Part Of Political Process Research Articles

Political Humour in the Social Network Sites

“Social network sites” first began to be used as new tools of political communication during the 2008 Presidential Election in the United States, and their importance became even more apparent during the Arab Spring. In the course of this, the social network sites became a new and widely discussed channel of communication. In addition to its ability to bring together people from different parts of the world by removing any time and space barriers, creates a virtual network that allows individuals with shared social values to take action in an organized manner. Furthermore, this novel, versatile and multi-faceted tool of political communication has also provided a new mean for observing various aspects of social reactions to political events. Instead of voters expressing their political views through their votes from one election to the other, we nowadays have voters who actively take part in political processes by instantly demonstrating their reactions and by directly communicating their criticisms online.

De los medios a la participación: la presencia de las peticiones electrónicas en los diarios digitales españoles

This article aims to assess the relationship between digital media and participation in Spain, during a political crisis context that has increased the number of citizens demanding to be part of political process (COLOMBO VILARRASA, 2007). In particular, it investigates e-petitions platform Change.org ’s presence in four different digital media: El Pais , El Mundo , El Confidencial and El Diario . In order to ascertain what type of coverage this website receives, it is analyzed a sample of 200 pieces in relation to the following variables: the section and the frequency of publication, the platform as a source of information, the external links from the journal to the petitions page, etc. The results of this analysis allow to check that the Spanish press does not make a critical reflection of the limitations of Change.org , but it encourages participation on the platform.

Meunasah, Power and Self-Critics towards Government and Aceh Political Elite on Aceh Women Political Struggle

Women struggle in Aceh often expresses admiration and it is as an inspiration for women’s struggle. However, the glory of struggle on Acehnese women fighters is not significant to Acehnese women today. Women awareness is important and it refers to women’s struggle at any level. The mastery of political space becomes important in the process of making decision. One of social and cultural strength means to raise awareness to build the glory of Acehnese women in Aceh community is the utilization of meunasah. Meunasah is a place for a socio-cultural and civilization development of local community. Meunasah is the symbol of socio-culture and politics, it functions as an education source or as a center for Acehnese people, especially at the first level in Aceh gampong. In Aceh political process, women are as integrated part in political process. Women in Aceh’s struggle history are political actors performing political interaction actively even determining political process. Power is very important in women struggle process. Power provides strength moving the change, being courage in action and being able to control the change, and having self confidence in working and discussing the process with any parties involved in the change.

Development Studies as Part of Political Process

Development Studies as Part of Political Process

Teaching history to political science students: historiography as part of political process

In the paper we attempt to address principal issues of political history as part of the political science curriculum today, ranging from ‘what to teach’ to ‘how to teach’. Assuming the necessity in contemporary information society of selecting information rather than only accessing it, we propose approaches, such as topics networking, to create political arguments by using historical facts. We also propose successfully tested teaching methods, such as facilitation and hermeneutical procedure, aimed at upgrading lecturer–student interaction and equipping students with precious communication skills

Performing the Nation in Chicago

Performing the Nation in Chicago Bonnie Urciuoli Hamilton College Ana Yolanda Ramos-Zayas. 2003. National Performance: The Politics of Class, Race and Space in Puerto Rican Chicago. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. In National Performance: The Politics of Class, Race and Space in Puerto Rican Chicago, Ana Yolanda Ramos-Zayas confronts a central problem of cultural representation; that is, who is being represented? This study of Puerto Rican nationalism in Chicago, based on fieldwork carried out in the mid to late 1990s, focuses on the ways in which elements of Puerto Rican identity are selected, foregrounded and performed. Such performance of national identity makes available for analysis the complex, sometimes oppositional elements of class position, racialization and geopolitical location that constitutes the range of people who identify as Puerto Rican. The central question in this study is the nature of representation of that national imaginary. The history of Puerto Rico shows how complicated that question can be. Let us start with some relevant background about Puerto Rico. Originally a colony of Spain, Puerto Rico had achieved a significant measure of autonomy just as the Spanish-American war began in 1898. When that war ended a few months later, Puerto Rico had become a U.S. overseas territory along with the Philippines and Guam. The U.S. thus gained its first geopolitical stakes in the Caribbean and Latin America, and in the Pacific. From the U.S. point of view, Puerto Rico was a territory. From the point of view of those who defined themselves as Puerto Rican, particularly those who had been instrumental in establishing the terms of autonomy from Spain in1897, Puerto Rico was a nation. The sense of Puerto Rico as a nation has persisted ever since, in various ways for different parts of the population, depending on the class, race and geopolitical distinctions that have emerged over the hundred-plus years of U.S. political, economic and racial hegemony. There are those, and have been throughout that century, for whom Puerto Rico should by rights be politically independent. There are others whose political convictions are less radical but who have a profound and lasting sense of cultural uniqueness, and for whom Puerto Rico is an absolutely distinct entity. As a political entity-first territory, then commonwealth-Puerto Rico is enclosed by its island boundaries in the Caribbean with no effective representation in U.S. national process. Participation in specifically Puerto Rican political process has meant participation in a very contained process. At the same time, Puerto Ricans have a long diasporic history. At present, the population of Puerto Rico is about 3.8 million and the number of Puerto Ricans living in the mainland U.S. is about 2.9 million, meaning that of the 6.7 million people who define themselves as Puerto Rican, over 40% live in the U.S. outside Puerto Rico, afuera as people say. (This is a fluid population-many currently living afuera have lived or will live in Puerto Rico, and vice versa.) Those living afuera are in a position to take part in political process as U.S. citizens (which Puerto Ricans have been since 1917) but nothing structural distinguishes that participation as Puerto Rican. Nevertheless, the sense of Puerto Rico as a nation-in Ramos-Zayas' terms, a diasporic nationalism-has been deeply pervasive. At various points over the past century, the U.S. has attempted, with little investment in the interests of actual Puerto Ricans (as opposed to, e.g., tax breaks for U.S. corporations operating in Puerto Rico), to turn the educational and economic institutions of Puerto Rico itself into little models of U.S. policy-craft. The most pervasive outcome of U.S.- sponsored economic policy has been the use of Puerto Ricans as a reserve labor force, either within Puerto Rico or by recruiting Puerto Rican labor to various secondary sector locales, particularly since World War II. …

The Advisory Jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice: Some Comparative Reflections

The article begins with a comparison of the permissibility of advisory opinions in several jurisdictions, offering reasons for the differences. This provides background for the article’s discussion of the justification, possible use and practical operation of the advisory jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice. The author considers, first, whether the consent of the interested parties is essential to the exercise of advisory jurisdiction. Secondly, the author discusses procedural matters, particularly the redrafting of the questions put to the Court. Thirdly, the author considers the possible uses for the Court’s jurisdiction, especially as part of political processes. This third matter is particularly relevant because of the limited use of the advisory jurisdiction in the past 25 years, the proposals for greater use of the jurisdiction, and the two pending requests relating to the lawfulness of the use of nuclear weapons.