Model Of Participatory Democracy Research Articles

MOTIVATION, ATTITUDES AND HABITS IN CULTURAL PARTICIPATION AMONG VISITORS TO VISUAL ARTS INSTITUTIONS

In this paper we analyze culture as integral aspect of everyday life and the ways culture is actualized through cultural participation. The research presented in this paper is part of the Center for Designing the Everyday project, which aims to explore the current state and possibilities for establishing a new model of participatory governance in culture based on the model of participatory democracy. In this research, designed and conducted to assess the state of cultural participation at two intervals over a two-year period, the aim was to determine whether there are differences in the types of participation and motivations for participation in cultural events and activities before and after initiatives aimed at reinforcing the model of participatory governance. The paper draws on three conceptual turns, namely postmodern, cultural, and participatory, to examine the repositioning of cultural participation in everyday life. Two surveys were undertaken in 2018 and 2020, targeting an intentional sample of visitors to cultural institutions and associations operating in the field of visual arts. Given the specific timeframe, the results are interpreted in the context of the pandemic. Results imply strengthening of cultural participation connected to cultural consumption, while participation connected to cultural production is decaling. Furthermore, interactive cultural participation in digital and virtual environment indicates inequalities among different social groups especially when it comes to elderly population that has proven to be vulnerable in terms of frequency and availability of interactive cultural participation. Keywords: cultural participation; participatory culture; visitors; visual art institutions; Croatia

Update of Methodological Principles for Studying Political Participation of Citizens in the Conditions of Digitalization of Democratic Political Process

The article presents the results of a study of the main trends in updating the methodological principles for studying the political participation of citizens in the context of the digitalization of the democratic political process. It has been established that in modern political science, e-democracy is a term by which scientists describe a wide range of practices of online involvement of citizens in political decision-making. The relationship we established between the concept of e-democracy and classical models of democracy, which indicate the specific content of political participation, indicates that e-democracy is based on models of participatory democracy and deliberative democracy. It is substantiated that due to the potential of e-democracy in the formation of new ways of communication between citizens and actors in the political space, its tools of political participation begin to integrate into the subject space of the liberal model of democracy, in which the political participation of citizens is deployed in social networks, therefore it has a decentralized nature and status. instrumental value. The analysis of the content of scientific discussions regarding the relationship between the categories of e-democracy and digital democracy in the context of the problem of political participation proved that the term digital democracy better reflects the essence of digitalization processes in the political space, but it is used as synonymous with the term e-democracy. Political participation by means of digital democracy involves a combination of virtual and traditional instruments of influence on the political system, while in the classical approaches of democracy, e-participation is defined as the result of the evolution of forms of citizen participation in politics. It is proved that the process of digitalization of democracy determined the need to update the methodological principles of the study the influence of mobilization practices on the nature of political participation. The conceptualization of this problem is most fully realized by van Dijk, who means digital mobilization practices as a mechanism for updating the connection between the functions, forms and tools of political participation, which clearly demonstrates that digital democracy is a way to improve the quality and legitimacy of political decision-making.

Best Friends Forever: Relationship Schemas, Organizational Forms, and Institutional Change

Scholars have drawn on cultural concepts to demonstrate the capacity of organizational actors to transform existing institutional scripts and invent new ones. When it comes to accounting for the limits on such change, however, scholars have tended to fall back on structural dynamics. I argue that paying attention to the symbolic analogies and oppositions in terms of which institutional schemas have meaning can shed light on the role of cultural constraints alongside creativity in institutional change. In this article, I investigate schemas of personal relationships. By transposing the obligations and expectations of a familiar relationship from one kind of interaction to another—by treating employees like members of a sports team or a research collaborative, for example—organizational actors can bring about new habits of interaction and create new organizational forms. But people’s emotional investment in the integrity of a relationship script may make them unwilling to modify the script when it proves impractical. Shared relationship schemas are thus a source of creativity and constraint. I show that understanding this dialectic accounts for several puzzling features of the diffusion of participatory democratic organizational forms among progressive movements in the late 1960s: notably, that even in the absence of a legitimated model of participatory democracy, activists adopted a similar form of organization, and that, for all their creativity, activists were unable to modify that form to cope with the inequalities it produced.

Participatory Democracy and Sustainability. Deliberative Democratic Innovation and Its Acceptance by Citizens and German Local Councilors

Political participation and sustainability seem to be closely intertwined. In the last few decades it can be shown that the topic of sustainability and ecological interest groups play an important role in citizen engagement, political participation, and democratic innovations at the local level. Using a participatory rhombus model of participatory democracy, different forms of participation and democratic innovations in the representative sphere, in direct democracy, in demonstrative participatory space, and finally in deliberative participatory instruments are important in the decision-making for sustainability policies. Here the paper tries to close the gap in empirical data on the perceptions of citizens and councilors on these participatory instruments. Citizens believe strongly in the importance of elections and referendums, but they extend their political repertoire and start protesting and demanding more deliberative democracy. Councilors positively perceive democratic innovations, and the councilors of the Green Party in particular strongly support new participatory instruments. However, citizens and councilors do not support all instruments in the same way.

ANALYSIS OF FORMS OF PUBLIC PARTICIPATION IN LOCAL GOVERNMENT

Introduction. Today, local governments carry out their own activities aimed at ensuring local development, providing services to citizens in the conditions of limited material, financial and technical resources. This makes it necessary to use effective mechanisms for cooperation of local governments with citizens, the establishment of feedback mechanisms. The purpose of the article. Research and analysis of the forms of public participation in local self-government, identification of their shortcomings in order to define vectors for further application of these forms. Method (methodology). The methodological basis of the article consists of general scientific and empirical methods of scientific research, such as: the system method and the generalization method. Results of work. The forms and corresponding (levels) of public participation in local self-government are systematized. The analysis of the existing practice on the forms of public participation in the Pidvolochysk village united territorial community is carried out. The regulations that regulate the use of forms of public participation in the Pidvolochysk community are indicated and analyzed. It is established that the forms of public participation in the Pidvolochysk village united territorial community are represented by: informing, public consultations, studying and taking into account the opinion of residents in the process of forming directions of local development. Conclusions. Under a centralized system of public administration, citizen participation in local self-government was minimal, and mechanisms for public participation were imperfect, as they existed only on paper. Adopting a model of participatory democracy requires the active participation of the public in the management of local affairs. Such participation should take appropriate forms and be based on appropriate legal mechanisms and procedures. Sphere of results application. Forms of public participation in local governance, adoption and implementation of management decisions to ensure local development should be accompanied by public awareness of the possibilities of such participation, on the one hand, and the desire of officials and employees of local governments to listen to citizens, respond adequately, take into account her – on the other. Only under such conditions will the involvement of citizens in solving local government issues become mutually beneficial both for the residents of the respective territory and for the local self-government body.

The 2014 Scottish Referendum in the Chinese imagination

This paper lays out the perceptions of three different regions to describe Chinese perspectives on the 2014 Scottish Independence Referendum. Mainstream newspapers, cyber-opinions, and scholarly writings are three vectors to assess Mainland Chinese perception. Considering the limited number of academic reports about the referendum in Taiwan and Hong Kong, compared to that on the mainland, our conclusion about their perceptions is primarily based on mainstream newspapers. The article identifies two ideologically opposed perspectives. On the one hand, the dominant view in Mainland China (and in mainstream newspapers in Hong Kong and Taiwan) framed the referendum in negative terms, presenting it as a ‘threat’ and a ‘problem’. On the other hand, the dominant view in Hong Kong and Taiwan praised the Scottish referendum as a model of participatory democracy. These contrasting perspectives are deeply rooted in distinctive ideologies and historical experiences.

Distributed, privacy-enhancing technologies in the 2017 Catalan referendum on independence: New tactics and models of participatory democracy

This paper examines new civic engagement practices unfolding during the 2017 referendum on independence in Catalonia. These practices constitute one of the first signs of some emerging trends in the use of the Internet for civic and political action: the adoption of horizontal, distributed, and privacy-enhancing technologies that rely on P2P networks and advanced cryptographic tools. In this regard, the case of the 2017 Catalan referendum, framed within conflicting political dynamics, can be considered a first-of-its kind in participatory democracy. The case also offers an opportunity to reflect on an interesting paradox that twenty-first century activism will face: the more it will rely on private-friendly, secured, and encrypted networks, the more open, inclusive, ethical, and transparent it will need to be.

Vigencia del iuspublicismo romano para un nuevo siglo latinoamericano

In its theoretical origins, democracy and representative government allude to two constitutional models in opposition: that of Rousseau and that of Montesquieu; the first inspired by the Roman magistrates with institutions such as the mandate, its revocable and controllable character, the expression of the will of the sovereign directly or through a judiciary of auditable authority; the second based on the election of a representative, the division of powers and the exacerbation of the so-called individual freedom. On the other hand, the constitutions of Latin America throughout their history have been limited in their development by the assumption, almost invariable, of Montesquieu’s model of advertising. From 1999 on, this reality has been changing with slight introductions of the model of participatory democracy, but this is still insufficient, both from the point of view of its scope and its institutional design. Faced with this reality, the Latin Roman iuspublicistic model, stands as a reference to take into account.

The Relationship between Courts and the Other Arms of Government in Promoting and Protecting Socio-economic Rights in South Africa: What About Separation of Powers?


 The model of constitutional democracy which is envisaged in the 1996 text of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa (the Constitution) has been described as promoting 'a thick' conception of democracy. It is concerned with the empowerment of all citizens to participate in decisions that are crucial to the outcome of their life choices. At its most basic promise, the Constitution promotes a model of participatory democracy, by creating a series of representative institutions and enabling participation in decision making, both inside and outside of these institutions. Expressed differently, the Constitution promotes both participation through regular elections and enshrines a principle of accountability in terms of which government can be held accountable for particular aspects of its policy, particularly those which fail to pass constitutional muster. That leads to the second component of the model which introduces a substantive set of guarantees to ensure participation. The idea is that various institutions of State should work to promote and to vindicate basis democratic principles which are directed to accountable control of decision making and substantive political equality between citizens.

Technopopulism: The Emergence of a Discursive Formation

This article contends that technopopulism is a discursive formation that emerges from the convergence of two preexisting discourses: populism and technolibertarianism. Whereas these discourses are historically distinct the 2008 financial crisis and the 2011 wave of struggles have precipitated the political conditions for their intersection and hybridization. Such convergence produces both tensions and possibilities. On the one hand, technopopulism engenders a radically participatory model of democracy, which is ultimately anti-institutional as citizens cooperate and engage in sophisticated decision-making without the mediation of professional politicians. On the other hand, the more successful technopopulist parties—at least in the electoral arena—are all led by charismatic leaders who synthesize the positions that emerge from the netroots to mobilize them against the establishment. These two seemingly contradictory aspects precipitate in two variants of technopopulism: a leaderless-technocratic variant, which is derived from the open source mode of governance and from early experiments of the Global Justice Movement in networked self-government; and a leaderist-populist variant, which is more strictly focused on the electoral competition as an intrinsically reductive and thus hegemonic practice. The article concludes with a reflection on the discursive complementarity of these two variants and on the political tensions and challenges technopopulism faces in the current phase.

Gobernanza Comunitaria para el Bien Común

El artículo “Gobernanza Comunitaria para el Bien Común” centra su atención en el modelo de democracia participativa que promueve el Buen Gobierno Sandinista como mecanismo de restitución de derechos humanos enfocado en las familias nicaragüenses como principales protagonistas de su propio cambio.El análisis y reflexión teórica toma como marco de referencia las políticas públicas y sociales existentes en el contexto actual, lo cual hace posible la descentralización del poder político, y con ello, otorgar a la comunidad la participación protagónica en los programas y proyectos de gobierno que benefician a las familias más vulnerables, pero que a la vez, incentivan en las familias la actitud de empoderamiento de sus propias realidades y escenarios, para trabajar conjuntamente en la gestión social.La investigación explora la experiencia de los pobladores de Batahola Norte durante el periodo 2012–2014, los testimonios y apreciación de las personas con referencia al modelo de responsabilidad compartida del gobierno del Frente Sandinista de Liberacíon Nacional (FSLN) permitirá tener un acercamiento al modelo de participación popular y descentralización del poder que desde el 2007 impulsa el Gobierno de Reconciliación y Unidad Nacional.

Mind the gap? Civil society policy engagement and the pursuit of gender justice: critical discourse analysis of the implementation of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action in Africa 2003–2015

ABSTRACTThis article presents critical discourse analysis of state and civil society organisations’ efforts to implement the gender mainstreaming goals set out in the United Nations’ Beijing Declaration. It is argued that the latter represents a generational opportunity to apply a Feminist Political Economic Framework to development in Africa. However, the research findings show how current practice falls short of the sought-after participative democratic model of mainstreaming. Instead, analysis reveals significant differences in state and civil society organisations’ policy framing, issues over conceptual clarity and a disjuncture in state and civil society prioritisation of key gendered issues such as poverty, economic inequality and conflict resolution. This matters because it indicates that the capacity of the civil sphere to act as a political arena from which NGOs may challenge the traditionally male-dominated power structures is being undermined by a ‘disconnect’ between state and civil society as they pursue contrasting agendas.

Participatory governance or deliberative disjuncture? Exploring the state–civil society policy nexus in the gender mainstreaming programmes of seven Middle Eastern states 2005–2015

To better understand why Middle Eastern states continue to languish at the bottom of world rankings on gender equality, this study presents critical discourse analysis of state and civil society organizations’ implementation of the Participative Democratic Model of gender mainstreaming. A requirement of the 1995 United Nations Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, the Participative Democratic Model entails state–civil society engagement to embed gender equality concerns in every stage of the policy process. It is in this context that the original contribution of the article is twofold. In methodological terms, it is argued that contemporary analysis of mainstreaming needs to examine the formative phase of policy implementation and the discourse between state elites and civil society organizations. This is integral to effective agenda-setting and coordinated action—and thus to securing successful gender-equality outcomes. In empirical terms, the study findings show how presently, across the Middle East, there are marked contrasts in state and civil society policy framing and issue prioritization. The resulting disjuncture is a hitherto under-examined pathology preventing the realization of the normative vision of gender equality in the region.

Civil Society and Gender Mainstreaming: Empirical Evidence and Theory-Building from Twelve Post-Conflict Countries 2005–15

Using critical discourse analysis, this twelve-country study addresses a key lacuna by examining civil society perspectives on the implementation of the Participative Democratic Model (PDM) of gender mainstreaming in post-conflict states. The findings reveal specific data, transitional justice, and governance challenges in war-affected states as policy actors press for heightened attention to issues such as the effects on women of war-induced poverty, human rights violations, and women’s empowerment in state reconstruction and peace-building. The analysis shows the aftermath of war accentuates frame misalignment between civil society and governing elites. In order to address this a Transformative Model (TM) of Participative Mainstreaming in Post-conflict States is proposed. Building on conflict theory it argues for the engendering of “transitional justice” in order to secure equality in public policy and law-making. In particular, it details how future attempts to apply the PDM need to be adapted across four Transformational Domains: actors, issues, rules, and structures. Each is populated by “post-conflict issues/actions”. When CSOs successfully advance claims for modifying policy and practice “frame-alignment” occurs and the implementation of PDM may be adapted to the specificities of war-affected states.

‘The UK's strength is that everybody's in’: Scottish-American Reactions to the 2014 Independence Referendum

To explore US perspectives on the 2014 Independence Referendum, we assessed media coverage of the campaign and newspaper editorials, pairing these commentaries with interviews of Scottish-Americans conducted in the month immediately following the vote. Many in the United States perceived the referendum to be a model of participatory democracy, and recognized the complex issues that faced Scottish voters. In common with those in Scotland, economic concerns were primary, but added to these was an assessment of the USA's military relationship with the UK. We conclude by suggesting that American awareness of current Scottish politics was enhanced by the referendum campaign and discussions of it within the diaspora community.

How does single party dominance influence civil society organisations' engagement strategies? Exploratory analysis of participative mainstreaming in a 'regional' European polity.

A raft of United Nations Treaties, European Union Directives and domestic laws oblige governments in 180 + countries to apply the Participative Democratic Model of mainstreaming equalities to public administration by involving those targeted by equality initiatives at all stages in their design and delivery. Notwithstanding Participative Democratic Model’s deeply political nature, extant work has overlooked how governing party turnover influences civil society organisations’ (CSOs) strategies. Here, this lacuna is addressed using a negative ‘extreme case study’ research design involving qualitative accounts from civil society organisations in Wales, a ‘regional’ European polity characterised by one-party dominance. The findings reveal how the absence of turnover distorts the Participative Democratic Model in relation to diverse factors including: strategic bridging, extraparliamentary politics, cognitive locks and party institutionalisation. Inter alia, the wider contribution of this analysis lies in showing the importance of turnover to effective engagement, the ‘pathologies’ associated with one-party dominance and the need for adaptive civil society strategies tailored to prevailing electoral politics and governing party turnover in liberal democracies.

The model of participatory democracy powered by new media

The model of participatory democracy powered by new media

Influencia de la concepción deliberativa de la democracia en el procedimiento legislativo Colombiano

Given that the decision making in legislative matter and of constitutional reform in Colombia is exercised by a representative body, the Congress - , and also citizen participation mechanisms that serve to promote or control the work of that organ are institutionalized - as the legislative initiative or referendum, it is feasible to conclude that the Colombian constitutional democracy prescribes a participatory model of democracy, at least trend. However, this conclusion does not answer the question about how the legislative decision should be adopted and, consequently, what is its procedural legitimacy. Thus, in view of the central importance - at least in normative - that the Constitutional Court has given parameter deliberation as constitutional validity of the statute or legislative act, it is feasible to say that the process leading to the establishment of such standards has a decidedly deliberative influence.

Deliberative and Participatory Democracy in the UK

Research Highlights and AbstractThis article:Provides an overview of the development of deliberative and participatory democracy in the UK. Critically analyses the success of consecutive UK national governments in fostering deliberative and participatory processes. Surveys the development of deliberative and participatory processes in the UK at sub-national and local level. Provides a starting point for comparative politics on deliberative and participatory democracy between the UK and other polities.This article responds to Michael Saward's call for a more context-specific approach to the study of democracy by exploring developments in, obstacles to, and prospects for, a more deliberative and participatory model of democracy in the UK. A review is undertaken first of the New Labour and coalition governments' attempts at constitutional reform, in order to assess the implications these efforts have had, and continue to have, for the institutionalisation of such a model of democracy. Despite proclamations of lofty ambition successive UK governments have wrapped themselves in the straightjacketing logic of the Westminster model of parliamentary government. As a consequence their actual proposals lack ambition and are often incoherent. The story told in this respect is therefore one of largely unrealised rhetoric. The ‘largely’ qualifier is included, however, in recognition of the space created by Labour's constitutional reforms for participation at the peripheries of governance. The second section of the article focuses on these spaces by, first, commenting briefly on whether the participatory aspirations of the architects of Scottish devolution have been realised before, second, examining the use of specific deliberative mechanisms—such as citizens'juries, deliberative polls and participatory budgeting—at varying locations within the political system and in public agencies and services. Evidence of democratic innovation is presented; however, any optimism on this front must be tempered, as the power-sharing potential of such mechanisms, and their capacity to move us towards a more comprehensive and joined-up deliberative system in the UK, is hampered by the lack of a facilitating institutional landscape. Finally, an overview is provided of the three remaining articles that make up this special section on deliberative and participatory democracy in the UK.

New legislative settings and the application of the participative-democratic model of mainstreaming equality in public policy making: evidence from the UK's devolution programme

Studies of established parliamentary contexts highlight institutional barriers to mainstreaming equality of opportunity in public policy-making. In contrast, this paper uses an actor-centred institutionalist perspective to explore the case of the new devolved legislatures in the UK purposively designed with mechanisms to broaden engagement in the policy process. It assesses progress in applying the participative-democratic model of mainstreaming to policy-making. The findings – based upon analysis of legislative proceedings and equality and human rights organisations' accounts – reveal that ‘system openness’ has afforded opportunities to engage in – and influence – policy work. Yet, problems and shortcomings are also identified – signifying a ‘disconnect’ between the rhetoric and reality of mainstreaming at the meso-level – and continuity with the pre-existing policy style in UK governance. The wider significance of this is that potential gains afforded by the adoption of mainstreaming in legislative settings purposively designed to foster the engagement of exogenous interests can be negated by leadership issues and government failure to secure the full range of pre-requisites prescribed by mainstreaming theory.