Houses Of Parliament Research Articles

Remembering Australian Constitutional Democracy

For many years, historical accounts of Australian Federation ignored the distinctive ideological origins of the Australian Constitution. From the mid 1980s until the 2000s, however, a generation of historians remembered how the Australian drafters built a distinctive constitutional democracy that combined trust in parliament with a direct constitutional role for a plural ‘people’: the people of Australia and the people of the states. Drawing on Chartist and American ideas of popular sovereignty, this system of popular political constitutionalism textually guarantees that ‘the people’ can ‘directly’ choose both houses of parliament, break deadlocks between these houses and make constitutional law. The definition of ‘the people’ in this distinctive form of constitutional democracy was, however, racially exclusive. In particular, First Australians were excluded from the plural people of Australia. This intellectual history of the Australian Constitution, however, has had remarkably little impact on constitutional interpretation and discourse. This paper will begin the process of examining those implications. First, it will show how this history provides important contextual support and direction to the implied limitations on parliamentary power that stem from the constitution’s guarantee of representative democracy in sections 7 and 24 of the Constitution. Second, it will demonstrate how it aids in better understanding Australia’s unique constitutional system. To date, this system has remedied the racist roots of the original constitutional definition of the people largely through legislative reform. The constitutional recognition of First Australians is a critical step in acknowledging that First Australians are a distinct part of the plural Australian people. In the aftermath of the failure of the First Nations Voice to Parliament proposal, meaningful constitutional recognition for First Australians must address their structural exclusion from the plural Australian people.

Women's Representation in Government Bodies of the Russian Federation in the Period from 1991 to 2023

The representation of women in public authorities reflects a number of more general issues related to gender equality, the peculiarities of women's political leadership, women's participation in politics, etc. The purpose of this article was to identify gender proportions in the federal executive authorities and the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation for the period from 1991 to 2023. The study was conducted by statistical analysis of data presented in open sources, on the websites of the Federation Council, the State Duma, the Government and other public authorities. This article reflects the dynamics of changes in the gender distribution of positions in the field of politics over the period under study. For the analysis, the highest positions of executive and other state authorities of the country were selected, as well as membership in both chambers of the Russian parliament, which made it possible to consider women's representation in positions involving direct decision-making. The study raises the problem of the underrepresentation of women in senior political and elected positions in public administration. According to the results of the study, data on women's representation in government over the past 34 years were systematized. A trend has been identified to increase the representation of women in high-level executive positions. At the same time, the number of women in the Cabinet of Ministers of our country in the entire history of the Russian Federation has not exceeded 11% or two female representatives at the same time. No more than two women at the same time had the opportunity to take the position of Deputy Prime Minister. There are positions that have been held exclusively by men for more than thirty years. The number of women in the country's parliament is also small, but the positive trend here is more pronounced. With a global average of 26.5% female representation, in Russia there are only 18.4% women among the members of both houses of parliament.

Indian National Congress’s Hits and Misses in General Elections 2024

The General Elections 2024 miraculously halted the declining political graph of the Indian National Congress and doubled its presence (seats won) in the lower house of parliament since the national hustings in 2019. The strategies implemented for reviving the party, like ‘Bharat Jodo Yatras’ (walkathons led by Rahul Gandhi), had an erratic pan-Indian electoral impact; as a result, it partly reclaimed its lost political space. The mandate failed to reverse the deinstitutionalization process of the grand old party, and its fragmentary legitimization seems to be by default rather than design. It failed to register a win and make a comeback primarily due to the absence of party offices in several states and hesitancy in overhauling the Congress system. The way ahead for revivification includes tweaking its archaic ideology, designing a populist model of governance, promoting subaltern leadership, creating a perennial connectivity with citizens, embracing digitalized politicking, and practising aspiration-centric developmental politics.

Analyzing Thailand’s Amendments to the Civil and Commercial Code on Marriage Equality: Progress, Shortcomings, and the Struggle for LGBTIQAN+ Rights to Family Establishment

Thailand’s proposed amendment of the Civil and Commercial Code (“CCC”) on marriage equality, recently passed by the lower house of Parliament on 27 March 2024, marks a historic milestone and represents a significant step towards recognizing the rights of Lesbian Gay Bisexual Transgender Intersex Queer Asexual and Non-Binary+ (LGBTIQAN+) individuals to establish families. This commentary article critically examines the draft legislation through the lens of international human rights law and domestic constitutional principles of equality and human dignity. Situating the Act within Thailand’s international obligations, the article traces the legislative history and highlights the progressive vision of the Civil Society Draft, which developed from the thesis-based research of Chawinroj Teerapatcharaporn, School of Law, Sukhothai Thammathirat Open University (STOU). It commends the shift towards gender-neutral language in marriage eligibility while critiquing the retention of binary “father/mother” terminology as falling short of genuine inclusivity. Drawing from parliamentary debates, the commentary engages with objections raised by religious party MPs, countering them by reasserting the primacy of constitutional equality and secular human rights principles over religious precepts in civil law matters. The article concludes by assessing the Act’s potential impact and the ongoing struggle for fully realizing LGBTIQAN+ family rights, calling for further reform that embraces gender neutrality and equality regardless of sexual orientation, gender identity, gender expression, and sex characteristics (SOGIESC).

The Journey of Women Reservation Bill as 108th Amendment Bill In Rajya Sabha

The Women Reservation Bill seeks to reserve one third of the total number of seats in Lok Sabha, state legislative assemblies and Delhi legislative assembly for women. It means that the Bill will increase women representation by bringing at least one third women in the legislatures. Women Reservation Bill will not only be helpful in increasing the number of women representatives in the decision making but it will also help to improve their lower status and position in the society. Therefore, the Bill was introduced many times since 1996. But never got the approval of the lower house. In 2008 it was introduced in Rajya Sabha, a permanent house. Though passed by Rajya Sabha in 2010, it never got the approval of lower house till 2023. Main reason for not supporting it seems that all political parties had their own political interests that is why they took so long to make it a legislation by amending the Constitution. It got the approval of both the houses of Parliament in September 2023. In this paper an attempt is made to discuss the behavior of political parties supporting and opposing the Bill at the time it was introduced in Rajya Sabha in 2008.

Canadian Senate Reform: Lessons from Its First Decade, 1867–78

During the 19th century and through the 20th century, the role of the parliamentary upper house (especially, but not exclusively, within the Westminster system of government) changed in subtle, yet dramatic, ways. Among those changes was increasing deference to elected lower houses of parliament, a reduction in partisanship in its actions and legislative goals, the development and pursuit of greater specialization of interest and function, appeals to the public interest beyond the electoral mandate, and greater practical attention to technical overview and improvement of legislation and policy, especially through the engagement of the committee process. This article argues that the role of the current Senate of Canada is a result of that historical transformation and was evident as early as the first decade of its existence (consistent with an institutional evolution that continues through the 21st century) and should be strongly considered in relation to current and future proposals for its reform.

Foreign Policy Aspects of the Activities of the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the First Convocation (on the 30th Anniversary of the Start of Work)

The article considers the foreign policy aspects of the activities of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the First convocation. The specifics of the main results of parliamentary votes of this period, which were related to international-political realities, in the context of their relationship with the conceptual foundations and implementation of Russian foreign policy, have been characterized. Features of the composition and nature of the activities of the lower house of the Russian parliament of this period have been identified. The conceptualization of the Russian Federation’s foreign policy has been analyzed. The initiatives and decisions of the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the First convocation in the field of foreign policy and international relations have been assessed. It is shown that these were due to the specifics of its personal composition, where there was no strict factional discipline and a clear advantage of any political force, which determined the need for situational interaction. The normal work of the lower house of parliament became possible largely due to the efforts of its Chairman, who took a centrist position. It is substantiated that the State Duma, operating in conditions of complex socio-economic problems and the colossal weakening of Russia’s international political positions, demonstrated significant activity in international political initiatives that covered a wide range of topical issues with an emphasis on the situation in the states of the post-Soviet space. These decisions were relatively balanced, which was explained by the approximately equal distribution of resources between the so-called “left”, “right”, “centrists” and “national patriots”, as well as the presence of “common bloc” issues, positions on which coincided or did not cause obvious contradictions. The international political initiatives of the State Duma of the First convocation were distinguished by greater realism and emphasis on the protection of national interests than the content of conceptual documents and the foreign policy course pursued by the state. This happened against the background and simultaneously with the beginning of the process of rethinking the foreign policy approaches of the Russian Federation, which had a significant influence on it.

Voice of the Future 2024

Voice of the Future is a unique event organized by the Royal Society of Biology on behalf of the molecular bioscience community. It provides early-career scientists from across science, technology, engineering and mathematics with the rare opportunity to visit the Houses of Parliament and ask parliamentarians their science policy questions in this environment. The 2024 event took place on 12 March, bringing together learned societies from across the sector. Lili Illman and Sagar Batra attended on behalf of the Biochemical Society, and here they share their experiences.

A study of political party affiliation as a means to enhance gender equality and women’s political participation in Kazakhstan

PurposeThe article aims to identify the main mechanisms for promoting more Kazakhstani women participation in the legislative authorities based on a study of the competition of political parties in 2023.Design/methodology/approachUtilizing the structural-biographical method, the article investigates the ways of increasing women’s participation in the political life of Kazakhstan. This empirical study comprises a total of 18 biographies of women deputies / candidates on party lists who were elected to the legislative body. Content analysis was also conducted to investigate the pre-election programs of the political parties.FindingsThis study has identified that political party is the main resource for promoting gender equality and involving women in the decision-making process. All 18 women deputies of the Mazhilis, the lower house of parliament, are members of political parties. The findings show that women candidates without party affiliation were unable to get into representative body. The results of the election campaign of 2023 provided evidence for determining the gender order in the Kazakhstani political space. The party has become an effective channel for promoting women participations in the parliament of the country. By comparison, in single-mandate constituencies no woman was able to pass to the elected body.Originality/valueThis study contributes to the literature of gender equality and women’s political participation in Kazakhstan and may be relevant for other countries. It also has practical significance and policy implications for the government and political parties.

Формирование федеративных отношений в Российской Федерации: опыт, проблемы, перспективы развития

The article analyzes the stages of improving federal relations in the Russian Federation. The author states that the improvement of federal relations contributes to the solution of many issues concerning Russian society. It is noted that the federal government and the authorities of the subjects came to a compromise on the issue of interest to them, which was reflected in the formation of the Federation Council — the upper house of the country's parliament, its reforms were analyzed. It is proposed to transfer to the Federation Council the issue of submitting candidates to the regional parliament for the post of head of the region, since in the Russian Federation, characterized by a high degree of centralization of the public administration system and a significant amount of powers belonging to the federal center in relations with the regions, it is the solution of this issue that would be most relevant, as a body of people's representation in the highest echelon of power. It is concluded that the creation of federal districts and the appointment of presidential plenipotentiaries strengthened the vertical of power. The author notes that the most important direction of the federal reform is the restoration of the internal state sovereignty of Russia and the supremacy of federal power.

Restoration of the Elizabeth Tower: pairing tradition and modernity at the Houses of Parliament

What was conceived as a light-touch refurbishment of the Elizabeth Tower (commonly referred to as 'Big Ben') has developed into the most comprehensive restoration in the 160-year history of this iconic Grade I listed building at the Palace of Westminster. During the seven-year life of the project, the rich and complex history of the tower has been slowly revealed, shedding light on the unique structural features of the building, and helping to shape the engineering response to the challenges encountered. Dealing with these has required a wide range of engineering techniques to be applied, from traditional conservation engineering methods to the latest in surveying tools and computer analysis techniques. During the restoration, the roofs – which are constructed wholly of cast iron – were stripped down to the main rafters and every element inspected, repaired and repainted. The clock mechanism was dismantled and sent for refurbishment and the dials restored and reglazed. Weathered stonework was replaced, and external decorations refreshed. A new lift was installed to improve access, alongside upgrade of life-safety systems to 21st century standards.

Role of Nominated Members of Rajya Sabha in Indian Legislative Processes

This research article investigates the role and influence of nominated members in the Rajya Sabha, India’s upper house of Parliament. Drawing on the theoretical frameworks of representation theory and deliberative democracy, the study examines the contributions and effectiveness of nominated members in shaping legislative discussions and policy decisions. Findings indicate varying levels of engagement among nominated members, with some actively participating and advocating for specific causes. The study highlights the significance of nominating individuals with relevant expertise and diverse interests to enhance inclusivity in parliamentary representation.

The princess, the witch and the fairy godmother: colonial legacies in ‘FGM’

This article analyses the discursive construction of what has become known as ‘Female Genital Mutilation’ (FGM) in colonial-era debates in the UK Houses of Parliament. The author shows how, in order to bring the topic into the realm of political legitimacy and to be heard in an institution that had only recently allowed women to stand for office, (White) women MPs emphasised their superiority to the African cultures they were talking about. They fought for inclusion as parliamentarians by re-articulating and aligning themselves with Whitely virtues, positioning themselves as noble, respectable and civilised in contrast to the ‘evil’, ‘abhorrent’ and ‘barbaric’ natives. By delineating the moral distance between themselves and non-White men and women, and by (re)stating female parity as the measure of civilisation, they asserted their own right to full inclusion in the nation-state, using the master’s tools to trouble the master’s house. Ultimately, they gained ground for feminism through the re-articulation of racism. Through historicising and deconstructing the narrative as iterated in the seat of government in colonial times, the author furthers the tentative moves towards decolonising the global campaign against FGM. The article sheds light on the coloniality in the present-day hegemonic narrative of ‘Female Genital Mutilation’ and questions whether there might be less harmful ways to articulate opposition to the practice.

Missionary Activity of A. G. Ibragimov (1857–1944) in Japan

The paper describes missionary work of A. G. Ibragimov in Japan and his relations with various strata of Japanese society during that period. The main works in Japanese are those of Japanese Turkologists: Misawa Nobuo, Komatsu Hisao and others, including those whose research work focuses on the history of the Ottoman Empire. Ibragimov visited Japan three times. Very little information is available about the first and the second visits; however, the third visit is described in considerable detail in his own diaries, among other things. His communication with the Japanese (who were traditionally considered ardent nationalists) aroused as much interest as his communication with representatives of the ruling class, which, as many researchers believe, could have influenced Japanese politics in 1930s. Ibragimov’s social circle included: Ohara Bunkei, the founder of the Ajia Gikai and the first Japanese Muslim; Toyama Mitsuru, the founder of the Gen’yosha and the leader of the Japanese right-wing movement; Nakano Jotaro (Tenshin), a Japanese thinker and one of the ideologists of the Ajia Gikai; Kono Hironaka, a member of the lower house of the Japanese parliament and the Minister of Agriculture and Trade 1915–1916; Inukai Tsuyoshi, the Minister of Internal Affairs and the Minister of Education as well as the Prime Minister of Japan during the last years of his life; many other representatives of the upper class, including close associates and members of the imperial family. Ibragimov’s activities lead to the emergence of the first Muslim societies in Japan; many representatives of the Japanese nobility and ordinary people converted to Islam and even performed Hajj. Tokyo saw the construction of one of the largest mosques in Japan. It may be argued that the Japanese society witnessed a spark of interest in Islam; moreover, Japan established ties with Muslim countries in the Middle East. He contributed to the establishment of Pan-Asian societies, which functioned until the end of World War II. He was engaged in public awareness campaign as well as teaching: one of his students was Izutsu Toshihiko, the greatest Japanese specialist in Islamic studies, a polyglot and professor of the University of Tokyo.

ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИЕ РЕФОРМЫ В УЗБЕКИСТАНЕ: ИТОГИ И ПОСЛЕДСТВИЯ

The article deals with the first results of socio-political and socio-economic reforms initiated by the new President of the Republic of Uzbekistan Sh. Mirziyoyev, who succeeded I. Karimov in 2016. Over the past 7 years Uzbekistan has held 3 presidential (2016, 2021 and 2023), and 1 parliamentary elections (2019–2020), as well as the Constitutional Referendum (2023). The article presents an analysis of the results of all those most important events for the country and shows what impact they have had on Uzbek society. It studies the positions of the main political parties that participated in the parliamentary elections and their candidates represented in the presidential election. The author emphasizes the role of the incumbent President Sh. Mirziyoyev, who announced the beginning of significant reforms in all major spheres of the country’s life. He also gives the main directions and content of these reforms. Profiles of 5 leading political parties of Uzbekistan, which are represented in the lower house of parliament, are analyzed.. The results of the parliamentary elections of 2014–2015 and 2019–2029 are compared. There is a study in the course of the presidential election campaigns of 2021 and 2023, as well as the electoral programs of the candidates who participated in them. The forecast for further development of the political system of the Republic of Uzbekistan in the conditions of continuation of the course on its modernization declared by Sh. Mirziyoyev is made.

헌법상 가족 개념의 변화와 동성혼에 관한 논의

When societal conflicts rage over an important issue, such as those surrounding same-sex marriage, it is not easy to find a way to resolve them. In terms of democratic legitimacy, it is preferable for parliament to resolve the issue, but if that process does not work and human rights violations continue, the judicial process could resolve complex political issues rather than leaving them unresolved. Court judgments have emerged as a form of civil discourse linking judicial activism, social movements, and human rights movements. Additionally, civil discourse on law, rights, and justice is no longer the exclusive domain of experts because judicial decisions have become a catalyst of democratic communication between people and the state. Moreover, judicial dialogues play a positive role in overcoming the limitations of democratic institutions. For this reason, the active role of the courts is not incompatible with democratic principles but also enforces the active obligation of the state to address issues such as grave human rights violations caused by delayed political decision-making. The Same-Sex Marriage Act was passed by the German Federal Council (Bundesrat) on July 7, 2017, and was passed by both houses of parliament without constitutional amendments. This would not have been possible without the role of the Federal Constitutional Court of Germany. It has made a significant contribution by ensuring that the constitutional concept of family is interpreted more dynamically to reflect changing realities and by removing a number of discrimination surrounding marriage. A complete ban on same-sex marriage is hardly a necessary restriction. It is also contrary to the Law of Balancing as it is difficult for a state restricting individual freedoms and rights to justify the serious harm that same-sex couples would suffer as a result of a complete ban.

Формирование федеративных отношений в Российской Федерации: опыт, проблемы, перспективы развития

The article analyzes the stages of improving federal relations in the Russian Federation. The author states that the improvement of federal relations contributes to the solution of many issues concerning Russian society. It is noted that the federal government and the authorities of the subjects came to a compromise on the issue of interest to them, which was reflected in the formation of the Federation Council – the upper house of the country's parliament, its reforms were analyzed. It is proposed to transfer to the Federation Council the issue of submitting candidates to the regional parliament for the post of head of the region, since in the Russian Federation, characterized by a high degree of centralization of the public administration system and a significant amount of powers belonging to the federal center in relations with the regions, it is the solution of this issue that would be most relevant, as a body of people's representation in the highest echelon of power. It is concluded that the creation of federal districts and the appointment of presidential plenipotentiaries strengthened the vertical of power. The author notes that the most important direction of the federal reform is the restoration of the internal state sovereignty of Russia and the supremacy of federal power.

The effect of the 1885 reform of the Upper House of the Hungarian Parliament on the composition of the members (with a special focus on hereditary peers)

The effect of the 1885 reform of the Upper House of the Hungarian Parliament on the composition of the members (with a special focus on hereditary peers)

International student mobility options following Brexit: An analysis of the genesis of Britain's Turing Scheme

AbstractThis paper examines the interplay between geopolitical goals, governance and International Student Mobility (henceforth ISM). It explores how the United Kingdom's newly envisaged domestic credit‐mobility programme (the Turing Scheme) is reshaping the spatiality of their outward student mobility flows to bolster a global sense of internationalisation through ISM. During its emergence, the Turing Scheme was often positioned as an antithesis to the pre‐established Erasmus+ Scheme which had a strong focus on European integration, instead it focused on promoting a ‘Global Britain’ narrative. This paper conducts a content analysis of Hansard (transcripts of debates in the U.K.'s Houses of Parliament), to reflect on ISM decision‐making, debating the choices made and unmade regarding the development of the Turing Scheme. This research illuminated multiple issues, adding to the debate about the importance of ISM for geopolitical purposes, and how these can underpin credit‐mobility schemes, and shape these during periods of large‐scale geopolitical change.

Beyond the Quota: Unravelling Legislative Dynamics and Public Sentiment on Women's Reservation"

“Achieving the aim of equal involvement of men and women in decision-making will establish a balance that greater accurately describes the makeup of society, which is required to improve democratization and encourage its effective functioning. The goals of fairness, outcomes, and security cannot be attained without the active engagement of women and the adoption of women's viewpoints at all phases of decision-making." The Women's Reservations Bill is a critical piece of government legislation having the potential to alter the foundation of Indian democracy. It has always sparked intense arguments both inside and outside of Parliament. Its supporters argue that the Bill is vital for woman's active engagement with politics. Opponents believe that reserve would mainly benefit women from aristocratic groups, exacerbating the suffering of those with limited resources and underprivileged. The Women's Reservation law, also known as the Constitutional Amendments (108th Amendment) Bill, is an ongoing law in India that intends to reserve 33% of all seats in the Lok Sabha, India's Lower House of Parliament, and the state legislatures for women. This essay investigates gender inequalities in legislative decision-making in the context of the gender quotas. I utilize two empirical methodologies to randomize parliamentarians' gender and sentiments analysis to discover legislative issues in the French Assembly from 2001 to 2017. It might even go one step further and investigate the current state of support for policies on each issue, for example, by using analysing sentiment methods or embedding models to calculate the distance across a piece of text and the material of interest.