Party Colleagues Research Articles

«Архитектура» репрезентации «чужого» в политическом дискурсе Терезы Мэй

The aim of the investigation is to find out the ways of representing the notion “they” in the political discourse of Theresa May. The article presents the language architecture of the notion “they” by way of example of the discourse of a political leader of Great Britain. Three structural components of the notion “they” represented in Theresa May’s political speeches have been discovered as a result of the investigation. They are: 1) “they” as enemies; 2) “they” as political opponents; 3) “they” as fellow party members who have manifested alienation in a definite political situation. The scientific novelty of the investigation lies in the fact that the gradation of the notion “they” in its political representation rendered by language means has been found out and described. It has been determined as a result of the investigation that the notion “they” represented in Theresa May’s political speeches is expressed by explicit and implicit language units. The notion of “they” as enemies is represented by means of explicitly expressed language units. The notion of “they” as political opponents is represented mainly by means of implicitly expressed language units. The notion of “they” as fellow party members who have manifested alienation in a definite political situation employs a higher degree of implicitness in its realization.

Причины, ход и результаты государственного переворота Сидониу Паиша (5–8 декабря 1917 г.) в Первой Португальской республике в документах Военного кабинета Великобритании

This article examines the coup d’état in the First Portuguese Republic, staged on 5–8 December 1917 by Major Sidónio Pais against the Government of Afonso da Costa and President Bernardino Machado. The author aims to uncover the causes, dynamics of events development and results of this coup d’état. The source base is the War Cabinet of Great Britain’s documents stored in the National Archive of the United Kingdom, which are being introduced into scientific discourse for the first time in the domestic historiography. The retrospective, systemic and narrative research methods were mainly used in the article. When using the retrospective method, it was established that the Sidónio Pais’s coup d’état was a logical result of the development of the First Portuguese Republic’s crisis. The systematic method revealed the constituent elements of this crisis: its political and socio-economic aspects, the consequence of which was mainly the coup d’état of Sidónio Pais. Since British documents had not been previously described in the domestic historiography, a narrative method was used in order to reflect fuller its content and character. The December 1917 coup d’état was the result of unsolved actual tasks after the establishment of the Republic in early October 1910 and accumulated problems after the Portugal’s entry into the First World War in March 1916. In peacetime, due to the radical anti-church policy, electoral restrictions, inter-party confrontation, changes of prime ministers and government compositions, it was difficult for the Republican leadership to solve consistently the urgent tasks in the country. In wartime, the internal situation had worsened and radicalized by December 1917 alone. The inability of the Republican leadership to solve the problems in the country and the short-sighted measures taken to improve the situation turned the majority of the civilian population and part of the military against it. In these conditions Artillery Major Sidónio Pais organized the coup d’état on 5 December 1917 with the aim of overthrowing the prime minister, leader of the Democratic Party Afonso da Costa and his fellow party member President Bernardino Machado. The coup d’état was accompanied by fierce fighting, especially in Lisbon. It ended on 8 December 1917 with the success of Sidónio Pais’s forces. Its results were the arrests of some members of the government, including the prime minister, and the president; the dissolution of the Portuguese Parliament – the Congress; the establishment of the Revolutionary Junta headed by Sidónio Pais, followed by the formation of a new government of the Republic. Thus, the December 1917 coup d’état was a response to the deep internal political crisis in Portugal. The documents of the British War Cabinet used in the study neither in general nor in detail contradict the facts set out in the historiography. However, they make it possible to expand possibilities for a further study of this coup d’état and related processes and events.

Implementation Blessing Friday Movement Policy as Development of Social Capital

MTSN 2 Solok School has carry out policy in the form of a Friday Movement program blessing. Research purposes This is analyze implementation Friday Movement policy blessing as development of the social model at MTS N 2 Solok. Study This use Lesser theory for analyze implementation Friday Movement policy blessing in development of social capital. Study This use approach qualitative with type study descriptive. The data collection method begins with observation, interview in depth and study document. Study analyzed with use Milles and Huberman analysis. Research result This showing that Friday Movement blessing can increase the strength of social capital on the part school with participant educate in aspect concern. Forms of social capital that are built is strengthen it solidarity fellow party school and its formation behavior togetherness for inhabitant school. This matter bring up attitude For each other help between One with others.

The republican Manuel de Arriaga – ‘the people’s representative’

ABSTRACT Poet, teacher, and parliamentarian (1882–1892–1911), Manuel de Arriaga (1840–1917) was also Vice-Chancellor of the University of Coimbra and President of the Portuguese Republic. He stood up for democratic principles and he cultivated dialogue and republican values. His thought and actions reflect the ideas of federal republicanism, philosophical eclecticism, secular spiritualism, scientism, and a critique of positivism. His fellow party members remembered him as a leader, a political player, and a politician of the people. As a parliamentarian, he discussed relevant issues such as education and teaching, electoral reform, constitutional reform, penal reform, foreign policy, and regional problems. His parliament speeches highlight his skills as a ‘fighter for the Republic’.

How partisan social identity shapes evaluations of candidate brand elements on campaign websites

ABSTRACT Political parties operate as partisan social groups and partisanship biases the way individuals process political information, form political opinions, and evaluate candidates. Partisans demonstrate favoritism when evaluating fellow party members but discriminate against those in the opposing party. However, the bounds of this partisan intergroup bias are undetermined. Using a constructed political website, an experiment tested the extent of the reach of partisan social identity in biasing evaluations on candidate brand attributes. That limit was not ascertained as partisans evaluated an out-party candidate lower than an in-party candidate on every brand element measured, including personal and nonpolitical attributes. Through a tragic frame, partisans expressed great negative affect toward a candidate from the opposing party and transfer it to his political stances, experience, wife, grandson, and even dog. The results reveal that partisan social identities create divides among social and personal issues and exacerbate affective polarization.

В.Т. Суслин: последний первый секретарь ростовского обкома КПСС

The article presents the first scientific biographical essay about the last first secretary of the Rostov regional Committee of the CPSU Vitaly Timofeyevich Suslin (1937). His work history began at a metallurgical plant in Taganrog, and the heyday of his party career fell on the late Brezhnev period and the Perestroika period of the Soviet era. For ten years (late 1970s – late 1980s) V.T. Suslin was one of the leaders of the Rostov regional Committee of the CPSU. And after working in the Central Committee of the CPSU (1988–1990) on an alterna-tive basis, he was elected first secretary of the Rostov regional party committee during the rapid collapse of its authority (1990–1991) and the reduction of power resources. The “tug-of-war” with the new regional Council of People’s Deputies headed by L.A. Ivanchenko, a fellow party member and recent competitor of the hero of the article for the position of the regional party leader, became a characteristic of the time. After the ban of the CPSU and the collapse of the USSR, V.T. Suslin took an active part in the restoration of the party structures of the Communist Party, but did not aspire to become a public political figure. V.T. Suslin died in Taganrog at the age of 60 (1997).

Zulfikarpašić-Milošević agreement in 1991.

Historical Background and the Emergence of New Bibliographic Units in the Context of the Contemporary Political Moment Demand a Reevaluation of Previous Interpretations Related to Events in the Territory of the Former Socialist Yugoslavia. This paper focuses on the Historical Agreement, also known as the Zulfikarpašić-Milošević Agreement, initiated by Muslims (Bosniaks). The agreement was intended as a peace and political initiative but came late in the context of the war in Croatia and the policy of regionalization pursued by the Serbian side in Bosnia and Herzegovina. After leaving the Party of Democratic Action (SDA), Adil Zulfikarpašić founded the Muslim Bosniak Organization (MBO), with the support of academician Muhamed Filipović. Dissatisfied with the policies of the SDA, Zulfikarpašić and Filipović sought to address the crisis through a different approach. In the case of the MBO, this approach involved historical reconciliation with the Serbs. While the leaders of the MBO structured this agreement as a peace and political initiative, its implementation was not possible due to the opposing state-legal concepts from the Bosniak (Muslim) side. The concept of a union of free states, central to the MBO's agreement, did not receive support from the Serbian side. In such a constellation of relationships, Yugoslavia could continue to function only as a federal state, as it best served Serbian state interests. The fundamental aim of this work is to shed light on the events preceding the agreement, what the agreement entailed, and why it ultimately failed. The introductory section of the paper analyzes Muslim (Bosniak)-Serbian historical reconciliation, which includes the period of Austro-Hungarian rule and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia when certain Muslim (Bosniak) politicians formed a specific type of alliance with the Serbs. The position of Muslims (Bosniaks) in the early 1990s significantly differed from that at the beginning of the 20th century. The paper dedicates a substantial portion of its pages to significant events in the Second Yugoslavia to provide a comprehensive synthesis. The 1974 Constitution, the Memorandum of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts (SANU), the rise of Milošević, the abolition of autonomy for provinces in Serbia, and the republic-level elections were all events that preceded the agreement. Special attention in the paper is given to the participants of the agreement as significant political protagonists of that period, as well as the political parties whose members were part of the agreement and the architects of the policies of that era. Adil beg Zulfikarpašić undeniably played a central role in the efforts to reach a historical agreement between Muslims (Bosniaks) and Serbs. After World War II, Zulfikarpašić went into exile, where he launched the Bosanski pogledi magazine in the early 1960s. During his time in exile, he operated from various political-ideological positions, later emerging as one of the ideologues of Bosniak identity. In 1963, Zulfikarpašić participated in the founding of the Democratic Alternative, a movement in which Bosniak, Croatian, Serbian, and Slovenian intellectuals advocated for the democratization of Yugoslavia and the concept of free states within Yugoslavia. The foundation of this movement was a departure from Yugoslavia, i.e., communism, and alignment with the Western bloc of countries that based their policies on the principles of capitalism and democracy. Zulfikarpašić remained unwaveringly convinced of the correctness of the political initiative for reconciliation with the Serbs, considering the agreement the best solution under the circumstances and the only alternative to the impending war. A. Zulfikarpašić, as the main architect of the agreement, left Bosnia and Herzegovina in September 1991, and shortly thereafter, his party colleague, academician Muhamed Filipović, terminated all processes related to the agreement.

‘The English despot’: Francis Noel-Baker and his support for the Colonels’ regime

Francis Noel-Baker (1920–2009) was an English Philhellene politician and self-proclaimed benevolent landowner in Euboea whose relationship in his later years with Greek governments and people descended into acrimony and litigation. This stemmed from the decision he took to effectively become an apologist for the military junta which seized power in Athens between 1967 and 1974. This was despite London being a centre for Greek resistance-in-exile, the opposition to the regime shown by many of his fellow MPs and Labour Party colleagues, and his own earlier left-wing sympathies, including his support for the communist-backed partisans in Greece during the Second World War. Noel-Baker's advocacy of the Colonels reflected not merely political reality and economic expediency, as with the similar stance of the British government, but stemmed from his outdated convictions that Greece required saving from international communism and internal weakness.

Thailand in 2022

Thailand’s military-aligned government saw its popularity plummet in polls throughout 2022. Yet former head of the armed forces and current prime minister Prayut Chan-o-cha was resilient in the face of mass party defections, a falling-out with his fellow party leader and long-time friend Prawit Wongsuwon, a censure debate, and even a constitutional court case threatening to remove him from office. The mass street protests that were a constant feature of the previous three years evaporated as conservative forces used the controversial Section 112 Royal Defamation Law to silence the various movements’ leaders. Political attention was focused on the impending elections, which shook up the party system with rampant party mergers and switching. Meanwhile a return to the 2011 electoral rules fueled talk of another Pheu Thai landslide in the next elections. The economy began to improve with the relaxing of COVID rules and the return of tourism, throwing a lifeline to a rapidly sinking Prayut, who himself switched to a new political party before the year’s end.

Life as Prime Minister: A Genre Study of Speeches Made by Australian Prime Ministers Following Leadership Spills

ABSTRACT Between 2010 and 2018, four Australian prime ministers were removed from office outside of a federal election, by leadership spills initiated by their party colleagues. Each of the prime ministers—Kevin Rudd, Julia Gillard, Tony Abbott and Malcolm Turnbull—delivered a televised speech shortly after the leadership spill. The speeches provided an early opportunity, long before the preparation of any book-length political memoir, for each departing prime minister to narrate their political life and affirm their political legacy and identity. The speeches can be conceptualised as a rhetorical genre of life narrative in an Australian context. Applying Carolyn R. Miller’s theory of genre as social action (“Genre as Social Action.” Quarterly Journal of Speech 70: 151–167. 10.1080/00335638409383686.) confirms the speeches as a rhetorical genre, not because of their similarities in form and content but because they respond to the same recurring rhetorical situation—the leadership spill—and have shared social functions in their assertion of the rhetor’s (speaker’s) achievements, integrity and authenticity. All address the past, present and future; project a defining aspect of character; refer to significant others; and place life as prime minister in other contexts. In doing so, the speeches resemble but differ from some other forms of life narrative.

The position of the leading US political forces on the issue of post-Soviet integration (1991–2021)

After the collapse of the USSR the United States sought to include the post-Soviet space in the American sphere of influence. Washington had to take into account the integration processes in the region. The purpose of this study is to consider the positions of leading US political forces on the issue of Washington's policy regarding post-Soviet integration. Americans did not pay significant attention to US policy regarding post-Soviet integration and did not discuss it directly (with the exception of a short period of time after the collapse of the USSR). US policy regarding post-Soviet integration was formed as part of larger tasks to realize its interests in the region. The President, Congress, NGO and foreign policy experts took part in developing the US position on post-Soviet integration. Public sentiment also played a role. The final decision lay with the president. He relied on the advice of his team and was forced to take into account the position of Congress, which acted as an obstacle to intensifying US policy in the post-Soviet space. NGO and US expert circles generally shared Washington's position regarding post-Soviet integration, but criticized the imperfections of government policy. Their opinions were taken into account only in general terms. Through its policies the country's leadership sought to satisfy the needs of citizens, but the opinion of ordinary americans did not dictate the adoption of decisions that would diverge from the position of Washington. The divergent positions of the President, Congress, members of different parties and fellow party members on the principles and priorities of American participation in the affairs of the post-Soviet region hindered the adoption of a final decision on specific US steps regarding post-Soviet integration. However the opinion about the potential threat of post-Soviet integration to American interests was shared by all the leading political forces in the country.

Россия в американских климатических стратегиях

The article is devoted to the study of the role of the Russian Federation in American plans to combat global warming. In the context of the Soviet and Russian participation in solving environmental problems, the possibility of using the potential of interaction between Moscow and Washington, previously developed in the climate sphere, to initiate constructive relations is analyzed. It is indicated that since the beginning of the 21st century, the Russian Federation has shifted its focus in this area from reducing carbon emissions to neutralizing them, as well as adapting to changes. The administration of J. Biden criticized this approach because it sought to draw Russia into the United States’ anti-Chinese climate plans based on a general reduction in emissions. However, in the ranks of the American political class, the administration’s approach did not have full support. Within the Democratic Party, a group of centrists believed that Moscow had chosen the right climate strategy for itself, and therefore, the administration’s “separate” policy could be quite effective. Their fellow party members from the progressive camp denied the “separate” approach and talked about the possibility of serious strategic concessions to Russia for climate cooperation. In the Republican Party, “moderate realists” argued that Russia’s climate strategy has more minuses than pluses for the country, and the West should have chosen a policy of combining pressure on the Russian Federation with incentives for regional cooperation. Experts from the conservative group feared that in the context of the radical “green transit” of the Biden administration, Russia’s climate policy could give Moscow a military and geopolitical advantage. In general, most political groups in the United States are confident that Russia, although it does not agree with Western methods of combating warming, will not get off the green trajectory. It is concluded that in the previous period, a fairly solid foundation of the climate dialogue between the United States and Russia had been formed, and the beginning of the special military operation in Ukraine only preserved it, but did not destroy.

Cathedral of Power: Battersea Power Station in Dystopian Visual Culture

Cathedral of Power: Battersea Power Station in Dystopian Visual Culture

Power-seeking, networking and competition: why women do not rise in parties

Why do women fail to rise in parties, especially youth parties? This analysis shows that female party members’ preferences regarding the purpose of a committee, networking and the election rule in party organisations differ from male party members’ which is likely a reason why women face challenges to rise in parties. This article investigates for the first time these gender based differences in preferences simultaneously by conducting a survey experiment with youth party members. Respondents (n > 1200) were asked if they would run for a seat in a decision-making committee of their youth party. In order to analyse which youth party members opt for which opportunities, the purpose of these committees, the networking opportunities they provide, and the election rule for these committees vary at random. The results show that female members hesitate to join committees that would grant them power, and that they are less likely to opt for upward networking opportunities than their male party colleagues. This effect is particularly strong in hierarchically organised youth parties of centre-right parties. Findings on preferred election rules mostly hold for women from left-wing parties. In contrast to men, this group prefers party quotas. Analysing differences by gender and political orientation, this article shows a clear gender preference gap exists both within and across youth parties.

Член Президиума Исполкома Коминтерна Э. Руднянский в работах зарубежных историков

This article examines the biography of the Hungarian communist Endre Rudnyánszky, one of the leaders of the Comintern in 1919–1921 and member of the Presidium of the Executive Committee of the Communist International (ECCI). The paper is based on the publications of foreign historians (mainly Hungarian): György Borsányi, György Milei, Józsa Antal, Tibor Kosztolánczy, Erika Nemeskéri, Levente Sipos, Lajos Terbe, Miklós Mesterházi, Pierre Broué (France), etc. In addition, the author turned to the reminiscences of Rudnyánszky’s contemporaries, primarily his fellow party members Mátyás Rákosi and Sándor Szerényi, which shed some light on his professional qualities and certain character traits. The novelty of the research lies in the fact that these materials have not previously been used in Russian publications, although these are quite valuable sources as they fill serious gaps in Rudnyánszky’s biography. The paper dwells on the main stages in his career: life before the start of World War I; activities in Soviet Russia after his liberation from captivity, before the founding of the Comintern; work in the Comintern; disappearance, life in Romania followed by the return to the USSR, arrest, exile and release, as well as issues related to these events. The author concludes that Rudnyánszky’s biography remains one of the least studied among those of the high-ranking Comintern employees.

Отто Иванович Макстенек: завершение карьеры дипломата

The article studied the farewell letter of the Authorized People's Committee for Foreign Affairs of the RSFSR in Mongolia, Otto Ivanovich Makstenek. The authors found out that Makstenek wrote a letter to the Mongolian revolutionaries when his official powers ended. The letter speaks of strong friendship with the “Mongolian seven” and the joint struggle, which made it possible to carry out the Mongolian revolution. The letter in the Old Mongolian script first published in a book by Khorlogiin Choibalsan and his party colleagues. The authors introduce into scientific circulation this document translated into Russian.

«TALERHOF TRAGEDY» IN THE INTELLECTUAL THOUGHT OF RUSSOPHILES INTHE INTERWAR PERIOD

One of the complex pages of the history of Galicia has been revealed – the Thalerhof tragedy, when a significant number of Ukrainians, mainly Russophiles and their sympathizers, were arrested by the Austrian authorities and sent to camps (Thalerhof, Terezin, etc.). It is shown that although among the prisoners there were Ukrainophiles and representatives of other folks such as Poles, Jews, Germans, etc., the Russophiles interpreted this tragedy exclusively as «theirs», developing the «Thalerhof» cult in the interwar period in order to restore and strengthen their political strength (it is no coincidence that the founding of the Thalerhof Committee in 1923, which had the task of collecting relevant documentary materials, and the «Russian People's Organization» coincided in time). The efforts of these figures to create a cult of the «Russian» people as a «martyr» for the «Russian» idea and the images of the enemies, the perpetrators of the tragedy - the Austrian government and Ukrainophiles, are highlighted, ignoring the fact that it was the activities of representatives of the Russophile movement on the eve of the First World War that caused the arrests of their fellow party members and party supporters. It is traced how Russophiles, whose intellectual activity usually covered various fields (history, journalism, literature, art, etc.), used their own experiences and memories of the war in their own works and how their political and ideological involvement of Russophiles did not allow them to fully focus on scientific and literary studios. It was established that thanks to the efforts of the Thalerhof committee, it was possible to accumulate documentary evidence of eyewitnesses and participants of this event (personal sources: memories, diaries, drawings, artifacts, government orders, etc.). For the first time, an analysis of the «Inquiry letters» collected by the committee was carried out, which made it possible to find out the reasons for arrests, national identification, conditions of camp life of internees. It was concluded that the peasantry never mastered the «Russian» language, which the leaders of the Russophiles hoped for, and that the prisoners of the camps were not only Galician-Ukrainians of a Russophile orientation. It has been proven that despite the indicated involvement in this issue, collected documents, artistic and journalistic works and museum exhibits are an important source for reading this page of Ukrainian history. Keywords: Russophilism, Thalerhof, The Great War, Russian People's Organization, Thalerhof committee.

The perception of the basic state laws by the Constitutional Democrats during the work of the first State Duma: the ideas of Vasily Maklakov

The article gives an interpretation of the ideas of the liberal politician Vasily Maklakov on the Basic State Laws of 1906. He assessed these laws as the Russian Constitution of 1906. Vasily Maklakov gave an interpretation of the relationship between the Constitutional Democrats and the government in connection with the restriction of the rights of the State Duma. The novelty of the research lies in the analysis of the perception by the Constitutional Democrats of the Basic Russian Laws as amended on April 23, 1906. Sources on the topic include the texts of the leaders of the K-D Party – the memoirs of Vasily Maklakov and Pavel Milyukov, Maxim Vinaver, as well as the Basic State Laws of 1906, materials of the III Congress of the K-D Party. The article reveals the political views of Vasily Maklakov, characterises his communicative culture, the views of the lawyer about the reasons for the illegal actions of the Constitutional Democrats in the First State Duma, the origins of their conflict with the government. An analysis of Vasily Maklakov's ideas about the degree of constitutionality of the government's steps towards the Duma in 1906 is given, his judgements about autocracy, law and order, the need to form a parliamentary culture of deputies are revealed. It is proved that Vasily Maklakov criticised the tactics of the Constitutional Democrats s in the First State Duma in the context of the idea of legality. He saw the main mistake of his fellow party members in their ignoring of a number of legal norms prescribed in the Basic Laws.

Harnessing Distrust and the Power of Intercession for the Separation of Powers

In what follows, I reflect on themes arising from my reading of Jacob Levy’s The Separation of Powers and the Challenge to Constitutional Democracy. According to Levy, the separation of powers in contemporary constitutional democracies is failing, thus endangering the rule of law. Briefly, this is because political parties have bridged the gap between the legislature and the executive: by giving rise to partisan politics that cross the institutional divide, political parties have dampened, if not disabled, the institutional incentive and motivation of the legislature to keep the executive in check. Furthermore, when this is combined with the myth of the united and undifferentiated people, which the executive, populistically, can easily claim to embody, the simple act of opposing the executive may be framed as seditious. In the end, the power of the executive is set free by the partisan loyalty of fellow party members and by the framing of opposition as disloyal and deleterious to the polity.

Allies among Enemies: Political authority and party (dis)loyalty in Bangladesh

AbstractThe authority of political leaders in Bangladesh rests on diverse qualities, not least of which are the muscle and finance they can mobilize, and the relationships they can craft with senior party members. These are utilized to confront rivals both within and outside their own party. In some instances, the intensity of intra-party competition can be so severe that a further quality emerges: the capacity to find allies among enemies. Building local inter-party alliances can bolster the authority of politicians, yet be to the detriment of party coherence. This argument is developed through an analysis of mayoral and parliamentary elections held in the past decade in a small Bangladeshi city, where a ruling party member of parliament (MP) and opposition mayor appear to have developed such a relationship. This has thwarted the electoral ambitions of their fellow party members and has posed a serious challenge to party discipline. While political competition is often seen as being either inter- or intra-party, here it is focused around inter-party alliances. This portrayal suggests we need to give greater emphasis to the decentralized and local character that political authority can take in Bangladesh.