Behavior Of Parties Research Articles

New people, new policy: How personnel renewal in the party executive affects party policy change. The case of Austria

The party organization literature has long acknowledged that changes in a party’s internal power structure bring about changes in leadership personnel. However, empirical assessments of how such personnel changes relate to party behavior are rare. We explore personnel renewal in the party executive as a driver of party policy change and argue that focusing on these processes provides for an encompassing perspective on the connection between intra-party power and party behavior. Building on the party change literature, we theorize on personnel renewal in the party executive as a potential stand-alone driver of party policy change as well as on its interplay with other explanatory factors and test empirical implications based on all major Austrian parties (1949–2019). Findings suggest that personnel renewal in the party executive has a profound effect on party policy and that these personnel changes are in part driven by party performance.

How parties can shape their competence reputations: Issue attention, position and performance

AbstractIssue ownership is an important determinant of the vote, and it is electorally beneficial for parties to build a strong reputation on their core issues. Even though issue ownership has already been studied extensively in the party literature, we know less about how citizens form ownership perceptions. We contribute to this literature by means of two studies on the connection between party behaviour and perceptions of issue ownership, with an empirical focus on issue competence reputations of parties. In Study 1, we combine party‐level information about issue attention, positions and performance with data on competence perceptions from a wide range of national election studies. Study 2 is a pre‐registered conjoint experiment designed to examine the causal link between party behaviour and perceived competence. Our results point to significant effects for all three hypothesised sources of competence reputations. Moving beyond previous work that has argued that competence reputations are mostly stable over time, after accounting for the variation due to parties' popularity, our results show that they fluctuate in the short term and that parties have some level of control over how they are perceived.

Stackelberg game analysis of the energy performance contracting considering altruistic preferences

The Stackelberg game analysis of an Energy Performance Contracting(EPC) is established to correctly analyze the impact of altruistic preference behaviors on the decision-makers, energy service companies(ESCOs) and energy-consuming units(EUs). Its motivation comes from the fact that, to achieve a win-win situation, EUs usually engage in altruistic behaviors, but the implementation results of the EPC are always contrary to their expectations. Using nonlinear optimization theory, analyzed the decisions of the Stackelberg models under different altruistic preference attributes, and then compared the impacts of altruistic preferences on decisions and profits. Results reveal: (1)compared to a situation lacking altruistic preference, when the leader, the EU, has an altruistic preference, the EU only needs to transfer a small part of its own interests to significantly increase the ESCO's profit and ultimately improve the overall EPC profit; (2) the altruistic preference of the ESCO functions akin to a "poison," engrossing the company in the satisfaction derived from the increased revenue of the energy-consuming entity and gradually eroding its own profits; and (3)the altruistic preference behavior of both parties is a kind of “benefit transfer behavior,” which is conducive to stable operation and long-term development of EPC industry. The research results can provide a theoretical reference to enhance the development of energy-saving service industry.

LEADERSHIP CRISES AND FAILURE OF POLITICAL PARTIES A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE OF ISOLATION OF EAST AND WEST PAKISTAN

the inception of Pakistan on the map of the world as a result of the partition of all India, the dominancy of the Western part of Pakistan was very clear but un-understandable. The political parties and leaders from the West Pakistan always thought themselves superior to that of East Pakistan. This behaviour of the political parties and the leadership from the West Wing gave birth to hatred among the subjects belonging to the East Pakistan. The political Parties and the leadership never tried to take such steps which could create harmony among the masses of the both sides. As the time passed, hatred increased. The reflection of these hatred emerged in the general elections, held on 1970.Awami League led by Sheikh Muji-Ur-Rehman secured 160 seats out of 162 seats allocated for the East Pakistan but unfortunately, it failed to win even in a single constituency of the West Pakistan. On the other hand, PPP led by Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, secured a marginalised victory of 81 seats out of total 138seats allocated for the West Pakistan but it did not participate in East Pakistan. These unexpected results further divided the parties and leadership because the West Pakistan was not ready to give its dominance in the hands of the East Pakistan while there was an absolute majority of the East Pakistan and constitutionaally, the rule was to be given to Awami League. Whereas, the leadership of that time is concerned, they were not ready to solve the rift politically. The problems increased; Pakistan had to go into war with India in 1971.As a result of this political chaos and anarchy Pakistan had to face humiliation in the war. The East Pakistan separated from the West Pakistan and emerged as an independent country on international sphere, known as "The Republic of Bangladesh". This study also unwraps some shroudedl things such as, West Pakistan's genocism act against the East Pakistanis and the Indian roll of taking part into the matter of Pakistan, which became an immediate factor for physical separation of Pakistan. The study uncovers how Indian intervention into the burning matter, reinforced the already existing variables, paved a way for the creation of Bangladesh. Para oxically, foreign agents such as the USA,USSR and China had a very bounded and limited impact on the sources and upsurge of the East-West isolation.

Co-ethnic core intermediaries: Swedish speakers in Finnish party politics

ABSTRACT Scholars have unpacked the conditions out of which electorally successful ethnic parties in Europe emerge and the important roles they play in diverse contexts. But the existing research overlooks important political actors, whose influence explains some of the behaviors of these ethnic parties. In this analysis, we explore the different roles of co-ethnic core intermediaries (CCIs) – that is, officials who come from the same ethnic groups as those whose interests ethnic parties champion but represent other mainstream political parties. Based on an illustrative case study of the Swedish-speaking Finns, this article demonstrates that CCIs both benefit and threaten ethnic parties: they generate support among and facilitate collaboration with other mainstream political parties; however, they also cause voter attrition and pursue ethnic causes in ways that differ from the ethnic party.

The Impact of Institutional and Financial Constraints on Party Behaviour in Local Politics

The Impact of Institutional and Financial Constraints on Party Behaviour in Local Politics

The Journey of Women Reservation Bill as 108th Amendment Bill In Rajya Sabha

The Women Reservation Bill seeks to reserve one third of the total number of seats in Lok Sabha, state legislative assemblies and Delhi legislative assembly for women. It means that the Bill will increase women representation by bringing at least one third women in the legislatures. Women Reservation Bill will not only be helpful in increasing the number of women representatives in the decision making but it will also help to improve their lower status and position in the society. Therefore, the Bill was introduced many times since 1996. But never got the approval of the lower house. In 2008 it was introduced in Rajya Sabha, a permanent house. Though passed by Rajya Sabha in 2010, it never got the approval of lower house till 2023. Main reason for not supporting it seems that all political parties had their own political interests that is why they took so long to make it a legislation by amending the Constitution. It got the approval of both the houses of Parliament in September 2023. In this paper an attempt is made to discuss the behavior of political parties supporting and opposing the Bill at the time it was introduced in Rajya Sabha in 2008.

Local coalition formation: Municipal level decisions (not) to govern with the Sweden Democrats

ABSTRACT By using unique elite interviews, this paper examines municipal level politicians’ decisions about whether or not to govern with the Sweden Democrats. In the 2018 election, the Sweden Democrats were electorally successful in many municipalities but only participated in governing a handful. Considering office-, vote- and policy-seeking aspirations as key determinants for party behaviour, this study finds that such decisions are primarily driven by policy-seeking objectives. The study further establishes the importance of a factor seldom explored in coalition research, suggesting that social relations substantially affect (non)cooperation with the party. This contribution holds imperative value for future research on political party behaviour at the local level, emphasising the necessity for future scholars to not directly apply theories developed for the national level to the local level. The analysis also unfolds this possibly vague concept, conceiving of social relations as a matter of; (dis)satisfaction, (in)appropriate behaviour, (dis)trust, (un)familiarity, and leadership.

Direct democracy and party behaviour in the Republic of Ireland: a campaign finance perspective

ABSTRACT Studies on the Irish referendum experience have generally accepted that political parties play a fundamental role in the direct democratic process. While this is rarely problematised, parties often campaign in referendums in order to steer them towards outcomes that are strategically beneficial. Contemporary research on Irish referendums has delved into how parties shape their campaigns to achieve these goals, but a more preliminary question is still to be addressed: to what extent do parties participate in referendum campaigns? This paper attempts to do so by examining campaign expenditure, which offers a concrete quantitative indicator for party engagement vis-à-vis referendums. Departing from theory on party behaviour and referendum instrumentalization, the article takes into account Irish regulations on campaign finance before offering a descriptive and explorative comparison of the expenditure of Irish political parties in recent referendum campaigns. Several patterns within the data are then discussed in light of potential influential factors identified in previous scholarly work. Results suggest that a referendum’s topic and its salience in the public sphere, as well as a party’s financial resources and government status, could explain party behaviour in Irish referendum campaigns, and a set of congruent hypotheses for future research are formulated in the conclusion.

Encouraging loyalty and defection: The impact of campaigns on tactical voting in Britain

AbstractI study the impact of party campaigns on tactical voting, focusing on voters with tactical incentives. Focusing on three UK Elections, I exploit panel data within each election to address endogeneity in party behavior, which would otherwise bias the estimates of campaign effects. My findings show that party contacts during campaigns have an influence in encouraging loyalty to preferred nonviable parties and defection to alternative viable ones. These findings are important as relatively little is known about what influences voters’ decision to cast tactical votes, beyond their demographic characteristics and the electoral circumstances they may find themselves in.

Party responsiveness over time: From left-right to issue specific dimensions

Parties’ ideological responsiveness to public opinion is a key finding in the party politics literature. Leveraging the longitudinal coverage of public opinion and party position data, this research note shows that findings of left-right ideological responsiveness are limited to a specific time period. We find that since the mid-1990s, left-right shifts in public opinion are no longer significantly associated with party position changes on the same dimension. By examining over-time changes in responsiveness on more specific issue dimensions, we also uncover that at about the same time, a pattern of responsiveness on issues related to nationalism/immigration has emerged. These findings highlight the need to move beyond a focus on a single left-right dimension for studying public opinion and party behavior.

The impact of party competition on LGBTI+ rights: Evidence from Spanish autonomous regions (1990–2022)

AbstractPolitical competition accelerates the enactment of lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans*, and intersexual rights (LGBTI+) due to the dynamic, rational behavior of mainstream parties across the political aisle to adapt to the sociopolitical environment. We argue that LGBTI+ social movements capitalize on median voter shifts combined with the rising pressure of ideologically close challenger parties to enact legislation. To examine this argument, we employ quantitative event history analysis with a unique dataset with measures for social movement, institutional, political, and sociocultural dimensions across 33 years in Spanish subnational arenas. We find that rising leftist and liberal contenders challenging dominant center‐left and center‐right parties, respectively, widen the opportunity political structure of LGBTI+ organizations. Ultimately, rising political fragmentation in a multiparty, multidimensional party system turns both left and right mainstream parties into allies of LGBTI+ organizations, which propose new legislation, due to political platforms seeking to preserve and enhance their electoral base.Related ArticlesBurnett, Craig M., and Aaron S. King. 2015. “The Personal Politics of Same‐Sex Marriage.” Politics & Policy 43(4): 586–610. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12126.Lewis, Gregory B., Marc A. Rogers, and Kenneth Sherrill. 2011. “Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Voters in the 2000 US Presidential Election.” Politics & Policy 39(5): 655–77. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2011.00315.x.Skipworth, Sue Ann, Andrew Garner, and Bryan J. Dettrey. 2010. “Limitations of the Contact Hypothesis: Heterogeneity in the Contact Effect on Attitudes toward Gay Rights.” Politics & Policy 38(5): 887–906. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2010.00262.x.

THE PARTISAN PARTICIPATION IN THE JORDANIAN PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS

Purpose: The study explores parliamentary elections, election laws, and party attitudes, using content analysis to understand their impact on electoral outcomes. It suggests recommendations for enhancing trust and promoting democratic principles.
 
 Theoretical framework: The study's theoretical framework may incorporate political science and sociology concepts, focusing on electoral processes, political parties, and democratic governance. It may explore institutionalism, party systems theory, democratic theory, and content analysis methodology to understand the impact of election laws, party behavior, and democratic norms on political outcomes.
 
 Design/Methodology/Approach: The study's theoretical framework may incorporate political science and sociology concepts, focusing on electoral processes, political parties, and democratic governance. It may explore institutionalism, party systems theory, democratic theory, and content analysis methodology to understand the impact of election laws, party behavior, and democratic norms on political outcomes.
 
 Findings: The study may have revealed the dynamic nature of the electoral environment, the impact of election laws on party behavior, partisan positions on electoral processes, the effectiveness of political parties in elections, trust in political institutions, and recommendations for electoral reform. These findings could help strengthen democratic governance and electoral processes.
 
 Research, Practical & Social Implications: The study provides empirical insights into party behavior and election laws, highlighting the importance of qualitative research methods. It can inform policymakers, political parties, and civil society organizations in electoral reforms, enhancing fairness, transparency, and inclusivity. The findings can also promote trust, civic engagement, and protection of human rights, fostering a more inclusive democracy.
 
 Originality/Value: The study provides valuable insights into evolving electoral dynamics, partisan positions, and electoral outcomes. It offers recommendations for improving trust and promoting democratic principles. The content analysis method provides a rigorous framework for analyzing textual data, enhancing the robustness of the findings.

Civil war mediation in the shadow of IGOs: The path to comprehensive peace agreements

Recent research shows that comprehensive peace agreements (CPAs) are effective in ending civil wars and improving post-conflict conditions, but CPAs emerge in only a fraction of civil wars. This study provides systematic evidence about the origins of CPAs and the role of international actors in facilitating their signing. We argue that mediation is more likely to be successful and that CPAs are more likely to emerge in those civil war countries that are members in a higher number of IGOs with high economic leverage. Using their financial and institutional leverage, these IGOs can help the combatants overcome the credible commitment problems associated with entering into mediation, and with making sufficient concessions and compromises to reach and sign a CPA. Analyzing all intrastate armed conflicts from 1989 to 2011, we find that a conflict country’s memberships in IGOs with high economic leverage increase the odds of (1) mediation occurring and (2) mediation subsequently leading to the signing of CPAs. This finding is robust to common sources of spurious relationships between international institutions and the behavior of conflict parties. Participating in IGOs with high economic leverage carries important positive consequences for civil war management and enhances the impact of mediation on getting conflict parties to sign CPAs.

Ideological beasts or effective organizations? Do voters’ views of democracy affect their expectations of political parties?

ABSTRACT While the functions of political parties have been extensively defined in the political science literature, it is still an open question whether citizens attribute the same roles to parties. Established theories of parties emphasize their linkage functions geared towards representation or effectiveness. This article investigates where citizens locate parties within these perspectives and whether their understanding of party functions is connected to their democratic values, preference for democratic institutions, and evaluations of the democratic systems. We base our exploratory investigation on original data from a survey run in the UK and Australia in 2020, which includes novel survey instruments measuring citizens’ preferences for party behaviour. The findings show that citizens rate both representation and effectiveness highly and that their preferences are unrelated to their support for democracy. Significant effects of preferences for representative vs direct democracy and the evaluation of their country’s democracy indicate that dissatisfied citizens are more likely to value representation. Importantly, we identify a large group of respondents who cannot choose between representation and effectiveness, which has theoretical and measurement implications.

Introducing a New Dataset: Age Representation in Parliaments on the Party-Level

Abstract This research note highlights the underrepresentation of younger people in parliaments across the globe, which has been a persistent issue for decades. We introduce a novel open-access dataset containing information on mean and median age as well as the share of MPs in specific age brackets in party parliamentary groups in lower houses or single chambers of national parliaments. The dataset covers 163 cases from 30 countries and features variables that present these aforementioned shares in relation to the respective group’s presence in the voting-age population (Age Representation Index). Furthermore, the dataset includes the share of women within the party parliamentary groups as well as identifiers that enable matching the dataset with indicators from the Political Party Database (PPDB), the V-Party dataset, PartyFacts and the Manifesto Project Database. Our main finding underlines the importance of research focusing on party level factors influencing youth representation as there is not only variation between countries, but also within them on the party-level. Additionally, we show that most party parliamentary groups in which women are underrepresented also have low relative shares of young people, which is in line with theoretical arguments on party behavior.

20 years of niche parties being ‘fundamentally different’: Party constituency versus mean voter representation on multiple issues

The literature on the concept of niche parties is rapidly growing. Characterized by a narrow electorate with extreme issue positions or salience and their responsiveness to this electorate, debate remains as to their operationalization and multidimensional behavior. This paper explores the variation in definitions used to identify niche parties or “nicheness” and analyzes their implications for the validity of findings about the strategic behavior of niche parties. Specifically, we replicate a much cited article, which argues that niche parties are more responsive to their supporters than mainstream parties while mainstream parties are more responsive to the general electorate. Using manifesto, expert, and survey data covering more than 81 European parties in the period 2006-2019, we show that this key finding is surprisingly robust to various niche party definitions. Beyond this, we demonstrate that niche parties are more responsive to their voters in multidimensional space, while mainstream parties are primarily responsive to the general electorate. The multidimensional responsiveness of niche parties - to their narrower electorate - ought to be taken into account by future scholars of party-voter linkages.

Overcoming the cost of governance? Junior party strategy in multi-level politics

How can junior coalition members overcome the costs of governing in a coalition? In this article, we argue that junior partners can use supranational and subnational political institutions as a venue for signaling disagreement with their coalition partners to mitigate the brand dilution that occurs in the coalition. To test this argument, we use roll-call data from the European Parliament (EP) from 1999-2009 to demonstrate that when intra-coalitional conflict increases, junior parties are more likely to defect from the prime minister’s party. In addition, we find that while junior parties in general are no more likely to defect on votes focused on their owned issues, niche parties are more likely to defect from the PM’s party on their owned issues as intra-coalitional conflict increases. Our results have important implications for junior party behavior and how multi-level politics can be used to strengthen party brands.

Resentment and Polarization in Indonesia

Abstract Is political polarization in Indonesia here to stay? For years, scholarly consensus on partisanship in Indonesia viewed weak partisan identity, collusive party behavior, and the predominance of personality as features of a system that would prevent the emergence of deep polarization. In the wake of religious and ethnic mobilizations during three contentious elections, the question of whether polarization has come to Indonesia is increasingly salient. Where previous studies have focused on elite polarization, we focus on whether polarization has a mass base. Using an original, nationally representative survey of 1,520 Indonesian adults shortly before the 2019 election, we tested whether political preferences in Indonesia reflected any of four underlying sets of resentment—religious, anti-Chinese, anti-Java, or regional. We found links of varying strength between each of these resentments and political preferences. Analyzing the sources of resentments, we find evidence that different resentments may travel through different channels: religious resentment through organizational membership, anti-Chinese resentment through exposure to social media, regional resentment through awareness of regional resource disparities, and resentment of Java through having experienced the old politics of Java—Outer Islands conflict. These links between political affiliation and resentment suggest that polarization is here to stay, so long as politicians make use of real, underlying resentments.

PENGARUH KARAKTERISTIK PERUSAHAAN DAN DEWAN KOMISARIS TERHADAP PENGUNGKAPAN ANTI KORUPSI PERUSAHAAN MANUFAKTUR YANG TERDAFTAR DI BURSA EFEK INDONESIA

The anti-corruption program is the company's initial defense strategy against corruption. Therefore, the disclosure and transparency of these programs is a commitment in illuminating corruption and improving the ethical behavior of management, employees, partners, agents and other related parties of the company. This study aims to analyze the effect of company characteristics and the board of commissioners on corporate anti-corruption disclosures. The research objects are manufacturing sector companies listed on the IDX in 2020 and 2021. The sampling method is purposive sampling with a sample of 100 companies. Data collection uses research instruments, data analysis is quantitative/statistical in nature with the aim of testing the established hypotheses. Methods of data analysis using SPSS version 25.0. This study found that company size, company age, net profit margin, and board of commissioners have a positive effect on anti-corruption disclosure.
 Keywords: Anti-corruption Disclosure, Company Characteristics, Board of Commissioners, Manufacturing Companies