Party Mediation Research Articles

Analysing the Sri Lankan civil war through the lens of conflict resolution theory

This paper offers a detailed perspective of third-party intervention as a major toolkit in conflict resolution. It assesses the efficacy of third-party intervention under certain working conditions, also at the same time points out circumstances that hinders attempted conflict resolutions. Third party intervention was used as a toolkit in the attempted peace process in Sri Lanka, to help resolve the decades-old Sri Lankan ethnic conflict between the government and the Tamil separatist faction, LTTE. India was the first to attempt mediation through its peacekeeping forces, which counteracted under unforeseen circumstances and quickly lost the peacekeeping approach and turned into muscle-mediation. Norway too played a prominent role in the process, but it adopted an unbiased and non-coercive peace facilitation approach. Despite which, Norway came under a barrage of criticism for biased mediation policies. This research points out what two different types of mediation can achieve from a single conflict and what are the conditions required for third party mediation to achieve success, under a complex situation like the Sri Lankan case. The Sri Lankan peace process explores how mediation by force can backfire but at the same time exposes the powerlessness of non-coercive third-party mediation. This study holds potential to drive future researchers closer to exploring means to minimize the impacts of such limitations on future reconciliations.

Mediation in diplomatic conflicts. Examples from Latin America

Mediation plays a key role in resolving diplomatic conflicts, especially in regions where established relations between countries are of strategic importance. The article explores the importance and effectiveness of mediation in the region by looking at specific cases of their use. Over the past decades, Latin America has faced many diplomatic disputes related to borders, trade, resources and other important issues. In such a context, mediation has shown its ability to resolve conflicts through third party mediation. The article analyzes successful examples of mediation, such as the resolution of border conflicts between Colombia and Venezuela, and the peaceful settlement of trade agreement disputes between Chile and Peru. Special attention is paid to the role of mediators and their strategies in overcoming protracted and acute controversies. The importance of neutrality, trust and diplomatic skill in mediation processes is emphasized. In addition, the article analyzes the impact of mediation on long-term relations between countries, emphasizing the positive results in cooperation and reduction of tensions. By analyzing case studies, the authors emphasize that mediation plays a key role in resolving complex tensions between countries. The article emphasizes the role of mediators and the strategies they use to achieve successful outcomes. Neutrality, trust and diplomatic skill are highlighted as important components of successful mediation. In the context of Latin America, a region with many diplomatic disputes, the article analyzes examples of successful mediation, such as the resolution of border conflicts and trade disputes. These practical cases confirm mediation's ability to alleviate tensions and promote peaceful conflict resolution Finally, the article emphasizes that mediation plays an important role in peace and stability in Latin America by facilitating the resolution of diplomatic conflicts. The article's examination of successful practical examples of mediation demonstrates that this method has great potential for resolving complex international disputes and enabling interaction and cooperation between states in the region and beyond. The main conclusion of the article is that mediation has significant potential for application in diplomatic conflicts in Latin America. It helps to create conditions for cooperation between countries and supports stability in the region. Examining successful case studies and analyzing mediators' strategies makes the article relevant and informative for researchers, diplomats and anyone interested in international relations and conflict resolution

Analysing the Sri Lankan civil war through the lens of conflict resolution theory

This paper offers a detailed perspective of third-party intervention as a major toolkit in conflict resolution. It assesses the efficacy of third-party intervention under certain working conditions, also at the same time points out circumstances that hinders attempted conflict resolutions. Third party intervention was used as a toolkit in the attempted peace process in Sri Lanka, to help resolve the decades-old Sri Lankan ethnic conflict between the government and the Tamil separatist faction, LTTE. India was the first to attempt mediation through its peacekeeping forces, which counteracted under unforeseen circumstances and quickly lost the peacekeeping approach and turned into muscle-mediation. Norway too played a prominent role in the process, but it adopted an unbiased and non-coercive peace facilitation approach. Despite which, Norway came under a barrage of criticism for biased mediation policies. This research points out what two different types of mediation can achieve from a single conflict and what are the conditions required for third party mediation to achieve success, under a complex situation like the Sri Lankan case. The Sri Lankan peace process explores how mediation by force can backfire but at the same time exposes the powerlessness of non-coercive third-party mediation. This study holds potential to drive future researchers closer to exploring means to minimize the impacts of such limitations on future reconciliations.

Use of Mobile Financial Services and Mediation among the Burkinabe Diaspora in Méagui (Côte d'Ivoire)

The objective of this article is to analyse the social logic behind the use of mediation in the transfer of funds by first-generation Burkinabé transmigrants using mobile financial services. The qualitative methodology was favoured, allowing for individual interviews and a focus group discussion with first and second generation Burkinabe transmigrants living in Méagui (southwestern Côte d'Ivoire). This study reveals that trust, technological competence/confidence and the place of second generation transmigrants in the diaspora community studied, as well as perceptions of e-money institutions, are at the origin of the use of third party mediation when first generation transmigrants transfer funds from mobile financial services. Moreover, the recourse to mediation during the use of the said services for transnational transfers reflects the complexity of the process of socialisation of individuals in the digital age, with in particular a backward transmission of knowledge and know-how in the use of information and communication technologies.

Analysing the Sri Lankan civil war through the lens of conflict resolution theory

This paper offers a detailed perspective of third-party intervention as a major toolkit of conflict resolution. It assesses the efficacy of third-party intervention under certain working conditions, also at the same time pointing out circumstances that can ruin peaceful resolutions. Third party intervention was used to help resolve the decades-old Sri Lankan ethnic conflict between the government and the Tamil rebel group, LTTE. India was the first to attempt mediation through its peacekeeping forces, the use of which resulted detrimental to the mediation’s interest. Norway, who practiced a non-coercive mediation and claimed to play the role of a neutral third-party mediator, too came under the radar of criticism for biased mediation policies. This research points out what two different types of mediation can achieve from a single conflict and what are the conditions required for third party mediation to achieve success under complicated situations like the Sri Lankan case. The Sri Lankan peace process explores how mediation by force can backfire but at the same time exposes the powerlessness of non-coercive third-party mediation. This study holds potential to drive future researchers closer to exploring means to minimize the impacts of such limitations on future reconciliations.

Coercive Diplomacy: Camp David 2000

July 2000 hosted the most significant talks at Camp David bringing the final status issues to the negotiating table. However, no deal was completed; moreover, since then, violence and instability have escalated in the region, with the arrival of President Donald Trump to the White House, the Palestinian/Israeli peace process had taken a dramatic shift mainly because of the decisions that the administration had adopted regarding the final status issues; and more specifically on Jerusalem and refugees, which were finalized with the so called Trump Peace to Prosperity Plan. This paper sheds light on the theory of Coercive Diplomacy and applies it into the Palestinian/Israeli negotiations taking the Camp David 2000 Peace talks as case study and then examining what was presented at those talks in relation to what is now being implemented by the current US administration which dared to translate previous threats into reality. Reviewing past literature and relying on a number of books and conducting interviews with prominent negotiators from the American, Palestinian and the Israeli sides who participated at those peace talks, the study tells the true story of Camp David, demonstrates Coercive Diplomacy in Practice as it illustrates how the third party mediators have strongly crossed their limits by abandoning their role as mediators and by wearing the hats of interveners, the paper also demonstrates how Trump’s arrangement to an extent considered what was discussed at Camp David.

Macroeconomy and macropartisanship: Economic conditions and party identification

Abstract“It's the economy stupid”—is the phrase that captures the ubiquity of economics in determining election outcomes. Nevertheless, while several studies support the premise of economic voting, a constant critique of valence economic models is that partisan bias contaminates voters' economic perceptions, thus invaliding any independent effect of economic opinions on the vote. Here, we test whether partisanship may itself be endogenous to the macroeconomy. Aggregating data from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES), supplemented with European Social Survey (ESS) data to bolster the time analysis, we focus on macropartisanship and find a drop‐off of party identifiers for governing parties in tandem with the economic downturn, specifically from rising unemployment. More generally, macropartisanship responds to economic conditions, suggesting that the endogeneity concern between party attachment and valence economic conditions is not unidirectional. That is, while economic perceptions may be influenced by party identification, party identification can be influenced by economic conditions.Related ArticlesDettrey, Bryan J. 2013. “Relative Losses and Economic Voting: Sociotropic Considerations or ‘Keeping up with the Joneses?’” Politics & Policy 41(5): 788–806. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12038.Fernandes, Ivan Filipe, Gustavo Andrey De Almeida Lopes Fernandes, and Artur Zimerman. 2022. “For Whom the Bell Tolls: Party Mediation Effects on Economic Voting in a Large Democratic Federation.” Politics & Policy 50(2): 324–62. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12453.Stegmaier, Mary, and Michael S. Lewis‐Beck. 2009. “Learning the Economic Vote: Hungarian Forecasts, 1998–2010.” Politics & Policy 37(4): 769–80. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2009.00197.x.

What is the Relationship between Marijuana Use and Generalized Anxiety Disorder (GAD) Among Young Adults Aged 18–29 in the United States?

Marijuana use is on the rise in the United States, with 18-29-year-old people being the most likely age group to indulge in the illegal drug’s use (Hrynowski, 2019). Similarly, generalized anxiety disorder (GAD) has increased in recent decades for those aged 18 and older (Goodwin et al., 2020). Little research has been conducted to establish a link between these two trends of growth, although researchers have tested THC doses in animals, which proved to elicit anxiety-related responses (Sharpe et al., 2020). Research by de Dios et al. (2010) regarding the correlation indicates that there is a statistically significant relationship between increased marijuana use and symptoms of generalized anxiety disorder in young adults, specifically when there is a third party mediator of tension reduction expectancies. Further systematic review and analysis on marijuana use in Seattle students implies that regular marijuana use throughout teenage years leads to cannabis use disorder by age 33 with stronger symptoms of anxiety than use of other recreational drugs (Guttmannova et al., 2017). The results of this research portray the growing necessity to educate young adults on the long term effects of regular marijuana use, as individuals may believe they are alleviating their GAD symptoms short term, but over time, they are likely facing dangers of worsening their anxiety by increasing dependency on the drug. The following research addresses the question, “What is the relationship between marijuana use and generalized anxiety disorder (GAD) among young adults aged 18–29 in the United States?”

For whom the bell tolls: Party mediation effects on economic voting in a large democratic federation

AbstractThis article analyzes the effect of economic growth on executive elections in the context of a multilevel governance structure and how party ties across federal, state, and local levels affect the relationship, using data from Brazilian municipalities. We test the hypothesis that the president is the main politician accountable for economic performance, measured by local growth, and that party politics moderates the evaluation of the economic performance of state governors and the president. Our research shows that there is a high degree of interdependence between levels of government in the evaluation of economic performance. We highlight how party alliances strongly moderate the economic performance effects at the different levels. Using aggregate local level‐municipality panel data and fixed effects estimations, we show that the previous year's economic growth positively impacts the percentage of votes obtained by the incumbent in the presidential elections and that those effects are higher in states whose governors are allied to the president.Related ArticlesOndetti, Gabriel. 2008. “Up and Down with the Agrarian Question: Issue Attention and Land Reform in Contemporary Brazil.” Politics & Policy 36(4): 510–41. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2008.00120.xSegatto, Catarina Ianni, and Daniel Béland. 2018. “The Limits of Partisanship: Federalism, the Role of Bureaucrats, and the Path to Universal Health Care Coverage in Brazil.” Politics & Policy 46(3): 416–41. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12252Zimerman, Artur, and Flávio Pinheiro. 2020. “Appearances can be Deceptive: Political Polarization, Agrarian Policy, and Coalitional Presidentialism in Brazil.” Politics & Policy 48(2): 339–71. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12345

The “War on Terror” and Public Diplomacy during the Cold War: Israeli–Turkish Relations and the 1980 Military Coup

What influence does the digital diplomacy of the post 9/11 world have on our understanding of counter-terrorism (CT) diplomacy during the Cold War? This article explores this question and the intersection between intelligence, counterterrorism diplomacy and the digital transformation long overlooked by scholars of Israeli–Turkish relations, Cold War history and terrorism studies. Diplomacy in crisis situations usually operates in an uncertain reality triggered by conflict. Turkey’s domestic crises, specifically its energy crisis between 1978 and 1980, served to shift the country’s foreign policy toward the more anti-Israeli stance of the Arab nations and their demands that Turkey boycott Israel in return for supplying Turkey’s energy needs. This came in the context of a regional wave of contentious politics in the Middle East after the 1979 Iranian revolution, when Israel had just lost three decades of massive investment in Iran under the Shah. I argue that knowing the Turkish military junta’s primary goals centered on the fight against the far left and right political violence at home and on Armenian terror attacks against Turkish diplomats abroad, Israeli diplomats employed a very selective CT policy focusing on the cooperation between Armenian Secret Army for the Liberation of Armenia and the Palestine Liberation Organization. Public diplomacy was key to conveying this message, and attempts to plant information about the Armenian-Palestinian cooperation in Turkish news outlets and national television were made. Israel’s goal was to influence Turkey’s public emotions and convey to Turkey’s military junta that Jerusalem was a true ally, working to confront the mutual regional threat of Armenian-Palestinian terrorists arising from Lebanese training camps. This case study highlights the paradox that Ministries of Foreign Affairs and diplomats enjoyed an unparalleled monopoly of power during the Cold War over the use of means of public diplomacy, while at the time having very limited capacity, and a frequent need for third party mediators to engage with foreign public audiences. It is thus unlikely that the conveyed messages would have been as visible and disseminated as easily as they could be in the post 9/11 via means of digital diplomacy.

The implementation of random survival forests in conflict management data: An examination of power sharing and third party mediation in post-conflict countries.

Time-to-event analysis is a common occurrence in political science. In recent years, there has been an increased usage of machine learning methods in quantitative political science research. This article advocates for the implementation of machine learning duration models to assist in a sound model selection process. We provide a brief tutorial introduction to the random survival forest (RSF) algorithm and contrast it to a popular predecessor, the Cox proportional hazards model, with emphasis on methodological utility for political science researchers. We implement both methods for simulated time-to-event data and the Power-Sharing Event Dataset (PSED) to assist researchers in evaluating the merits of machine learning duration models. We provide evidence of significantly higher survival probabilities for peace agreements with 3rd party mediated design and implementation. We also detect increased survival probabilities for peace agreements that incorporate territorial power-sharing and avoid multiple rebel party signatories. Further, the RSF, a previously under-used method for analyzing political science time-to event data, provides a novel approach for ranking of peace agreement criteria importance in predicting peace agreement duration. Our findings demonstrate a scenario exhibiting the interpretability and performance of RSF for political science time-to-event data. These findings justify the robust interpretability and competitive performance of the random survival forest algorithm in numerous circumstances, in addition to promoting a diverse, holistic model-selection process for time-to-event political science data.

Favour and Power in the Acquaintance Society: Interpreting a Conflict in White Deer Plain

The White Deer Plain constructs an ideal acquaintance society. The conflict over Widow Li’s 0.24 hectares of irrigated land between Bai Jiaxuan and Lu Zilin is a typical case in such society. Combining Chinese local historical facts with the text of White Deer Plain, the sociological method is used to analyze this dispute, and the following conclusions can be drawn: First, “Face”is still highly valued in rural China; Second, As the villagers are closely bonded in agricultural life, neither the participants nor the on-lookers want to destroy the harmonious relations; Third, When there is a dispute, villagers tend to mediate through a third party, because it relatively doesn’t destroy the existing harmonious relationship. The key to third party mediation is to find an authoritative mediator who is good at observing the thoughts of both parties in a dispute. In this novel, the conflict between Bai Jiaxuan and Lu Zilin is solved smoothly, because Mr. Zhu's prestige, as well as Mr. Zhu's personal letters meet the psychological demands of Bai Jiaxuan and Lu Zilin. After Bai Jiaxuan and Lu Zilin apologized to each other and agreed to waive the debt of Widow Li, peace returned to the Plain. But new interpersonal “debts” and “returns” with no fixed term emerge. The significance of this conclusion is that it can be used as a reference to solve the conflict in China's rural areas.

Blockchain-Based Big Data Integrity Service Framework for IoT Devices Data Processing in Smart Cities

In modern times, smart cities are using advanced technology to control and coordinate business, physical, social and commercial systems to deliver quality services to their residents while ensuring the efficient use of available resources. Many large corporations, as well as government agencies, are involved in building smart cities because smart city activities also require information available from organizations. Blockchain-based technology allows peer-to-peer exchanges as a public logger that records transaction records, smart contracts, agreements, and exports from third party mediators. In the future, smart cities will be equipped with several new technologies, a large amount of data, multiple Internet of Things (IoT) devices, and a unique environment. Data processing among IoT devices in future smart cities is a challenging task. In this paper, the author has proposed the framework of Big Data based blockchain data integrity service to process IoT device data processing in smart cities. The author collected the necessary information from various sources and used three tests to evaluate key performance indicators. The K-mean algorithm was used to separate the data, and a blockchain strategy was used to ensure secure communication between IoT devices. The frame is modelled and tested using up to 100 devices. The proposed framework allows IoT devices to make better use of the information collected from various resources to participate in operations and exchange of information.

Išmaniosios sutartys: teisinis reglamentavimas ir jo problematika

This research paper deals with the Institute of Smart Contracts, reveals legal regulation and its problems. In the first part of the work, using the attributes: immutability, specific form and operation without third party mediation, and the basic functions of storing, validating and executing, the concept of smart contracts is revealed. Also, in order to fully disclose the exclusivity of these contracts, fundamental differences from automated transactions are discussed. In the second part – three contract institutes are distinguished, in the context of which the compatibility of smart contracts with the Civil Code of the Republic of Lithuania is assessed. First of all, it discusses the formation and its characteristics, in addition it is evaluated whether the formation of the smart contract violates the norms of the Civil Code of the Republic of Lithuania. Further, the exclusive execution of these contracts and their compliance with Chapter XVI of the Civil Code of the Republic of Lithuania is disclosed. Finally, the paper examines possible breaches of smart contracts, ways to resolve them, as well as customization and compatibility.

Centripetal force: a totalitarian movement in contemporary Brazil

The mass movement that made Bolsonaro is driven by the redemptive promise of resolving Brazil's social conflicts and ending its social differences: Bolsonarismo will create a community of equals in a Christian fatherland. It is a political phenomenon that seeks a major shift away from modern politics: instead of party mediation, a mass movement; instead of the law, male honour; instead of representation, identity; instead of pluralism, the brotherhood; instead of the Constitution, the Gospel; and, finally, in the place of communicative reason, raw violence. Its defining characteristic is aversion to difference. The article describes and analyses the contours of the movement, as well as the shock its success has produced among the elites and intelligentsia. It draws from ethnographical research in Brazil's urban peripheries to identify the forces that have driven Bolsonaro forward. And it highlights the central elements of the cyclical crisis that Brazil is experiencing in 2020, and its possible consequences.

Orchestrating peace in South Sudan: exploring the effectiveness of the European Union’s mediation support

ABSTRACTPrevious research has primarily focused on the EU’s high-profile involvement as direct mediator in peace negotiations. Conversely, less attention has been devoted to the EU’s support to third parties’ mediation efforts, which is a significant component of its mediation activities. Addressing this research gap, this article develops a conceptual framework for the systematic analysis of EU mediation support, identifying key mediation support techniques and the conditions for their success. In terms of mediation support techniques, the EU may rely on “endorsement”, “coordination”, “assistance”, and “lending leverage” to empower and steer third party mediators in line with its mediation objectives and values. We illustrate the utility of the conceptual framework for the EU’s support to IGAD in mediating in South Sudan’s civil war. We find that the EU has contributed significantly to IGAD’s empowerment in terms of endorsement, coordination, assistance, and lending leverage. Simultaneously, our analysis also points to important challenges in the EU-IGAD relationship, which relate to challenges concerning strategic engagement with IGAD’s internal politics that are marked by diverging interests and ties of its member states to the conflict parties.

Third Party Mediation in the Cote D’Ivoire Conflict, 2002-2012

Cote D’Ivoire which was considered as one of the richest and the most stable and peaceful countries in the West African sub-region immediately after independence under the leadership of Felix Houphouet-Boigny, witnessed major leadership crises in the early part of the 21st century. As the economy of the country began to decline after the death of its founding leader, Houphouet Boigny, it started to witness periods of protracted power struggle. The country which enjoyed relative peace after independence under its founding president, started slipping into conflicts under successive leaders in the 21st century. The Cote D’Ivoire conflict which started in 2002 and ended in 2012 attracted the attention of global, regional and sub-regional organisations who volunteered to mediate in the conflict and negotiate peace between the conflicting parties to bring the hostilities to an end. The third party mediation which included the United Nations (UN), the African Union (AU), the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and France at one time or the other, got involved in mediation efforts aimed at bringing an end to the Ivorian conflict. This paper examines the background of the Cote D’Ivoire conflict and discusses the factors that were responsible for the conflict. The paper also reviews and evaluates third party mediation in the conflict, and concludes that external interests exacerbated the conflict, and that affected the peace process.

Successful Mediation Strategies

As a consensual and informal process, mediation relies on the key principles of party selfdetermination, mediator neutrality, and mediator impartiality. It is a form of negotiation assisted by a neutral third party who does not compel parties to accept any prescribed solution. Mediation can be used for both personal and professional disputes to avoid the burden of formal, lengthy, and cost-intensive court proceedings. While mediators may tailor the models of problemsolving— facilitative, evaluative, and transformative—to the specific case, any type of mediation requires significant party participation. The skilled mediator uses a set of specific techniques, including judicious questioning, active listening, and reality testing, to establish a safe and authentic mediation environment and help parties make an informed decision towards dispute resolution.

Language Learning Process and Gender Difference Implied from the Turn-Takings Used in EFL Student Conversation Club

This study aims at investigating the kinds of turn-taking mostly used by EFL learners, how the turn-takings are portrayed as a process of EFL learning, and how the EFL learners differ in making their turn-takings according to their gender. This study was qualitative in nature, using 10 members of English Club of English department students, Mulawarman University as the participants. The procedures of data collecting were video-tape recording observation and semi-structure interview. The data were analyzed by using conversational analysis and percentage frequencies. The result revealed that: 1) the kinds of turn-taking mostly used by the participants were adjacency pair and insertion sequence from the sequence type of turn-taking, almost all kinds turn-taking from the overlap turn-taking except the third party mediation, and other-repair and self-repair from the repair turn-taking; 2) all members of the English Club felt they acquired their languages as they practiced them in either written and spoken communication; and 3) the female members dominated talk than the male ones.

Textual Analysis of Power of the Government of Indonesia and Aceh in the Helsinki MoU

Ethno-national conflict in Aceh struggling for independence from the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia was waged for almost three decades since 1976. The military approach taken by the Government of Indonesia (GOI) for years was unable to bring the conflict to an end. Since then, conflict resolution through diplomatic mechanism was initiated by involving third party mediator. The massive natural disasters, earthquake and the tsunami that hit the region in December 2004 prior to the peace agreement between Government of Indonesia and GAM (Free Aceh Movement). The parties committed to agree the memorandum of understanding which known as Helsinki MoU. This research questions whose party more powerful is, Government of Indonesia or Aceh The question can be answered by using Critical Discourse Analysis as a tool. The linguistics instruments can show power which is dominated or not by one of the parties. Based on the findings in this study, it is confirmed that no one from two parties is more powerful than another. It is shown that the power between GOI and GAM is balanced. In other words, based on the analysis of MOU Helsinki, their position is adequate.