Parties In Lebanon Research Articles

Lebanese diaspora and the October 17 Uprising

AbstractThis article examines the Lebanese home‐diaspora relationship and its contribution to the dynamics of the political system in Lebanon. This relationship is explored in the context of the October 17 Uprising which was a transnational event whereby Lebanese at home and abroad were actively engaged in its awakening and repercussions. The authors argue that this relationship is a two‐way relationship in which both home and diasporic actors mutually contribute to the potential transformative process which was ignited by the Uprising. They also argue that both political actors are faced with limitations that hinder them from maximizing their efforts to challenge and transform the political rhetoric in Lebanon. These limitations are imposed by both local and diasporic actors in favour of traditional political parties, and they restrict the potential of diasporic actors to be proactive in their opposition, as well as the efforts of home actors to enhance the nature of the political engagement with the diaspora. However, the research suggests that recent political activities in Lebanon and abroad have demonstrated the ability of both actors to gradually break the sovereignty of the ruling parties in Lebanon if efforts are channelled properly in the political field generated by those actors.

Political Communication through the Prism of Social Media: How are Lebanese Political Parties Using Facebook in Electoral Campaigns?

The integration of social media in political communication has expanded significantly over recent years. This article focuses on how politicians are using Facebook in electoral campaigns. The main objective is to analyse the different functions ascribed to this digital platform in electoral communication. The present research studies the usage of Facebook by political parties in Lebanon during the parliamentary election of 2018 based on quantitative content analysis. All Facebook posts of three major political parties published during the electoral campaign were collected and examined. The results of the study reveal first that most parties were using Facebook in a unidirectional way; that is, only to disseminate information without giving any real value to users’ feedback. A prime example of this was how the Future Movement, a popular political party, made significant use of external links, and effective forms of controlled Facebook tools. This demonstrated how politicians aimed to contain and direct users to their preferred information flow. Second, emerging parties from the opposition tended to publish more negative and attack posts than incumbents. Third, the interactive tools of Facebook were used poorly. Fourth, there was, however, a relative difference with regards to political groups outside the formal institution of power, such as the Political Alliance “Kollouna Watani” who made better use of the interactive function. The main factors that could explain the findings are the historical background and path of the political parties as well as their position in or outside the government, the partisan and costly coverage of traditional media outlets, and the hybridisation of political communication. Keywords: Facebook, political communication, Hybrid media system, electoral campaign, Lebanese media.

Breaking into a Consociational System: Civic Parties in Lebanon’s 2018 Parliamentary Election

Despite its consociationalism and clientelism, in 2018 civil society groups hoped to gain a real foothold in Lebanon’s parliament in light of recent social mobilization, local election results, and the introduction of proportional electoral rules. Contributing to the literature on power-sharing, this paper analyzes why civil society groups were so hopeful and why they only won a single seat. While confessional parties shaped electoral rules to their advantage and deployed their powers of clientelism, there are signs of the same deeply rooted informal norms and practices that promote status quo elections in other consociational cases despite broad public disaffection with governance.

The paradox of power-sharing: stability and fragility in postwar Lebanon

ABSTRACTThis article examines the consequences of civil war and power-sharing settlements for the development of sectarian networks of mobilization. While power-sharing presents a viable mechanism for ending civil war, it allows the participating militias-turned-parties access to state resources and leaves their population networks and organizations intact. This continuity reduces the militias-turned-parties’ start-up costs for violent mobilization in the future, enabling them to mobilize more effectively than new parties with no combat experience. I exploit rich variation in the wartime legacies and settlement status of the major postwar parties in Lebanon to explain whether and how parties mobilized during the clashes of May 2008, the most serious internal violence to plague Lebanon since the end of its civil war in 1990.

Lebanon’s consociational model, Christian parties and the struggle for political power in post-2005 period

ABSTRACTIn contrast to the expectations of the Christian parties in Lebanon, the Syrian military withdrawal from the country in 2005 did not mark a turning point to strengthen their political roles after several years of marginalization. Instead, their clash of interests left adverse implications for their behaviour, which undermined their ability to advance their interests and the interests of their community in the consociational system. This article argues that three main factors impacted upon their political behaviour: (1) intra sectarian conflicts; (2) inter sectarian conflicts; and (3) external factors (external alliances and regional developments). The impact of those three factors on their behaviour weakened their ability to reach compromises over, for instance, the formulation of a new electoral law that improves the Christian voters’ influence on election results, and the presidential elections. The article employs the consociational model as an analytical framework to explain the factors that i...

Hezbollah: the global footprint of Lebanon's party of God

Introduction: Researching Hezbollah's Clandestine Activities 1. The Party of God Is Born 2. Branching Out: Targeting Westerners in Lebanon and Beyond 3. Hezbollah's European Debut 4. Bombings in Buenos Aires 5. A Near Miss in Bangkok 6. Beirut to the Blue Ridge: Hezbollah Comes to North America 7. Bombing Khobar Towers 8. Unit 1800: Targeting the Israeli Heartland 9. Finance and Logistics in Africa 10. Unit 3800: Hezbollah in Iraq 11. Party of Fraud: Hezbollah's Criminal Enterprise in America 12. Shadow War Selected BibliographyAbout the AuthorIndex

Hezbollah: The Global Footprint of Lebanon's Party of God. By Matthew Levitt, Ph.D. Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press, 2013.

Hezbollah: The Global Footprint of Lebanon's Party of God. By Matthew Levitt, Ph.D. Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press, 2013.

Michael Suleiman: A Man from Palestine and Kansas

Mike Suleiman was born in 1934 in Tiberias, Palestine. He was appointed to the Kansas State University Political Science faculty in 1965. First and foremost, he was a gentleman. He was a relaxed guy but never casual in attire. I often told him I imagined him cutting his lawn in a suit and tie! He would reel back and laugh his unique laugh - the kind of can't catch my breath laugh that conveyed deep appreciation for the humor of the image. It was as though he was making up for the struggles of his earlier life by recreating a world of friends and community in America and enjoying every minute to the fullest. His patient and persistent manner - perhaps a result of the wisdom he gained in overcoming the biggest challenge of his life - displacement and dispossession by the Zionist conquest of Palestine - served as a calming effect on himself and the frustrated activists who emerged after the 1967 war.He was a deep core Palestinian. He loved his Arab culture and community. I recall he was in Boston for some meeting one year, and it coincided with a performance by Fairuz, the famous honey-voiced Lebanese songstress. He called me and invited me to attend her performance. This was Mike the Arab. He was transformed as he watched her performance. Fairuz sang songs of love and songs for Arab, particularly Palestinian, causes. Her famous song about Jerusalem, Al Quds, stirred the hearts of all Arabs. Suddenly, Mike the affable man, turned into Mike the Palestinian remembering the lost past, transported and stirred by Fairuz 's moving rendition which filled the theatre with intense emotion.Mike was a fun-loving guy. I recall during my 1976 Association of Arab American University Graduates (AAUG) presidential term, I found myself in Los Angeles for a Board meeting and to address the local Chapter. Ayad al-Qazzaz was a member of the Board and Mike's close friend. Mike was somehow there, and I think it was because we were about to nominate him for the 1 977 presidential term. In any case, there was a short break between meetings, and Mike insisted we visit Disneyland! Ayad was game for the idea and agreed we should go for a bit of levity. I was not sure about leaving the meeting area. But off we went. We got to Disneyland - no small feat in Los Angeles traffic - and roamed about. Mike and Ayad were in constant banter, joking about everything. I got so caught up in the fun of it that I temporarily forgot time. Suddenly, I realized we needed to get back for the Chapter meeting. We were already late. Mike and Ayad refused to be upset, continuing as they did with frivolous exchanges and riotous laughter. In a moment of guilt and frustration, I asked them both how we could explain this affront of tardiness to the Chapter members. Ayad chirped up tell them the taxi had a flat tire. Well this was really comical since there were hundreds of taxis all around. We got back, and as I tried to offer this excuse to the Chapter members - whose faces were questioning why we went to Disneyland in the first place - Mike and Ayad sat in back doubled over with laughter at my embarrassing attempt at fibbing!!!All of these images were Mike, but his most influential identity was productive scholar in Arab and Arab- American studies. Part and parcel of this identity was Mike the great friend, mentor and colleague. These qualities became evident over the years of our organizational work.I met Mike in the context of the work of AAUG. I was already aware of him, having read his important 1967 book Political Parties in Lebanon (Cornell University Press). AAUG was founded in the Fall of 1967. It held its first convention in 1 968 in Washington, DC. theme of the convention was The Arab American Community: Its Contribution and Role. Given the newness of AAUG, the first convention was aimed at identifying and learning about the Arab American community from which the Association sought members. A book resulted from that conference co-edited and co-authored by myself and Ann Paden. …

From Positive Neutrality to Partisanship: How and Why the Armenian Political Parties Took Sides in Lebanese Politics in the Post-Taif Period (1989–Present)

This article examines the policy of the Armenian political parties in Lebanon in light of the Taif agreement in 1989 that ended the Lebanese civil war and granted the Armenian community more political rights. The Armenian parties (Dashnak, Hunchak and Ramgavar) in the post-Taif period were obliged to abandon the policy of positive neutrality that they adopted from 1975 to 1989, and took sides with various Lebanese parties to protect the communal interests that the consociational structure of the state had allowed them. However, the Armenian parties were not united over the goal of maintaining the Armenian bloc inside parliament. As they chose different policies to pursue communal interests they took sides with the ruling majority and the anti-government opposition. The Armenians were criticized by some Christian politicians for their partisanship and were expected to maintain their traditional neutrality in Lebanese politics. It is very likely that the Armenians will return to their neutral policy and support the President and the government once their group rights are protected.

The policy of positive neutrality of the Armenian political parties in Lebanon during the civil war, 1975–90: A critical analysis

The leaders of the three Armenian political parties in Lebanon adopted a policy of positive neutrality in 1975. These parties were: (a) the Armenian Revolutionary Federation or the Dashnak Party, s...

A Survey of Lebanese Shi'i attitudes towards Hezbollah

This study has been designed to investigate Lebanese Shi'i respondents' attitudes toward Lebanon's party of God (Hezbollah). Specifically, the study focuses on two research questions. First, what is the extent of support for Hezbollah and its underlying dimensions (that is, the belief it should continue to grow, or that it should be demobilised, and the desirability of confrontation with the Lebanese authorities)? Second, what are the predictors of these attitudes? The results based on a sample of 256 Shi'i respondents indicated a discrepancy between attitudes toward Hezbollah and its underlying dimensions. Furthermore, personal religiosity was found to be significant predictor to all of the resettlement variables. The implications of these findings on Lebanon are discussed.

BOOK REVIEWS

Book Review in this ArticlesBibliographie zum Erziehungs‐ and Bildungswesen in den Lãndern des muslimischen Orients.Land Policy in Colonial Algeria: The Origins of the Rural Public Domain. By John Ruedy.National Development and Local Reform: Political Participation in Morocco, Tunisia and Pakistan. By Douglas E. Ashford.Morocco. By Nevill Barbour.American Interests in Syria: 1800–1901. By A. L. Tibawi.Political Parties In Lebanon. By Michael W. Suleiman.The Arab Bacth Socialist Party: History, Ideology and Organization. By Kamel S. Abu‐Jaber.Arabic Language Handbook. By Mary Catherine Bateson.Spoken Arabic of Baghdad, VoL II. By R J. McCarthy, S.J., and Faraj Raffouli.Christianity in Tropical Africa, edited with an introduction by C. G. Baëta.

Political Parties in Lebanon: The Challenge of a Fragmented Political Structure

Political Parties in Lebanon: The Challenge of a Fragmented Political Structure

The Role of Political Parties in a Confessional Democracy: the Lebanese Case

HIS PAPER EXAMINES the role of parties in Lebanon, a country with a type of democratic system not familiar in the democratic West. The first task, therefore, will be to present a brief account of how confessional democracy operates in Lebanon and to arrive at a definition of political suitable for the purpose. After stressing the minority characteristic of all parties in Lebanon, a distinction will be made between and trans-national parties. This will facilitate the differentiation between the functions performed by each group on the Lebanese scene and their comparison with functions performed by parties in other countries. It is assumed that, apart from certain basic exceptions, the functions parties perform depend on the kind of system in which they are found and on the needs of the particular public. The Lebanese case will be utilized to test certain hypotheses concerning the number, usefulness and role of parties in a system. Confessional democracy, as it operates in Lebanon, assures each religious sect a share in parliamentary, governmental, and civil service offices which is proportionate to that group's numerical strength in the country's population.? The Lebanese government recognizes seventeen religious sects, all of which are minorities anxious to safeguard and enhance their status. As a consequence, freedom of worship, speech, and assembly has been much coveted and generally observed. It is obvious that this arrangement is democratic in the sense that it provides representation for all minorities in the population. Majoritarian democracy, where a party or a group of representatives acts on behalf of the whole population and for the public welfare, remains an alien concept in Lebanon. Lebanese confessionalism is not restricted to governmental institutions. Indeed, confessionalism on the governmental level is to a great extent a reflection of the breakdown of society into numerous self-conscious religious communities anxious to maintain their identity and separate status. It is not the place here to discuss the origins and causes of Lebanese confessionalism.2 Suffice it to say that it exists, permeates every governmental agency, and envelopes every social structure in the country, including parties.