Party Broadcasts Research Articles

Zasady dostępu do telewizji i wykorzystywania jej jako środka politycznej komunikacji marketingowej w Zjednoczonym Królestwie Wielkiej Brytanii i Irlandii Północnej

Rules for access to television as the medium of marketing political communication in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland The author describes the principles of the use of television by politicians in the United Kingdom. First of all, the rules under the Communications Act 2003, the Royal Charter and Agreement for the BBC and documents issued by the Office of Communications are discussed. The role of ministers’ announcement as a tool available for the members of the government is emphasized. In the key part of the article the author analyzes and comments on the rules of allocation and emission of political party broadcasts (PPBs) and party election broadcasts (PEBs). These programmes are transmitted by both the BBC and commercial televisions. Afterwards, the author discusses the differences between major and minor parties, and then the existing ban on paid political advertising. Finally, the author points to the nature of the British political broadcasts system and its possible grounds.

Exposure-Resilient One-Round Tripartite Key Exchange without Random Oracles

This paper studies Tripartite Key Exchange (3KE) which is a special case of Group Key Exchange. Though general one-round GKE satisfying advanced security properties such as forward secrecy and maximal-exposure-resilience (MEX-resilience) is not known, it can be efficiently constructed with the help of pairings in the 3KE case. In this paper, we introduce the first one-round 3KE which is MEX-resilient in the standard model, though existing one-round 3KE schemes are proved in the random oracle model (ROM), or not MEX-resilient. Each party broadcasts 4 group elements, and executes 14 pairing operations. Complexity is only three or four times larger in computation and communication than the existing most efficient MEX-resilient 3KE scheme in the ROM; thus, our protocol is adequately practical.

Judicial Review of Party Broadcasts in Germany and the United Kingdom

This article examines the possibilities for editorial control of the content of party broadcasts by the broadcasting authorities in Germany and the United Kingdom and focuses, in particular, on the judicial review of this politically sensitive issue. First, it gives a brief overview of the constitutional protection of freedom of speech and media freedom in these two countries. Next, it examines in how far political parties have a right of access to television during and outside of election periods. Finally, the article discusses the limitations to which political speech is subject in Germany and the United Kingdom as these have been interpreted by the courts.

One-Round ID-Based Threshold Signature Scheme from Bilinear Pairings

In this paper, we propose a new ID-based threshold signature scheme from the bilinear pairings, which is provably secure in the random oracle model under the bilinear Diffie-Hellman assumption. Our scheme adopts the approach that the private key associated with an identity rather than the master key of PKG is shared. Comparing to the-state-of-art work by Baek and Zheng, our scheme has the following advantages. (1) The round-complexity of the threshold signing protocol is optimal. Namely, during the signing procedure, each party broadcasts only one message. (2) The communication channel is optimal. Namely, during the threshold signing procedure, the broadcast channel among signers is enough. No private channel between any two signing parties is needed. (3) Our scheme is much more efficient than the Baek and Zheng scheme in term of computation, since we try our best to avoid using bilinear pairings. Indeed, the private key of an identity is indirectly distributed by sharing a number x ID∈ $$\mathbb{Z}^{*}_{q}$$, which is much more efficient than directly sharing the element in the bilinear group. And the major computationally expensive operation called distributed key generation protocol based on the bilinear map is avoided. (4) At last, the proactive security can be easily added to our scheme.

Quantum broadcast communication

Broadcast encryption allows the sender to securely distribute his/her secret to a dynamically changing group of users over a broadcast channel. In this paper, we just consider a simple broadcast communication task in quantum scenario, which the central party broadcasts his secret to multi-receiver via quantum channel. We present three quantum broadcast communication schemes. The first scheme utilizes entanglement swapping and Greenberger-Horne-Zeilinger state to realize a task that the central party broadcasts his secret to a group of receivers who share a group key with him. In the second scheme, based on dense coding, the central party broadcasts the secret to multi-receiver who share each of their authentication key with him. The third scheme is a quantum broadcast communication scheme with quantum encryption, which the central party can broadcast the secret to any subset of the legal receivers.

Populism as political communication style: An empirical study of political parties' discourse in Belgium

Abstract. The scientific debate about populism has been revitalised by the recent rise of extreme‐right parties in Western Europe. Within the broad discussion about populism and its relationship with extreme‐right, this article is confined to three topics: a conceptual, an epistemological and an empirical issue. First, taking a clear position in the ongoing definition struggle, populism is defined primarily as a specific political communication style. Populism is conceived of as a political style essentially displaying proximity of the people, while at the same time taking an anti‐establishment stance and stressing the (ideal) homogeneity of the people by excluding specific population segments. Second, it is pointed out that defining populism as a style enables one to turn it into a useful concept that has too often remained vague and blurred. Third, drawing on an operational definition of populism, a comparative discourse analysis of the political party broadcasts of the Belgian parties is carried out. The quantitative analysis leads to a clear conclusion. In terms of the degree and the kinds of populism embraced by the six political parties under scrutiny, the extreme‐right party Vlaams Blok behaves very differently from the other Belgian parties. Its messages are a copybook example of populism.

Les spots politiques télévisés britanniques : de l’anecdote télévisuelle à la mémoire collective

At the beginning of the 1950s the Party Election and Political Broadcasts (PEBs and PPBs) first started as a mere anecdote. They are now the parties’ major medium to address the voters directly and political communication has entered a “television era”. As a matter of fact, this evolution implies certain consequences and constitutes a new step in the chronology of Britain’s political history. The first expression of this evolution is a shift of the space of political representation towards television. In this respect, PEBs and PPBs can be regarded as a prism through which it is possible to assess the different histories that they are part of, i.e. that of the British media , that of political communication and that of society and its changes. Yet Party Broadcasts have a bipolar relation to History. On the one hand, their message is meant to be circumstantial and linked to an election. On the other, their linguistic and iconic discourse aims at leaving a lasting print in collective memory.

Worth an Agora? 2003 E-lection Party Sites and Public Discourse

Democracy started over 2,500 years ago in Athens. As the form of government was largely one of direct democracy, the focus of deliberation was the ‘agora’ – a forum in which Athens’ citizenry debated and decided on public policy and law. Modern democracy, on the other hand, is representative, so that policymaking and legislation by definition occurs within the parliament and executive branch. Nevertheless, the shift from public agora to governmental parliament need not in principle remove the populace from the deliberative process – certainly not when it is called upon tomake the only formal decision within the system: election of the representatives. The fact that this generally does not occur in the modern age is less a function of political philosophy than of logistics – how do millions find each other, not to mention carry on some sort of rational discourse? They normally cannot. As a result, election campaigns have also been removed from the purview of the citizenry and given over to the candidates and especially to the mass media. Consequently, almost all political communications researchers have focused on top-to-bottom election discourse: candidates (and parties)-topublic, as well as media-to-public. This traditional situation is now undergoing change for the first time in modern democratic history with the advent of a ‘mass’ medium – the internet – that renders bottom-to-bottom (‘peer-to-peer’) and bottom-totop (citizen-to-party) communication as effortless as its more traditional counterpart: ‘the media is [sic ] still monologic and one-way – the great and the good speak and everyone else listens or turns off. There is a way out of that tradition: a “civic commons” in cyberspace . . . intelligent spaces for public deliberation about policy issues online’. Of course, the internet not only empowers the citizenry, it can also be fruitfully exploited by the parties and the candidates for their own purposes – through top-to-bottom communication. However, as opposed to the public that has not had much opportunity to express itself during

Continuidade e inovação: conservadorismo e política da comunicação no Brasil

O artigo procura demonstrar que os meios de comunicacao de massa constituem mecanismos de poder que exercem uma funcao fundamental para a resistencia historica do conservadorismo politico no Brasil. Sua contribuicao especifica e a formulacao de uma metodologia baseada na teoria do discurso - teoria pos-estruturalista da comunicacao e desconstrucao - para contrastar estrategias politicas presentes em manifestos partidarios e programas eleitorais na TV. Atraves desta metodologia a autora demonstra que a mobilizacao politica e dependente de um tipo de discurso secundario ou conotativo. Baseado no marco teorico da teoria do discurso de Derrida e Laclau, o artigo desenvolve a proposicao basica de que a midia eletronica contribui para uma dinâmica nao adversarial na politica brasileira mediante o enfraquecimento das possibilidades de construcao de fronteiras politicas bem definidas nesta sociedade.

‘Love not Fear’: the Scottish National Party broadcasts, 1997

‘Love not Fear’: the Scottish National Party broadcasts, 1997