Participation In Political Life Research Articles

ADMINISTRATIVE-LEGAL STATUS OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE REPUBLIC OF KAZAKHSTAN: STATE AND ISSUES

Abstract. This article explores theoretical and practical aspects of administrative-legal regulation of the status of political parties in the Republic of Kazakhstan in the contemporary era. It notes that the norms of the Constitution, which establish general principles of relations between the state and societal institutions and citizens' right to freedom of association, participation in political life, and governance, serve as a guideline for regulating the status of political parties in the current legislation of the country. Based on a critical analysis of the Law of the Republic of Kazakhstan "On Political Parties" and other laws regulating the activities of parties and their relationships with state bodies, as well as the practice of their implementation, inconsistencies of certain provisions are identified in terms of compliance with the Constitution and norms of international law, along with other shortcomings. The authors examine the experience of legal regulation of the functioning of political parties in developed democratic states and through a comparative analysis with Kazakhstan's legislation, identify its main positive aspects. The article formulates recommendations for improving the national Law of the Republic "On Political Parties." Suggestions include increasing funding for parties that have not received parliamentary mandates in Majilis Parliament elections and maslikhats, transitioning from a permission-based system of state party registration to a notification-based system, and others.The main conclusion of the study is the necessity for a fundamental liberalization of administrative-legal regulation of the formation, functioning, and activities of political parties to shape a democratic, pluralistic, competitive political system, ensuring constitutional freedom of citizens' associations, including political parties.

The impact of digitalization on forming modern youth political leadership

Youth political engagement is a crucial aspect of modern society. In this regard, digitalization opens huge communicative and mobilization opportunities by transforming young people’s political participation into a digital format with unpredictable consequences. The article analyzes digitalization impact as a complex multi-stage process in modern world on forming youth political leadership. The essence and stages of digitalization, the consequences of digital technologies impact on society, political processes, and youth environment have been studied. The transformational impact on socialization, communicative culture and self-consciousness of youth as a fundamental basis for forming its most active part – youth political leaders – has been revealed. The authors consider how the use of digital means of communication, social networks, and digital ecosystems contributes to the activation of youth participation in political life, accelerates the process of forming youth political leaders, providing their “promotion” in the online space and supporters mobilization. Challenges and threats of digitalization faced by youth and young political leaders have been considered. The authors concluded that digitalization at the present stage is the most important condition for attracting and forming youth political leadership, but this aspect requires further study and support at the public policy level.

The Living Lab to promote educating community development in an inclusive perspective, between innovation and participation

In recent decades, changes in productive and social dynamics have profoundly influenced socio-economic environments, which are now characterized by phenomena such as globalization, the omnipresence of technology and the loosening of social networks. These changes have led to a growing alienation of the individual from the public sphere. In this context, education must focus on fostering in both students and the community a sense of responsibility and belonging, which are essential elements for active participation in political life and building inclusive communities. In light of these premises, the paper illustrates the first steps of a research aimed at the design and implementation of an innovative system for the training of education professionals through a Living Lab, intended as an action-research approach operating between community and innovation. This approach, based on action-research, involves communities and innovation to develop a digital platform that fosters the sharing of inclusive practices. The goal is aligned with international policies and recent scientific debate, which emphasize the need for sustainable growth models that reduce inequalities and combat social exclusion. The Living Lab is configured as a methodology that enhances the involvement of end users in the design and co-creation of innovative training services. This approach not only collects data on the process itself, but implements interventions with short, medium and long-term impacts. In summary, the Living Lab represents an opportunity to develop innovative educational practices, integrating evidence-based research, professional experience and perspectives of people with disabilities, in order to create more inclusive and sustainable communities.

Women's Political Empowerment in Iraq After 2003

The degree of human development in any society is measured by the extent to which women participate in political life, and Iraqi women, together with many third-world countries, have suffered a real crisis concerning women's participation in the country's political life, and many factors have been played in reducing the share and size of women's participation in political life, including the growing role of the military in political life and the militarization of society during the eight-year war and subsequent events that led to the women's dissociation and reduction of their role. The role was only after women were granted no-election women share in Iraq's new constitution after 2003. Women's political participation is not only about obtaining their political rights but also about their political rights in the legitimacy of freely expressing their ideas within the framework of the institutions and groups of society and participating in political decision-making and practice. Therefore, women's political skills must be expanded by improving educational opportunities, leadership courses, and exchange programs, and removing institutional and legal barriers limiting Iraqi women's political participation.

‘Freedom of Information’ as a human right: international instruments, juridical interpretations and the South Asian case

ABSTRACT The right to know is fundamental to a democratic society as it empowers citizens to participate in public debate and shape policy. Several countries have adopted freedom of information laws to regulate the exercise of that fundamental right. However, the right of access to information is yet to be vigorously acknowledged as a constitutional right in many countries. The article places the idea of human rights in historical perspective, determines the link between rights and information and public participation in political life. It presents arguments for including right to information (RTI) as a fundamental human right based on international and regional instruments and court decisions and examines the state of RTI in selected South Asian countries where RTI laws have been in place for a while. However, much more remains to be done to foster a culture of transparency and make RTI stand on its own as a fundamental human right.

POLITICAL CULTURE AND INTRA-PARTY SECURITY IN MONGOLIA

In any democratic country, political parties play an important role in the development of society and are a participating institution with a special role in representative democracy. In this context, parties play a major role in supporting fair competition in politics and also have an important influence on ideological and state regulation of politics. Therefore, political parties are obliged to fulfill their obligations to the society strictly within the legal and legal framework, to report on their financial support in accordance with the established procedure and to be able to be accountable to the society. In this context, how will Mongolias political parties influence the formation of the following functional approaches - the will of the people and the formation of public opinion improving citizens political education how to ensure citizens active participation in political life preparing citizens capable of performing public service and taking responsibility participating in elections as a candidate how to harmonize their political goals and agenda with the governments policies and decisions In this article, we have sought to clarify the following functional approaches. The results of the main and additional studies selected and conducted by the authors themselves are used, analyzed and presented.

Discussions on the social role of political lyrics and "tendentious" poetry in German literary criticism of the Pre-Mart era

The article is devoted to the discussion by the German literary community of the 1830s – 1840s of the artistic and social role of political lyrics. The work seeks to present the diverse opinions of prominent publicists, literary theorists and writers of the era, such as Ludwig Berne, Heinrich Heine, Robert Eduard Prutz. The author shares the well-established idea in German historiography that the literary and critical discussion of the Pre-March era gives a more complete picture of the genesis of the political consciousness of the Germans and the socio-political processes that took place in Germany. The author's attention is focused on the discussion concerning the aesthetic and ideological-political ideas of the literary community about the place of poetry in the space of culture, its functions and the claims of writers to direct participation in political life. The methodological basis of this work is the theoretical achievements of the scientific research areas of the "history of concepts" and intellectual history. The central idea of the article is the assumption that the time of the sharp politicization of German artistic culture in the 1830s and 1840s coincided with the revision of the previous principles of artistic creativity, accelerated it and at the same time complicated it, giving both processes a more conflictual and nonlinear character, fixing and exposing the absence among German authors of liberal democratic views that stood at the forefront of literary theory, general, clearly formulated aesthetic guidelines. In these decades, new principles have been approved in the evaluation of literary works affecting socio-political issues. There is a legitimization of political poetry at the theoretical level, but the contradiction between the spheres of politics and aesthetics is not completely removed. And literary discussions are gradually moving out of the artistic and aesthetic sphere into the sphere of practical politics: moderate liberal views collide with democratic radicalism, national patriotic ideas enter into a polemic with cosmopolitan ones.

Desinformación por razón de sexo y redes socialesGendered disinformation and social networks

Abstract The subject of this article is gender-based disinformation on social networks. This type of disinformation is identified with those contents that circulate on networks with the aim of attacking women for being women and expelling them from public debate. This type of behavior undermines women’s credibility in the public eye and can lead to their abandonment of the public sphere. Gendered disinformation particularly targets women who have an impact on the public conversation, politicians, journalists, activists or women with a voice of their own in the media and networks. This phenomenon is a major problem for our democracies because, firstly, it is a blatant demonstration of the discrimination suffered by women in general. And, secondly, because it means restricting the legitimate exercise of these women’s freedom of communication, in a broad sense, and participation in political life, which in turn leads to the distortion of pluralism and participation in decision-making processes.

The impact of patriarchal culture on Somali women's participation in politics

AbstractMotivationThe political progress has been slow. The patriarchal clan traditions perpetuate gender discrimination, bestowing absolute priority upon all men for public affairs, while clan women remain voiceless, voteless, and restricted to private (household) affairs.PurposeTo better understand why, despite the minimal formal constraints on women's participation in political life, informal institutions and customs determine the social, economic, and cultural constraints on women such that they are often poorly equipped and/or reluctant to participate in public political activity.Methods and approachBased on secondary literature, the article seeks to explain how the influences of the clan patriarchal system exert a negative impact on the political participation of Somali women. It identifies four structural categories, cultural, social, economic, and political, by which patriarchy has persistently impeded the participation of Somali women in the nation's politics.FindingsAlthough women have contested the patriarchal system in Somalia through their participation in public decision‐making processes in different sectors and their participation in politics, including an increasingly higher level of education and more participation in the labour force, their numbers are still insufficient compared to men.Policy implicationsGiven that patriarchy has been identified throughout the world as one of the main obstacles to women's participation in political and socioeconomic processes, there is a need for official quotas for women's representation in politics to balance severe gender inequalities, achieve full realization of human rights and influence the issues raised and how political policies are shaped. There is also a need for political representation to imprint their competence as decision makers. The article sets out recommendations for tackling the four main structural barriers to achieving this, so that women can fully contribute to the development of Somalia, on a par with men.

Violence Against Women in Politics – a Study in Poland

The increase in women’s participation in political life in recent decades has resulted in research explaining how women’s presence (or absence) changes the form, nature and content of politics. However, a gender perspective is still lacking, especially in the relationship between political participation and violence. Violence against women in politics is increasingly recognised around the world as a significant barrier to women’s participation in political life. The aim of the research is to find out whether politically active women are more exposed to violence (physical, psychological, symbolic, sexual, economic) than politically active men and whether violence against politicians is related to belonging to a political party. The research conducted among Polish politicians (n-88) confirms that both women and men who are politically active experience violence. However, women are more often attacked psychologically, symbolically and sexually. Politicians acting under the banner of a party are much more likely to experience violence than non-partisan politicians. Physical violence is very rare, and the level of experiencing violence in all its forms decreases with age.

Fundamentals of Legal Regulation of the Status of Honorary Consuls

The relevance of this topic is determined by the trends of globalization and the development of bilateral cooperation between states, which leads to more and more frequent appeals to the institution of the honorary consul, as well as the need for a normative definition of legal status and bringing it to a uniform standard of national legislation. The purpose of the article is to reveal the peculiarities of the normative regulation features of the honorary consuls' legal status in Ukraine, highlight and analyze the legislation's shortcomings in this area, and provide proposals for resolving the existing legal uncertainty. Achieving the outlined purpose became possible thanks to the use complex of methods of scientific knowledge at various levels, in particular, the dialectical method (to identify and analyze the peculiarities of the normative regulation of the status of an honorary consul, differences in practical application, as well as the justification of introducing changes to the existing system), the comparative legal method (to establish the content of legal norms and analyze the practice of application), the method of analysis and synthesis (to highlight aspects and criteria that collectively determine the legal status of an honorary consul), the observation method (to highlight the experience of other countries), as well as a number of traditional for jurisprudence methods such as: historical, systematic and logical. The article analyzes the current legislation defining the status of honorary consuls, and highlights the problematic aspects of such "evaluative concepts" as "prominent position", "important social status" and "active participation in political life", which are widely used by the lawmaker, and also analyzes how in practice, the presence of evaluative concepts can lead to real misapplication. As a result of the conducted research, conclusions were formulated regarding the need to delineate the limits of the use of evaluative concepts in determining the legal status of an honorary consul, as well as the need to supplement existing regulatory acts with standards that would clearly distinguish the area within which honorary consuls should use their powers without violating the legislative requirements.

Reinterpretacja wizerunku prezydenta Wołodymyra Zełenskiego w polskich memach internetowych w czasie wojny ukraińsko-rosyjskiej

REINTERPRETATION OF THE IMAGE OF PRESIDENT VOLODYMYR ZELENSKY IN POLISH INTERNET MEMES DURING THE UKRAINE-RUSSIA WAR The article discusses the online reception of the image of Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky in 2022. A quantitative-qualitative method was used to analyze 126 internet memes published on the Polish website Kwejk.pl. The analysis of the memes studied showed that the Ukrainian-Russian conflict is simplified to a battle between the leaders of the warring countries. While Volodymyr Zelensky is almost exclusively presented positively by internet users as a hero and a simple, likable person, Russian President Vladimir Putin is his complete opposite – a weak, cowardly and greedy man. By creating and spreading such memes, internet users therefore reinterpret the media images of politicians. The creators of memes become not only commentators, but also participants in political life, having a real impact on public opinion. Internet memes should therefore be treated as a highly valuable informational and image-related tool in the war.

The relationship between the family upbringing of women in third world societies and their participation in political life

The current study aimed to try to "understand the nature of the relationship between the family upbringing of women in third world societies and their participation in political life." Accordingly, the researcher used the descriptive analytical approach and the following results were monitored: There is a strong relationship between the family upbringing of women in third world societies and their participation in political life. The family upbringing of women in third world societies is correct whenever their participation in political life is strong and effective, and whenever the family upbringing of women in third world societies is incorrect, the more their participation in political life is weak and even reaches the point of non-existence.

ЗБЕРЕЖЕННЯ НАЦІОНАЛЬНОЇ КУЛЬТУРИ ТА МОВИ ЗАСОБАМИ РАДІОМОВЛЕННЯ: ПРИКЛАД УКРАЇНСЬКОГО РАДІО В АВСТРАЛІЇ ТА ОКЕАНІЇ

<p><strong><em>The purpose</em></strong><em> of the study is to understand the role played by Ukrainian radio broadcasting in maintaining a sense of community and identity among Ukrainians living in Australia and Oceania; study of the problems faced by Ukrainian broadcasters in attracting their target audience, as well as an analysis of the impact of technological progress and changes in media consumption habits on the future of Ukrainian radio broadcasting in the region.</em></p><p><strong><em>Research methodology</em></strong><em>. The following methods were used in the research process: a review of scientific and journalistic literature on the research topic, including a search in academic databases, books, articles and other relevant materials; monitoring and content analysis for studying the content of Ukrainian radio initiatives in Australia and Oceania, determining the types of programs offered, the language of the thematic range of topics covered; the method of historiographic research to understand the development and evolution of Ukrainian-language radio broadcasting in these countries; analysis of sites, social media according to the research topic, summarizing the interaction of the radio initiative with the audience, the types of content they publish, and content indicators in social networks; analysis of search engines to study the visibility and rating of Ukrainian radio programs broadcast in Australia and Oceania in search engines, in particular Google; digital content analysis to help understand their editorial policies, content and content distribution strategies.</em></p><p><strong><em>Results</em></strong><em>. It was established that despite the territorial dispersion and the insignificant percentage representation of Ukrainians in the demographic picture of the two countries, for example, in Australia, Ukrainians make up 0.2% of the total population, in these territories the Ukrainian language has been presented on the radio since the middle of the 20th century. Separate initiatives, including «Ukrainian Hour» (radio station «2EA», Sydney, Australia), «Ukrainian Hour» («SBS Radio», Sydney, Australia), «Ukrainian Wave» («3ZZZ», Melbourne, Australia), «Ukrainian Studio» («2SER», Sydney, Australia), «Ukrainian Hour» («2MBS Fine Music», Sydney, Australia), «Ukrainian Hour» («6EBA FM», Perth, Australia), Ukrainian Program» («3CR Community Radio», Melbourne, Australia), «Ukrainian Radio Australia» («2GLF FM», Sydney, Australia) and «Ukrainian Hour» («Planet FM», Auckland, New Zealand) provide linguistic representation of the Ukrainian community in the foreign language environment of these countries . The ownership and financing of these radio initiatives were analyzed, their content, genre and thematic content were analyzed. Special attention is paid to the analysis of the language design of the radio program of these radio initiatives, and its role in supporting the language among the communities of the Ukrainian diaspora in Australia and Oceania. The impact of Ukrainian-language radio broadcasting on the Ukrainian diaspora in these countries is analyzed through the prism of the cultural and linguistic identity of Ukrainian communities, as well as their role in promoting social unity and participation in political life.</em></p><p><strong><em>The novelty </em></strong><em>of the research lies in the topical view of cultural and media relations between Ukraine and the Ukrainian diaspora in this region. The role of radio as a means of preserving and popularizing the Ukrainian language, culture and identity among Ukrainian immigrants and their descendants is investigated. One of the key novelties of this research is the understanding of how Ukrainian radio broadcasting developed and adapted to the specific needs and challenges of the Ukrainian community in Australia and Oceania. It examines the founding of Ukrainian radio stations, the development of programs and the ways in which these programs engage the local Ukrainian community.<strong></strong></em></p><p><strong><em>Practical significance</em></strong><em>. The results of the research will lead to a better understanding of the Ukrainian diaspora in Australia and Oceania and the ways in which they preserve their cultural heritage while adapting to their new countries of residence.</em></p><p><strong><em>Key words:</em></strong><em> multicultural radio station, national culture of Ukrainians, radio broadcasting, world Ukrainian-language radio broadcasting, Ukrainian diaspora, Ukrainian-language radio.</em></p>

Wolność szlachcica w Rzeczypospolitej XVII w. Propozycje badawcze

A nobleman’s freedom in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the sevente- enth century. Research proposals The aim of the article is to draw attention to the question, neglected in the literature on the subject, of the actual possibilities individual land-owning nobles had to exercise negative (defence against oppression) and positive freedoms: private (freedom of conscience and speech, satisfaction of subsistence needs) and public (active participation in political life) during the reign of the Vasa dynasty and the “compatriot kings”. In contrast to research into the political culture and ideology of the nobility as well as political discourse, relating to the freedom of the nobility as a whole, the present author abandons normative sources in favour of pieces written in colloquial language and concerning the reality of life in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, as well as journalistic pieces, last wills and local assembly (sejmik) documents. In order to make the results of the exemplification-based research objective, the author uses numerical data relating to the occurrence in these sources of terms associated with the ideology of freedom and citizenship, drawing on the Corpus of Sejmik Documents of the Pre-Partition Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.

The role of access to information in ensuring human rights

"This article provides a brief analysis of legislation on the role of obtaining information in ensuring human rights. The constitutional right to information is one of the basic rights of a person, and at the same time, it works as an external expression of freedom of opinion and freedom of speech, as well as their guarantee. The right to receive information, naturally, based on the characteristics of the information society, occupies a leading position in the state management mechanism. This is a special guarantee of the implementation of the principles of democracy, people's sovereignty, and citizens' participation in political life "

Democratic Evolution in Albania in the Aftermath of Candidate Country Status

The integration process in the European Union, being the major national goal, is the political action that leads the agenda of every Albanian government since 1992 up today. Being aware on the importance of integration process as the most efficient way towards the path of fast democratization, governments have undertaken concrete steps in the opening of accession negotiations. The integration process is in a very significant momentum which dictates dialogue and partnership. Every country that has set as a goal the EU integration, should respect the integration criteria’s or as known the ‘Copenhagen criteria’s’, on the basis under which the European Commission deliver the opinion in regard of every application. These criteria’s are defined during the European Council of Copenhagen in 1993 and accomplished during the European Council in Madrid in 1995. These are political criteria’s such as : stability of institutions which guarantee democracy, rule of law, human rights and respect and protection of minorities; economic criteria’s such as the existence of an efficient economy, capacity to challenge competition pressure and internal market forces of the EU; the opportunity to take responsibilities which derive by law and policies of the EU ( acquis communitaire). Stability, peace and the integration of the Western Balkan countries en block, play a fundamental role for the present and the future of Europe. Over the years, it has become more evident the necessity to strengthen the EU policies against countries of this region. Considering the geographic position of Albania in the Mediterranean and its importance in oftentimes weak spots within the region, it deserves a special attention by the European institutions. Since the candidate country’s status up to now, Albania has reached a moderate progress in terms of democracy shifting from a hybrid regime to a flawed democracy. Flawed democracy countries reflect a bold weakness in democratic terms, among others an underdeveloped political culture, low participation in political life and issues concerning governance. Civil rights are still problematic especially when it comes at media censorship or in attacks against country opposition.
 
 Received: 05 May 2022 / Accepted: 16 May 2023 / Published: 20 May 2023

A Lowdown on Gender-Lag in the Moroccan Society: The Road Ahead

Women’s social and political rights have invariably been a focal point of discussion and debate in academic and political encounters. Currently, the issue of women’s rights, far from being a third-rail issue, is an extremely contested, top-agenda matter both within and across countries. Focusing on Morocco, women continue to be marginalized in many facets of society despite the efforts that have been made so far. The slow-paced involvement of women in political life remains an issue that tarnishes the kingdom’s proclaimed ambition to be a haven for gender equity. In spite of the legal reforms, namely the ‘Mudawana’ or family code, gender inequality and sexism persist in stark disregard of the internationally acknowledged rights of women. Although it is clearly stated in the Moroccan constitution that “men and women are guaranteed equal rights”, Moroccan women continue to face obstacles and societal discrimination on a daily basis. Thus, an equity-oriented mobilization needs to be undertaken so that women would distance themselves from the absolute implications of traditional societal norms cloistering them to inferior social roles. Within this vein, this paper seeks to sift what follows: (1) how constitutional laws in Morocco are thwarted by deeply-rooted societal norms and practices that underestimate women’s potential, (2) how representation of women in politics can be an authentic indicator of overall development and modernization, and (3) how Moroccan women’s participation in political life can enhance the kingdom’s global image and boost its capacity to play a larger role on the regional and international scenes. Using a content-based approach, this investigation reveals that empowering Moroccan women is a strenuous endeavor that calls for the keen involvement of different social and political actors, namely the Ivy League ones, in order to allot women their stakes as real asset-holders in sustaining multi-layered national development.

The Political and Economic Status of the Chinese Diaspora in Southeast Asia

The relevance of the study stems from the Chinese government’s focus on developing cultural, economic partnerships with Asia-Pacific states. It is the Huaqiao who have contributed to this process, for example, there are many investors who balance the flow of money between China and other countries, as well as scholars who share scientific knowledge with Chinese citizens.Aim. Based on the above, the aim of the study is to analyse the current position of the Chinese diaspora in the economic and political spheres of life in Southeast Asia.Tasks. In order to successfully realise the objective, it is necessary to solve the research tasks:to describe the essence of the concept of “diaspora” in the academic literature, as well as its specific features;to consider the role of huaqiao in the formation of China’s external image;to evaluate the degree of Chinese business activity in trade of the countries under consideration;4) to study the degree of Chinese diasporas’ participation in political life of the states of residence.Methods. Analysis and synthesis of literary sources (while studying the concept of “diaspora”), historical method (while describing three main waves of Chinese diaspora migration and studying Chinese settlement in different parts of South-East Asia), descriptive method (while studying the place of Chinese diaspora in political and economic life of South-East Asia) were used as main research methods.Results. The research results have been summarised according to the level of representation of the positive image of the Chinese as a result of the Huaqiao’s economic and political actions.Conclusions. Firstly, about 75% of overseas Chinese, or 28 million people, live in modern Southeast Asian countries.Secondly, within the framework of the business activities of the Chinese diaspora, the most significant factor of influence is the association of Chinese enterprises in the “bamboo network” and expansion of areas of cooperation with each other.Third, the Chinese diaspora has different rights these days depending on the form of government and state structure of the country.

‟Dare to Think, Dare to Speak, Dare to Act”: Translating Political Slogans in Mo Yan’s ‟Frog” From Chinese Into Romanian, Italian And Spanish

"Dare to Think, Dare to Speak, Dare to Act - Translating Political Slogans in Mo Yan’s Frog from Chinese into Romanian, Italian and Spanish. Slogans are some of the most typical elements of Chinese politics and a significant part of the important decisions took by the Communist Party are made known to the masses using slogans, such as “It is right to rebel!”, “Destroy the four olds!”, or “The most serious problem is to teach the peasants”. Participation in political life after the founding of the People’s Republic, in 1949, could be done only by employing slogans or formulae derived from the elite political discourse. The major impact of politics upon people’s lives has transformed the slogan from a manifestation of political authority into a manipulation tool used by people to make their counterparts react in a desired way. Mo Yan’s novel Frog (Wa/Broaște/Rana/Le rane) shows to what extent slogans can influence ordinary people’s lives, where the use of real political slogans or even make-believe slogans – discourse modeled to resemble a political slogan –, are either attempts by the characters to make their voices heard and participate into decision making, or small acts of rebellion against the system. Considering the culture specific character of the slogans, the fact that they were created into a very particular socio-political context, the paper analyzes the translations of the slogans in Mo Yan’s novel into three Romance languages, in an attempt to identify not only the techniques and the choices made by the translators, but also the possibility, or impossibility, to recreate the slogan and conserve its original impact into the target culture. Keywords: political slogan, ideology, translation, Cultural Revolution, Mo Yan "