years to deal with corruption and also take decisive steps in tackling the menace. For this reason inter alia, the New Patriotic Party (NPP) government in 2018 established the Office of the Special Prosecutor as an institutional response to deal assertively with the issue of corruption. This action expanded the scope and discourse on the fight against corruption in Ghana. Following from this, the paper conceptualised the new institutional endeavour to control corruption in Ghana, simply as the ‘judicialization of corruption’. By judicialization of corruption, the paper meant to portray a phenomenon where there is the use of judiciary and judicial processes in fighting corruption. Coming on the back of a political campaign promise, the paper seemly tested Ghanaian voters’ view on this new anti-corruption arrangement by the government and puts forward a broad-spectrum of views by voters regarding the creation of the OSP. The paper used mixed method to triangulate both qualitative and quantitative data. The result showed majority of voters backing government's idea to create the OSP albeit a sizeable number perceiving the OSP as a mere conduit to ‘witch-hunt’ erstwhile government officials.

민주시민 양성을 위한 3·8민주의거의 지역학적 위상

In this study, the spirit of the times and the regional status of the 3·8 Democratic Movement were examined. As is well known, the 3·8 Democratic Movement occupies a very important position not only in the Daejeon region but also in the history of democratization in Korea in that it became the mother of the 4·19 Revolution. Above all, this study discusses that it was a voluntary student movement triggered by students' anger against the Liberal Party regime, and this acted as a premise to create a regional status of the 3·8 Democratic Movement. The peculiarity of the 3·8 Democratic Movement is that it was not just a specific high school in the Daejeon area, but a coalition of several schools.
 In addition, the regional status of the 3·8 Democratic Movement is related to fostering democratic citizens. The 3·8 Democratic Movement was not an impromptu movement by high school students at the time, but contained the identity of a planned and voluntary uprising. It is also an incident that implies both the uniqueness of student-led initiatives for freedom, democracy, and justice, and the identity of Daejeon local residents. Based on this regional status, the 3·8 Democratic Movement can be used as an educational source for fostering democratic citizens.

The Oil Thief of Baghdad: Understanding Saddam's Motives for Invading Iran

This article argues that Iraqi president Saddam Husayn's primary motive for invading Iran in 1980 was to seize the oil of Khuzestan Province. I look at all the evidence, much of which was either overlooked in previous treatments of the subject or was unavailable: Iraq's military moves, Ba'th Party regime records, tapes of Saddam's conversations, declassified United States government documents, and interviews with Iraqi generals. Reasons previously offered, like the desire to spark a counterrevolution in Tehran or regain full control of the Shatt al-'Arab waterway, were secondary or tertiary considerations, though played up for propaganda purposes.

EXECUTION STRATEGIES OF ISLAMIC GOVERNANCE: THE CASE OF TÜRKIYE (2010-2020)

Academics conducted in-depth analyses and critical research on the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, (AK PARTI) government's Islamisation projects. However, little research has been conducted to understand the execution processes of Islamic governance in Türkiye from a genuine administrative perspective. This research tries to fill this gap. For this purpose, it discusses the conceptual framework of Islamic governance for theoretical guidelines. Then, it discusses the execution strategies adopted by the AK PARTI government. The study identified that the AK PARTI government followed mainly six strategies in Islamising Turkish governance: (1) developing public institutions; (2) developing Islamic educational institutions; (3) curriculum reforms; (4) major financing; (5) empowering Islamic bureaucracy, and (6) managing Islamic Da‘wa. These six strategies are largely implemented through two channels: the Directorate of Religious Affairs and the Imam Hatip Schools. The Imam Hatip High School, a vocational high school with a modern and Islamic curriculum established to prepare preachers and Imams, is operated by the Ministry of National Education. The AK PARTI administration gave importance to these schools to produce a religion-oriented generation. This has gained international attention as an alternative model for Madrasas in Muslim nations. However, this study concludes that Türkiye has a long way to go before achieving genuine Islamisation in society. The AK PARTI government should decentralize da‘wa by focusing local enterprises on disseminating authentic Islamic messages and expanding the participation of numerous state institutions in the Islamisation process. This is a qualitative study depending on primary and secondary sources. Primary sources include government reports and documents, websites of the pertinent government institutions and ministries, and national and international dailies. The secondary sources include referred books, journal articles, and scholarly research. The analysis focuses on the period 2010-2020 because it was from 2010 that the AK PARTI government mainly initiated Islamisation projects to generate an Islamic society based on Islamic values.

The political and fiscal determinants of public health and curative care expenditures: evidence from the Canadian provinces, 1980-2018.

Public health systems have been centre stage during the COVID-19 pandemic, but governments invest relatively little in public health as compared to curative care. Previous research has shown that public health expenditures are under pressure during recessions and could be politically determined, but very few studies analyze quantitatively their determinants. This study investigates the political and fiscal determinants of public health and curative care expenditures. After constructing a dataset building on disaggregated health expenditures in the Canadian provinces from 1975 to 2018, we use error correction models to study the short-run and long-run influence of fiscal and political determinants on public health expenditures and on curative expenditures. Fiscal determinants include measures of public debt charges and federal transfers. Political determinants include government partisanship and election cycles. We also explore whether curative expenditures crowd out public health expenditures. We find no difference between left and right governments in curative care expenditures but show that left governments spend more on public health if we control for past spending decisions in favour of curative care. Fiscal austerity reduces both public health and curative expenditures, and provincial governments use additional intergovernmental transfers to increase their curative care budgets. A growth in the proportion of curative care relative to total health budgets is associated with a decline in public health expenditures. Even though they have low political salience, public health expenditures remain driven by partisanship and electoral concerns. Despite their widely acknowledged importance, public health programs develop in the shadow of curative care priorities.

Smart Governance in China’s Political-Legal System

Abstract The belief in quantitative indicators based on standardized data as an effective tool has become more entrenched than ever before, in both public and corporate governance, because of a drive to achieve more efficiency and accountability. The power of automated computation systems and the ubiquitous availability of big data have magnified the potential and capacities for quantification. The People’s Republic of China (prc) has enthusiastically embraced these advanced technologies. The rapid digitization and automation of social governance in China, called “smart governance,” entail new approaches to social and political control, driven by innovations in algorithmic systems, big data analytics, and artificial intelligence. This article seeks to reveal the ideological foundations of the prc’s push for the digitization and automation of social governance. Drawing on international scholarship on Chinese Marxism and Leninism, it argues that the positivist organizational and ideological principles of Marxism-Leninism help explain why technology and automation are embraced so enthusiastically by the Chinese party-state: they provide a way to achieve the dream of rational Marxist governance. Through an empirical analysis of 120 articles from 2014 to 2021, this article illustrates that these ideas are, or may be, a vital part of shaping academic discourse around smart governance in China today. An analysis of Chinese academic discourse is an essential part of understanding the ideological foundations of Chinese Communist Party (ccp) governance and statecraft and how these commitments shape the embrace and deployment of smart technologies. The way in which scholars discuss the transformative power of smart technologies demonstrates a similar ideological understanding of social governance.

Analyzing People's Silence Power and the Incumbent Local Party Regime in Aceh Province Regional Head Elections in 2017

Simultaneous regional head elections aim to properly build democratization at the local level. It is related to the level of participation and the power relations that result from the principle implementation of people's sovereignty. Election results improve people's social, political, and economic circumstances. The purpose of this research is to determine why political dynamics of local and national parties occurred in the 2017 post-conflict local election in Aceh, as well as the influence of political dynamics of local and national parties on the Aceh post-conflict local election in 2017. This study was conducted in Aceh Province and used a descriptive qualitative research method. Primary data is obtained from the first source in the form of writing or written notes, whereas secondary data is obtained from existing sources. Basically, a political battle in general elections or regional head elections is a natural thing, the most important thing is how each candidate and his supporters are mature. This means giving political lessons that in a fight there must be a winner. Later when whoever wins will not influence the people not to stay away from the leader who becomes the winner. The journey of democracy teaches the winners in the sense that all people will honestly and fairly participate, even if they don't support it at first. What's more, we see that the battles that took place were dominated by former combatants of the Free Aceh Movement, who incidentally were comrades-in-arms. We can see the battle this time around in the democratic arena under the auspices of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia which has become a commitment between the Free Aceh Movement and the Republic of Indonesia. The response is that whoever our winners are still brothers, in the future we can join hands hand in hand to create prosperity and peace in Aceh. Keywords: Political Information, Positioning Strategy, Silence Power, Hegemony, and Regional Head Elections

Do populist governments reduce corruption?

ABSTRACT If alleged corruption helps populists get elected, as extant research suggests, do they later address the problem effectively? This study seeks systematic cross-national evidence for the link between populist parties in government and malfeasance by analysing evidence from Eastern Europe. The central argument is that once in power, populist parties fail to eliminate corruption because (i) they also resort to clientelistic practices to secure re-election, and (ii) they weaken the mechanisms of accountability. The results from regression analysis of panel data and qualitative case studies confirm that ruling populist parties have not been successful in fighting corruption mostly because of their deliberate encroaching on state institutions.

Analysis of Regional Financial Conditions in Local Governments of Enrekang Regency, South Sulawesi Province, Indonesia

Purpose: The aim of this study was to examine the local financial condition of Enrekang Regency for the 2015-2019 fiscal year as an overview of the ability and success of local governments in managing their own local finances. Theoretical framework: The Regional financial condition is the ability of a local government to fulfill its obligations to anticipate unexpected events, as well as to execute their financial rights effectively and efficiently (Ritonga, 2014). The measurements carried out in this study are based on the dimensions of condition measurement proposed by Ritonga 2014, namely short-term solvency, budget solvency, long-term solvency, financial flexibility, financial independence, and service level solvency. Design/methodology/approach: The method used in this research is the descriptive method with a quantitative approach. The data used is secondary data sourced from the Local Government Financial Report Examination Results of Enrekang Regency for the 2015-2019 fiscal year, obtained from the Information and Documentation Management Officer. Findings: The results of this satudy are the financial management in Enrekang Regency is quite good so as to produce a fairly good financial condition as well. Enrekang Regency has a good financial condition in terms of short-term dimensions, budget solvency, financial flexibility and service level solvency. Meanwhile, the regional financial condition of Enrekang Regency is still not good in terms of regional financial independence due to the low local revenue. The regional government still relies heavily on funding sources from outside or relies on transfer funds from the central government. Research, Practical & Social implications: The results of this study are useful as a source of information in making decisions for the local government of Enrekang district and related parties, especially in making policies related to governance, especially in effective, efficient and economical financial management. Originality/value: The value of this research is very useful for the local government as a guide in assessing the condition of government financial health.

Penarapan Fungsi Partai Politik sebagai Sarana Rekrutmen Politik pada PKS DPRD Sumatera Utara


 
 Political recruitment is regulated in article 11 paragraph 1 of Law No. 2 of 2008 concerning political parties which states that one of the functions of political parties is as a means of political recruitment in the process of filling political positions through a mechanism that takes into account gender equality and justice. The aim of this research is to find out how the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) performs its function as a place for political recruitment in delivering for every member of the public who wants to occupy government positions or as party administrators by going through the stages of selection from the aspect of political recruitment. The process of writing this is by applying qualitative methods with secondary data sourced from previous research journals. Members are the most important factor in political parties, they function to market political parties to the public. In addition, cadres conduct party education to the community, and empower the community to understand the importance of politics in the life of the state. Currently, many people do not understand the role and importance of political parties in government. Meanwhile, the position and function of political parties in government is very important so that qualified and integrity cadres are needed to lead Indonesia.
 Keywords: Political Parties, Prosperous Justice Party, Political Recruitment

Going on the offensive: Negative messaging in British general elections

What drives British parliamentary candidates to attack their opponents? Using an original dataset of approximately 7500 general election leaflets from four elections between 2010 and 2019, we offer the first study into the conditions under which British parliamentary candidates use negative messaging. We find that leaflets from opposition candidates and candidates contesting marginal (i.e., competitive) seats are more likely to include messages about their opponent(s), which suggests that candidates respond to the incentives and pressures that come from both their local and national environment when determining whether to include negative messaging in their leaflets. Moreover, we find that, as seats become more marginal, candidates from government parties become just as likely as opposition parties to engage in negative messaging, and therefore, voters in marginal seats are likely to experience more negative campaigns than those residing in seats where the outcome is a foregone conclusion. Taken together, our findings make an important contribution to the growing body of literature that explores how candidates use negative messaging in party-centred systems.

Discretion and Favoritism in Public Procurement

Abstract This paper investigates the consequences of bureaucratic discretion in public procurement. I exploit a Hungarian policy reform, which allows a “high-discretion” procedure below a certain contract value. At the threshold, I document large discontinuities both in procurement outcomes and in the density of contract values, which indicates that buyers manipulate contract values to avoid auctions. I combine the reform and a structural model to find that discretion increases prices and results in the selection of less productive contractors. I also show that high discretion benefits firms with connections to the party of the central government. I use the structural model to document that public buyers are willing to sacrifice more contract value to increase their discretion if more connected firms are operating in the market. I also use the model to simulate the effects of counterfactual procurement thresholds on different procurement outcomes.

Mekanisme Dua Wajah Kekuasaan Terhadap Ideologi 212

The two-face mechanism that originated from the 212 Islamic defense action movement in the country. The so-called two faces, namely religion and political parties of government, have the power to defend the country because of blasphemy by political figures. The act of defending Islam was carried out because of the dissemination of a video from a figure of Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (Ahok) by issuing the contents of a verse from the Qur'an surah Al-Maidah 51. He called for any religion other than Islam to be made a leader and that the clerics had been deemed a lie by ahok. The purpose of this study is to analyze and understand how political games are developed on the mechanism of the face of power against ideology 212 especially in the case of the 2019 gubernatorial election party democracy and the 212 Islamic defense action. The method used with descriptive analytical research methods, methods are compiled based on an overview related to the analysis of power within the ideology of political parties and Islamic groups. The result of this study is the mechanism of political parties and Islamic groups against the ideology of 212 which is shaded by clerical figures by providing motivational intake to the public to follow up on the desecration of Qur'anic verses. The mechanism is based on the steps of interpreting by forming a drive from the MUI. If the cleric has given an opinion and decision regarding blasphemy and must be tried, the government must also participate in that opinion. That means the majority of religious groups are still proportional to the political power in the country's governing chamber. As for the ethics of Islamic parties and groups in the ideology of islamic defense action 212 is grown because the country must come out of polemics of misrepresentation, misleading and outside government rules. Ethics is concerned with morals. The goal is to maintain religious unity in Indonesia. In conclusion, because of the emergence of blasphemy, seeds of disillusionment with other religions have emerged accusing each other and justifying what is going on. The latter relates to the role and function of Islamic religious parties and groups towards the 212 Islamic defense action,as we know the blasphemy problem resulted from the dissemination of videos in 2016 and resurfaced in 2019 where the year was in the heat of the governorship election. Many of the parties and religious groups even beyond that played their part so that the dispute became big. The time parameter from the upload of the video to the governor's election is five years, and it shouldn't have reaped polemics. However, because in 2019 a new election was held in Jakarta, a lot of people usedthe object as a political game, and flocked to appreciate the public to join and give a function in speaking out. Keywords: Political Parties, Islamic Groups, Defending Action 212 and Political Power

Government partisans: A practical typology

The party affiliation of cabinet ministers is a critical but neglected notion. While its application and theoretical centrality is indisputable in many research fields, explicit definitions are difficult to find, while operationalizations tend to rely on rudimentary categorizations. Departing from formulating a definition consistent with the party government model, we propose a flexible typology to categorize and rank variants of partisans both within and beyond consolidated parliamentary democracies. We show that the new approach can capture important unobserved dynamics well.

The analysis of partisan differences in advanced democracies. The “independent variable problem” reconsidered

The paper challenges the idea that using governing parties’ policy positions is necessarily desirable in quantitative analyses of partisan differences in public policies. Rather, for some research questions parties’ affiliation with certain party families is the preferable solution. The paper shows that the use of policy positions instead of party family affiliation shifts the research question from asking whether parties make a difference in public policy to the question whether parties in government do what they promise. This shift can have considerable analytical costs and can potentially blindfold scholars for certain dynamics. Moreover, the use of party family affiliation has less drawbacks than is often claimed even under multidimensional party competition if the simple distinction between left, center and right parties is abandoned and more fine-grained data for various party families are used.

Manufacturing a Protestant Consensus: Religion and Regime Entrenchment in the Eisenhower Era

AbstractThe party regime concept is central to the study of American political development. Yet many questions about the processes through which party regimes are created, maintained, and dismantled remain unanswered. This article argues that religious bodies have historically played an important role in these processes. Specifically, I demonstrate that “mainline” Protestant groups made three distinct contributions to the entrenchment of the post–New Deal Democratic regime. First, the National Council of Churches (NCC) credibly reframed Democratic policy commitments as embodying universal values (as opposed to the preferences of favored interest groups). Second, the NCC's economic policy arm, which included representatives from business, labor, and the clergy, successfully created the impression of an overwhelming elite consensus in favor of center-left economic policies. Third, the NCC used its moral authority to empower the moderate Republican opposition while simultaneously marginalizing the party's well-funded and potentially influential right wing. The NCC was one of many civil society groups that opposed the GOP right's attempts to roll back the New Deal. But the professional diversity of its membership, its ability to frame its pronouncements in religious terms, and its links to the Protestant grassroots made it arguably the most effective.

The Fragility of Turkish Political Structures – The AKP Closure Case

For the Justice and Development Party (AKP), one of the most serious challenges in its history was the dissolution lawsuit against the party in 2008. This was not because there would have been no precedent in Turkey for banning the various political parties, but because by then one could speak of a government party with serious social support that had already won two parliamentary elections. Since the founding of the Republic of Turkey, it has not been uncommon for one or another political formation to be banned, but at times they have reactivated themselves under a different name. In fact, the initial, one-party era of the republic was also created by the situation provoked by the founder of the state, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, who banned rival, opposition parties that threatened his position. Even since the introduction of the multi-party system in 1946 and the first multi-party election in 1950, nearly three dozen parties have been doomed. These included Kurdish separatist groups, parties with communist ideologies, but also the AKP's moderate Islamist predecessors. It has also happened that the leaders of a military coup have decided to ban some parties, but it has also been the case that in a peaceful and democratic period the prosecution has initiated the same in the Constitutional Court claiming that one party or another is opposed to the most basic republican principles. Yet the case of the AKP was special because, in the case of a party that had been ruling alone for six years, it was still surprising that it was not its political opponent trying to overthrow its power, but the legal nomenclature attached to the old elite. In the second half of the 2000s, the AKP was still taking reluctant steps towards democratic opening, and it was far from the authoritarian style and centralization efforts that characterize it today, yet it can be said that they had fairly stable political positions. Of course, it is no coincidence that several things have weakened the situation of the AKP, and the party leaders could not have felt that they were surviving this crisis in a political sense. There was a chance that the organization would actually cease to function and the Prime Minister and the President of the Republic would be banned from practicing public affairs for up to 5 years. The legal process aimed at banning the party has resonated heavily in Turkey, but has come as a real surprise only to the Western public opinion. The purpose of this article is to look at why the Turks were so laconic about the situation and why it has caused so much uproar in Europe and America. At the same time, it will be possible to see the main differences between Western and Turkish democratic traditions.As the wrangling around the ban of the AKP excited foreign observers more than domestic experts, the literature used for the article was also mostly in English, and only a small number of works in Turkish were taken into consideration.