Participation In Peacebuilding Research Articles

Youth Participation in Peacebuilding in Somalia: Challenges and Opportunities

This study focuses on the analysis of the challenges and opportunities of youth participation in peacebuilding in Somalia. The main objectives of the study were: to analyse the challenges of youth participation in peacebuilding related to the power dimensions of levels and spaces in Banadir region, Somalia and to explore the opportunities of youth participation in peacebuilding related to the power dimensions of levels and spaces in Somalia. The researcher used a qualitative approach of research to collect and analyse secondary data. The secondary data was collected through documentary review of books, articles, journals, reports that involved visiting the libraries and internet for the analysis of important documents in the search for topic issues. The information gathered from secondary data was resourceful in preparing the study and giving the research a more defined perspective. The secondary data were edited to check the accuracy, consistency and completeness of the information. The main findings of the study were that that the challenges hindering youth participation in Somalia include: poverty, lack of access to quality basic services like education, lack opportunities for youth to participate in peacebuilding, rigid culture, corruption, weak governance, prevalence of violence and insecurity and lack of resources and funding. And the key opportunities available for youth to participate in peacebuilding entail: increase youth opportunities for employment with entrepreneurship, market-focused, and public-private efforts, increase youth access to and use of high-quality education, increase youth engagement in community and government, conduct nation-wide campaign awareness on youth participation in peacebuilding and open space for youth to be leaders in the public sphere to strengthen the rule of law. The study recommended that the Federal Government of Somalia should promote, promote positive change to steer youth participation in peacebuilding, put in place mechanisms that engage youth in a collaborative fashion at all stages, include conflict analysis modules in the curriculum at appropriate levels, make education inclusive of all minority groups, including those people with disabilities, maintain contact with the trained youth facilitators, ensure that education is both inclusive and relevant to local needs and dedicate funding streams for peacebuilding in order to promote youth participation in peacebuilding in Somalia

From the public to the private: mapping women’s formal and informal participation in peacebuilding in Mali

Abstract How do women navigate traditional and informal governance structures to influence matters of communal peace and security? We leverage focus group discussions with around 180 participants and 10 key informant interviews from five different villages in the Ségou region to provide a case study of women’s contributions to peacebuilding in Central Mali. Our research aims to understand which women are able to influence communal dynamics regarding peace and security in Mali and assess which identities and relationships women leverage as they seek to influence these dynamics. One of our key findings underscores the obvious: women are not a homogenous demographic; other facets of their identity shape what roles they can play in conflict management and what appeals they can make in doing so. We find compelling evidence that women’s age, lineage, and their position in the home affect their degree of influence. We find that women are adept at leveraging customary governance mechanisms and their interpersonal networks to exercise influence. Overall, our findings point to the importance of an intersectional analysis, as well as a focus on informal and customary avenues of influence when considering women’s involvement in matters of communal peace and security.

Nurturing Sustainable Peace: Unveiling the Integral Role of Women in Rwanda’s Peacebuilding Endeavors

The salient prominence of women’s potential in contributing to peacebuilding initiatives has garnered notable recognition at national, regional, and international echelons. The discernment of pivotal concerns germane to women, peace, and security has equally captivated the focal point of interventions within international development. This resonance emanates from the stark reality that women continue to bear the brunt of conflict’s impact, particularly pronounced in the most perilous conflict-ravaged zones. This paper examines the pivotal role women assumed in Rwanda’s peacebuilding endeavors, elucidating the profound impact of their engagement on the nation’s enduring stability. To comprehensively grasp the challenges confronting women in their pursuit of peacebuilding initiatives, this study accounts for national, regional, and institutional agreements and an extensive array of pertinent reports. It contends that intense conflict, exemplified in Rwanda and the wider Great Lakes region, has raised women’s awareness of the need for decisive conflict resolution and amplified recognition of their key role in fostering enduring peace. At this juncture, the study unearths those formidable barriers that impede women’s agency in advancing peace, often manifesting as male counterparts obstructing their participation in peacebuilding. The leadership of peace campaigns and the facilitation of ‘dialogues’ emerge as modalities for cultivating intercommunity reconciliation among factions entangled in conflict dynamics. Central to the fabric of this investigation is an underscored emphasis on women’s empowerment, positioning them as indispensable stakeholders in the orchestration of peacebuilding endeavors.

‘Jihad is Planted in Our Hearts’: International Aid, Rebel Institutions and Women’s Participation in the Bangsamoro

ABSTRACT This article explores the encounter between the Women, Peace and Security agenda and rebel institutions in Mindanao. The analysis highlights that activities aiming to support women’s participation in peacebuilding often exist in parallel with and fail to fully recognise women’s existing forms of mobilisation within Non-State Armed Groups. This gap is bridged by civil society brokers who are associated with armed groups but speak the language of international peacebuilding frameworks. The findings point to the important role of such intermediaries in translating international norms, and to rebel groups and institutions as arenas for women’s political mobilisation and empowerment.

GOOD GOVERNANCE INITIATIVE IN THE LESS DEVELOPMENT COUNTRIES

For the European Union and UNDP (2006), the quality of governance is ultimately attributed to its democratic content. Thereby the promotion of ‘democratic governance’ is a core element in their development assistance strategy. UNDP argues that human development and governance are inseparable. From the human development perspective UNDP has stated that ‘good governance’ is ‘democratic governance. According to Brandi (2008), Democratic Governance is the glue that holds all the other development priorities set out across the MDG’s together. In post-conflict societies it is much advocated by the international community that democratic systems provides the best mechanisms for reconciliation and are the best guarantors of lasting peace (Brandi &Clara, 2008).
 According to Boex, Kimble and Pigey (2010), a government is essential to providing security, justice, economic, and social functions and to channeling the will, energies, and resources of both the indigenous population and the international community. According to Shah (2006), governments support peace building through encouraging institutional participation in peace building and democratic process of their countries.

The Meaningful Participation of Women in Solving Our Common Crises: Gendered Perspectives on Climate Change and the Humanitarian-Development-Peace Nexus

Often compounding each other, current trends including climate change, environmental degradation, and increased consumption associated with unsustainable development and population growth, present serious threats to human security at global, national, and local levels. These trends are destabilizing economies, negating development gains, exacerbating gender-based violence against women and girls, and undermining global peace and security. This situation is particularly pronounced in countries like South Sudan where women and girls have often borne the brunt of multiple shocks and stresses. South Sudanese women are nevertheless engaging in diverse initiatives to promote peace, development, and more equitable environmental governance. This paper examines the circumstances that facilitate women’s meaningful participation in peacebuilding, post-conflict recovery, and climate change adaptation. Findings from an analysis of three local organizations underscore the significance of adopting a gender-transformative, intersectional approach to peacebuilding, humanitarian response, and development efforts, especially in contexts impacted by the adverse effects of climate change.

The possibilities of studying affect to illuminate women’s contributions to peace

ABSTRACT It has become widely acknowledged by scholars and practitioners that women’s participation in peace-building is essential to building sustainable, inclusive peace. The question remains, however, what is ‘women’s participation’ in practical terms? What does it look like? What does it feel like? Following feminist scholarship that has argued for attention to the politics of emotion in International Relations, I call for an emotion-aware approach to thinking about women’s participation in peace-building and the recognition that emotion has real, material effects on how women participate and the impact of their participation. Drawing on fieldwork experience in Burma and on the Thailand-Burma border I reflect on the process of asking such questions and the possibilities of taking affect seriously in the study of peace. What emerges from this reflection is a methodological consideration that centres emotion and recognises it as simultaneously politically meaningful and gendered. Exploration of the challenges of such an approach grounds this contribution in the realities of data collection and interpretation in the field, while also demonstrating the richness that emerges from such inquiry.

Role of Women in Peace Building in Zambia: Case of Northern Province

Purpose: Women have contributed to peace building in different ways. However, the contribution appeared to have been underplayed in many societies. It is for this reason that this study sought to bring out the modern-day nature of the role played by women in peace building in Zambia – a case of Northern Province. The objectives of the study were to: to identify situations that called for peace building; to determine the role played by women in situations that needed peace building; and to determine the challenges of women involvement in peace building situations in Northern Province since 1964.
 Methodology: The study used Mixed-method design. This was done over a population comprising traders, teachers, medical staff, village headmen and villagers. A sample size of 150 respondents was used. Qualitative data was analyzed thematically while the quantitative data was analyzed using SPSS.
 Findings: The study revealed that women have played an important role in peace-building. However, lack of women involvement in peace building was caused by lack of: biblical understanding; or low education; respect for human rights; interest and self-confidence by the women themselves; and lack of interest by the women themselves and obstruction by systems and laws.
 Unique Contribution to Theory, Policy and Practices: The study reaffirmed the importance of women participation in peace-building and politics. Chiefdom wrangles during succession periods and land disputes; and electoral violence were the major sources of large-scale conflict in Northern Province. Respondents revealed that they observed people at community levels were engaged in peace building consciously or unconsciously. Institutions such as the local authorities and private sector responded they practiced peace building. As a contribution to theory, the study revealed that conflict at lower levels of society can be more lasting and intense in countries that have not experienced countrywide conflict. The study reaffirmed the challenges hindering women participation in peace building in Zambia. This will empower practitioners with a better understanding of issues affecting women in rural Zambia. Policy makers can make use of the findings of the study to devise ways of preventing the contextual challenges women face in the process.

Women and Peace in Iraq Opportunities, Challenges and Prospects for A Better Future

We talked to 91 women (and some men) activists, civil society representatives, journalists, legal experts and academics in Baghdad, Basra, Erbil, Kirkuk, Najaf and Nineveh. We listened to what they had to say about peace and justice, existing challenges to achieving these, and how the challenges can and should be overcome. We adopted a lens that focuses on women and gender and through this lens we looked at the processes of formal and informal peacebuilding and transitional justice. As expected, the research showed that Iraqi activists have valuable insights to offer when it comes to issues of peace and justice in Iraq. It also showed that Iraqi peace activists work hard, indeed harder than the government, and make real change and impact on the ground. However, despite the impressiveness and value of this work, it remains small-scale and unnoticed as it is surrounded by a large web of ‘continuum of violence’,[i] legal and institutional obstacles, long-term gendered structural context, social gender norms and a political establishment that adheres to a conservative and patriarchal interpretation of religious and tribal norms. The obstacles and limitations to women’s participation in peacebuilding are immense and manifold, but these have not stopped Iraqi women in the past and will not stop them today or in the future either. Several important insights and lessons emerged from our conversations. It is impossible to do justice to all that rich and incredible knowledge, experience, and wisdom. However, here is an attempt to summarise the most important messages to emerge out of these: First, this research showed that there is a rich plethora of definitions of peace in Iraq. Peace activities are defined in a comprehensive way by women and men in Iraq, which goes well beyond the narrow, formal conceptions of peace and justice.. Second, Iraqi activists define and understand peace and its relationship to justice in different ways and these depend on the line of work they pursue, the circumstances of the province, and the specific community, group or people and issue under discussion. Women peace activists and feminists call for a proper implementation of CEDAW and other international human rights principles that affect women and girls. However, this does not mean that they endorse the political agendas pursued by foreign states. Women peace and rights activities are stuck in a complicated place defined by the intersection of foreign funding and international/regional politics and this creates significant potential risks for them. Third, so much existing peace work is going unnoticed in Iraq in which women and men of all ages, but especially the young, are working relentlessly. Despite difficult circumstances, these individuals and groups carry out impressive voluntary work often in collaboration with local civil society organisations. Fourth, formal peacebuilding mechanisms, on the other hand, such as the Committee for Coexistence and Community Peace, had less positive attributes compared to their informal counterparts. Some of the local peace committees have carried out important work and have been more inclusive than the other formal mechanisms such as the Martyrs Foundation. Still, formal mechanisms are less inclusive and informal mechanisms, and only a small number of women take part in them. Fifth, opinion is divided about the Iraqi National Plan regarding resolution 1325, which was seen by respondents as another form of formal peacebuilding. The Plan is considered to be a huge achievement in bringing the issue of women’s participation in peace processes to the political agenda. However, the Plan has not made a real impact and has not changed the status of women’s participation in formal peacebuilding and negotiations in Iraq. Some of the respondents, including women civil society representatives, had not even heard of the Plan while others had heard of it in name only but not witnessed any of its work. Most of the work and discussion in relation to INAP takes place in Baghdad and Erbil. However, the Plan mostly remains unimplemented due to a lack of political will and a limited budget to fund its activities. Sixth, there is huge discrepancy between existing transitional justice mechanisms used by the Iraqi government and what respondents called ‘real justice’, as well as legal discrimination against women, a lack of legal protection for women, and the lack of punishment for perpetrators of violence against women. Respondents provided a much wider scope of issues and activities in relation to peace and transitional justice, issues that go beyond the formal justice procedures offered by the government. Seventh, customary rules have a significant impact on women’s participation in peacebuilding by limiting women’s participation in public life [i]Cockburn, Cynthia, 2004. ‘The Continuum of Violence: A Gender Perspective on War and Peace’. In Sites of Violence: Gender and Conflict Zones, eds. W. Giles and J. Hyndman. University of California Press, Berkeley, CA, 24-44.

The unspoken red-line in Colombia: Gender reordering of women ex-combatants and the transformative peace agenda

Academic perspectives on women in conflict have been consistently moving away from the reductionist narrative of victimhood or deviation from gender norms. Yet, this narrative is still predominant in humanitarian discourses, while it is assumed that women’s participation in peacebuilding derives from their natural proclivities. These narratives, we argue, reinforce the gendered patriarchal post-conflict order as ex-combatant women are pushed into traditional roles through reintegration processes without addressing gendered structural and systemic violence. This article is based on the Colombian case, where a peace agreement in 2016 marked the official end to decades of conflict between FARC-EP rebels and the government. While deep changes were promised, the reality for women ex-combatants has been – despite unprecedented levels of women’s participation – a reordering into traditional roles and a reinforcement of conjugal order rather than a transformative progression towards peacetime emancipation. We argue that, while the government claimed that the economic and political systems were non-negotiable red-lines, there was also another unspoken red-line: that of gender roles. This article argues that addressing the gendered structural roots of conflicts in order to build sustainable peace requires a decisive participation of women, including former rebel combatants whose potential contribution to transformative peacebuilding are often ignored.

Good Governance, Leadership Style and Socio-Economic Development in South Sudan: A Case Study of Juba County, South Sudan

This study aimed at providing a broader understanding of the study of Good, governance and leadership styles on social economic development of South Sudan with particular reference to Juba County. The objectives of the study were to assess the relationship between war and socio-economic development of Juba County,examine the relationship between governance and socio-economic development in Juba County, leadership and socio-economic development of Juba Countyand to study the factor structure of good governance and leadership on social economic development in Juba County. The study employed content analysis and descriptive design while using qualitative and quantitative approaches. The study population was 348, selected using purposive and simple random sampling technique. The sample size determination was made using Krejcie and Morgan Table (1970) formula. The sample size was 213. The data analysis was made using Statistical package for social scientists (SPSS 18). The major findings of the study were that there was a positive relationship between; war and social-economic development (r = 0.856, P-value < 0.01), Education and Social-economic development (r = 0.826, P-value < 0.01), leadership traits and social-economic development (r = 0.816, P-value < 0.01) and lastly variables explained (R= 0.644) a combination of good governance and leadership traits in assessing the level to which they can predict the level of social-economic development in the State like Jonglei in South Sudan, such that a unit change in a possibility of a war governance and leadership traits will contribute to a change in the possibility of social-economic development of any County like Juba county and South Sudan as a whole. The study recommends that there should be peace building measures that directly focus on how to combat armed conflict especially the fighters, a proper recommendable approach would be fostering Amnesty programs for fighters to ensure peace building, should try to embrace a democratic governance, the government should try to provide security, justice, economic, and social functions and to channeling the will, energies, and resources of both the indigenous population and the international community and should endeavor to support peace building through encouraging institutional participation in peace building and democratic process of their countries.

“Fests of Vests”: The Politics of Participation in Neoliberal Peacebuilding in Colombia

AbstractThe Colombian Peace Agreement signed in 2016 was saluted internationally by scholars, policy makers and practitioners for encompassing the concept of territorial peace as a means of ensuring local participation in the strengthening of state institutions. Based on engaged research conducted in the Department of Cauca and Bogotá between 2017 and 2020, we critically analyse territorial peace, exploring its ideation, implementation, and subsequent decline in favour of security and stabilisation. We argue that the government’s peacebuilding rationale and mechanisms sought to reinforce the neoliberal state through a constrained participation model, which marginalised the progressive struggles of local communities living in former conflict affected areas. Without a radical breakdown of pre‐existing power structures of exploitation and domination, community participation in peacebuilding runs the risk of legitimising state‐led initiatives that ensure the political rule of capital, strengthen the bureaucracies of the centralised state, and create new violent disputes without resolving existing ones.

Impact of War, Governance and Leadership Style on Socio-Economic Development of South Sudan: A Case of Jonglei State, South Sudan

This study aimed at providing a broader understanding of the impact of war, governance and leadership on social economic development of South Sudan with particular reference to Jonglei County. The objectives of the study were to assess the relationship between war and socio-economic development of Jonglei State , examine the relationship between governance and socio-economic development in Jonglei State, leadership and socio-economic development of Jonglei State and to study the factor structure of war, governance and leadership on social economic development in Jonglei State. The study employed a survey and content analysis and descriptive design while using qualitative and quantitative approaches. The study population was 348, selected using purposive and simple random sampling technique. The sample size determination was made using Krejcie and Morgan Table (1970) formula. The sample size was 213. The data analysis was made using Statistical package for social scientists (SPSS 18). The major findings of the study were that there was a positive relationship between; war and social-economic development (r = 0.856, P-value < 0.01), Education and Social-economic development (r = 0.826, P-value < 0.01), leadership traits and social-economic development (r = 0.816, P-value < 0.01) and lastly variables explained (R= 0.644) a combination of war, governance and leadership traits in assessing the level to which they can predict the level of social-economic development in the State like Jonglei in South Sudan, such that a unit change in a possibility of a war governance and leadership traits will contribute to a change in the possibility of social-economic development of any state like Jonglei and South Sudan as a whole. The study recommends that there should be peace building measures that directly focus on how to combat armed conflict especially the fighters, a proper recommendable approach would be fostering Amnesty programs for fighters to ensure peace building, should try to embrace a democratic governance, the government should try to provide security, justice, economic, and social functions and to channeling the will, energies, and resources of both the indigenous population and the international community and should endeavor to support peace building through encouraging institutional participation in peace building and democratic process of their countries.

Market women’s informal peacebuilding efforts in Ekumfi-Narkwa, Ghana

ABSTRACT This study examines market women’s participation in peacebuilding in the Ekumfi-Narkwa community in the Central Region of Ghana. In peacebuilding, women are often considered victims and passive targets for aid, rather than contributors to the process. Many studies and peacebuilders have neglected the critical role played by women in the informal sector in peacebuilding, especially at the local level. This study examines how local women help build everyday peace in their community through informal means. Twenty women and four men were purposively selected and interviewed. The results show that women in the informal sector draw on bonding and bridging social capital to improve peacebuilding processes in their community. Although the women studied were not well organised and did not have much formal education, they were able to contribute to peace in their community by creating and using informal social networks/bonds. We argue that women’s societal positions are aspects of social capital that make women agents of “everyday peace” who mobilise to aid informal peacebuilding efforts in the community. However, their efforts are not being recognised and supported in organising peacebuilding activities, especially during conflict.

The role of local communities in peacebuilding in post-ethnic conflict in a multi-cultural society

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to analyse the effects of socio-demographic factors on ethnic tolerance (ET) and religious tolerance (RT) as well as the participation of the local community in peacebuilding in post-ethnic violent conflicts in a multi-cultural society.Design/methodology/approachThis research was conducted in the rural areas of Indonesia, on the basis of an empirical study that was performed in Lampung, a province at the southern tip of Sumatra. Data were collected through a survey of 500 respondents from five districts susceptible to ethnic conflicts. From each district, two villages that experienced ethnic conflicts were chosen and from each village, 50 respondents were randomly selected. To strengthen the explanation of quantitative data, in-depth interviews were also conducted with another 50 residents, five informants from each of ten villages. Informants comprised community leaders or traditional leaders, local police officers, local military officers and district government officials.FindingsFirst, the degree of tolerance is not specifically concentrated in the socio-demographic characteristics. Second, ET affects RT. Third, local community participation in peacebuilding in post-ethnic violent conflicts is not influenced by the socio-demographic characteristics but is influenced by ET and RT. The socio-cultural approach is the main strategy for peacebuilding in post-ethnic (and religious) conflicts in multi-cultural societies. The weakness of inter-ethnic relations soon improves in the post-peace period through the reconstruction of social and cultural factors to strengthen social cohesion and social capital at the local community level by involving various stakeholdersOriginality/valueThis paper is a valuable source of information regarding current research on the role of local communities in strengthening and building peace in post-ethnic violent conflicts in multi-cultural societies.

English

The study, Conspicuously Absent: Women’s Role in Conflict Resolution and Peace Building in Northern Uganda in the Context of United Nations Resolution 1325. The research was carried out in war ravaged Acholi sub region covering the districts of Amuru, Gulu, Kitgum and Pader because they are located in the centre of Northern Uganda conflict between the Government and the rebels commonly known as the Lord’s Resistant Army (LRA). The main objective of the study was to locate women in conflict situations and assess their contribution. The study methodology is qualitative and builds upon a review of related literature, oral interviews, questionnaires and focus group discussions with men and women who participated in the study. The major research finding reveals that women played a big role in peace building and conflict resolution, but their involvement remained unrecognized. Worst still, the northern Uganda women appeared not linked with the growing number of women led initiatives internationally, nationally and sub-national levels. The lack of recognition of women’s roles makes women invisible actors in peace processes taking place in northern Uganda. The study concludes that including women in the formal peace process, while not a goal in itself, is symbolic and significant step in the promotion of women’s justifiable participation in peace building and conflict transformation processes. The study makes recommendations to enhance women’s capacity to contribute to peace processes formally and informally. Key words: Conflict mitigation, conflict resolution, gender, resolution 1325, peace-building, Lord’s Resistant Army (LRA), sub- region.

The United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 (Unscr 1325) and The Challenges of Women Participation in Peace Building and Conflict Resolution in Nigeria: Critical Analysis

In 31 October, 2000, the United Nations Security Council adopted and signed SC Resolution 1325 on Women Peace and Security. Resolution 1325 recognizes that civilian, particularly women and children are the worst affected by conflict. Resolution 1325 call for women participation in conflict prevention and resolution initiative, the integration of gender perspective in peace building, peace keeping mission and the protection of women in regions of conflict. The resolution reaffirms the important role of women in the prevention and resolution of conflicts, peace negotiations, peace-building, peace keeping, humanitarian response and in post-conflict reconstruction; stressing the importance of equal participation in peace and security. In Africa, women participation in policy making, peace building and conflict resolution is still faced with setbacks despite the passing of the SCR 1325 two decades ago. Findings from this study has shown that, women have been subjected to domination by men as a result of persisting cultural stereotypes, abuse of religious and traditional practices, patriarchal societal structures in which economic, political and social power are dominated by men while women played the role of followers of male decision-makers. The study identifies such challenges for a change or reforms them. The paper reviewed many of the extant studies on the role and potentials of women in peace building and conflict resolution. Analyzing those challenges inhibiting the participation of women in peace process. The paper adopted the qualitative approach whereby data collected from secondary sources were reviewed, explained and analyzed within the purview of the study. The paper conclude, the views that bringing women into the peace process, as participation of women makes it sustainable and reduces possibility of inadequate outcome or failure of the entire process, may be an illusion. Unless the women are economically and politically empowered, as one of the outstanding equality of peace-makers or negotiators is the amount of political and economic influence they possessed. Only elite centric gender blind composition of negotiation and peace process team cannot ensure sustainable peace process as there could be no peace with one side so disadvantaged.

Micro, Small, and Medium Sized Enterprises’ (MSMEs) Participation in Peacebuilding: Motivators and Barriers

The academic literature has provided substantial amount of suggestions on broad concepts of business fostering peace in the community just by doing its operations properly. However, many could contend if these businesses could be urged to perform larger roles as agents for peace. Consequently, the desire to have businesses, particularly the Micro, Small and Medium Enterprise (MSME), to act as key players in peacebuilding largely depends on the understanding of what could motivate them in acting such key role and what could possibly hinder them in doing the same. Thus, this study is an exploration of the motivators and challenges of MSMEs in acting as main agents for peacebuilding. The study utilized a descriptive research design involving thirty conveniently sampled MSMEs in Butuan City, Philippines. A researcher-made questionnaire was used as data gathering tool. A multivariate analysis was done to analyse the effect of participation and perceived risk in the identified motivators and barriers. The results of the study revealed thatinternal motivators are the greatest motivators in acting for peace.In addition, financial and political reasons are strong barriers for MSMEs to participate in peacebuilding. Finally, the study found that Level of Perceived Risk and Participation significantly affects the type of motivators and barriers MSMEs face in peacebuilding movements.

‘The role of youth organizations in peacebuilding in the African Great Lakes Region: a rough transition from local and non-governmental to the national and governmental peacebuilding efforts in Burundi and eastern DRC’

ABSTRACT The youth is generally considered as the pillar of society. However, over the last many years, the views, power and potentials of the youth in the Great Lakes Region (GLR) have not been effectively harnessed in peacebuilding initiatives. Despite their ever-increasing numbers and influence at community level; young people are frequently overlooked in programmes for the prevention, response and transformation of conflicts. In extremely difficult conditions, some youth organizations are constructively contributing to promoting the culture of peace at community level. However, initiatives of these youth organizations are limited by the prevailing resistance to the emerging youth culture, inadequate institutional support, financial constraints and the failing post-war transition to peace. Based on a broader empirical study on the role of youth organizations in peacebuilding in the GLR; this article critically examines the lack of a smooth transition for young people from efforts at the local and non-governmental level to the national and governmental level in Burundi and DRC. It also describes a diversity of conceptualizations of ‘peace’ shaping the different approaches of youth organizations for peace. The article also examines the challenges affecting youth constructive participation in peacebuilding and suggests some reflections for effectively harnessing youth’s power and potential for building sustainable peace and reconciliation in the region.

COMMUNITY INVOLVEMENT IN PEACE-BUILDING: A CASE OF MOUNT ELGON RESIDENTS’ ASSOCIATION IN BUNGOMA COUNTY, KENYA

This article analyses community participation in peace-building in the Mt Elgon area between 2007 and 2017. The article assesses the use of indigenous methods of conflict resolution embedded in restorative practices, as well as seeking to establish the role that Mount Elgon’s Residents Association (MERA) played in peace-building. The study adopts the theoretical work of Johan Galtung’s conflict analysis model and John Paul Lederach’s conflict transformation work on peace-building. The study reveals a yawning need for younger community members to be more involved in peace-building activities in the Mt Elgon area. It further reveals that community members aged between 35 and 54 years strongly believe that their traditional culture and indigenous practices are central to their peace-building efforts in their locality. The study found a majority of community members felt that their involvement has played an important role in disarming local militia groups and in peace-building. Overall, the community strongly pointed at land and “dirty politics” as issues being at the forefront of community conflict in Mt. Elgon.