Own-race Bias In Face Recognition Research Articles

Social identity threat attenuates own-race bias in face recognition under the “Asian-Caucasian” context

People typically remember faces of their own race better than the faces of other races, which is known as the own-race bias. Social-cognitive theories on the own-race bias debate if motivation plays a role in racial face recognition under the “Asian-Caucasian” context. We investigated the effect of social-identity-threat based motivation on own-race bias. In Experiment 1, Chinese participants were primed with a negative image of own-race by associating Chinese (i.e., own-race) faces with negative personality traits. Results showed that such social identity threat marginally affect the own-race bias in face recognition sensitivity (Experiment 1a), and it did not influence participants' implicit positive attitudes toward their ethnicity (Experiment 1b). In Experiments 2, 3 and 4, the social identity threat was manipulated by reading an article before the face recognition task. Experiment 2 found that the social identity threat significantly affected the own-race bias in face recognition false alarm. Although we did not find the modulation effect of group on ORB with ANOVA in Experiments 3 and 4, we observed the significant indirect effect of group on ORB through the mediator of generalized threat. Together, the current study provides evidence of social motivation in the own-race bias in the “Asian-Caucasian” setting.

Recognition of a Missing Person in a Mock Silver Alert in Relation to Individual Difference Factors and the Effect of an Educational Video

In two studies, we investigated participants’ ability to recognize a missing older adult featured in a mock Silver Alert. Previous research on face recognition indicates the presence of biases related to demographic variables such as gender, race, and age; thus, we compared recognition of the target in relation to these variables. Further, we explored recognition of the target in relation to empathy, conscientiousness, attitudes toward and contact with older individuals as these variables may play a role in motivation and attention to these types of alerts. In Study 1, college students (N = 610) viewed both a video of the missing man and an educational video on Silver Alerts before attempting recognition, whereas in Study 2 (N = 350), we experimentally manipulated whether participants viewed the educational video. Both studies resulted in high recognition rates (83.90% and 75.1%, respectively). Study 2 did not show a significant effect of the educational video, perhaps because of the effectiveness other components of both studies, such as the additional video of the target. Those who recognized the target had significantly higher empathy scores and metacognitive ratings (i.e., confidence) in both studies, with inconsistent differences on other individual difference variables. Caucasian participants were more likely than African-American participants to recognize the Caucasian male target, consistent with previous research on Own-Race Bias in face recognition. Additional research is needed to explore ways of improving the public’s ability to recognize missing senior citizens.

Perceived Race Affects Configural Processing but Not Holistic Processing in the Composite-Face Task.

One explanation for the own-race bias in face recognition is the loss of holistic processing for other-race faces. The composite-face task (involving matching the top halves of faces when the bottom halves are either changed or the same) tests holistic processing but it has been inconsistent in revealing other-race effects. Two composite-face experiments are reported using pairs of faces that have common internal features but can be perceived as either being racially Black or White depending on their external features. In Experiment 1 (matching the top halves of faces) holistic processing was found for both face races for White participants (shown by both a mis-alignment advantage when bottom halves were different and also by a congruence-by-alignment interaction in discrimination). Bayesian analysis supported there being no effect of race. However, the size of the simple congruence effect was larger for own- than for other-race faces. Experiment 2 found that this race-by-congruence interaction was not present when matching the bottom halves of faces. The results are interpreted in of terms of the perceived race affecting the processing of second-order relational information rather than holistic processing.

The Effect of Gaze Direction on Face Recognition of Own and Other Races

The own-race bias in face recognition is one of the most replicated findings in cognitive psychology; however, it has been shown to be affected by gaze direction. The current study explored the effect of gaze direction on different race faces using a facial recognition task. Participants were 30 Han males and 32 Han women. The facial recognition task involved presentation of 40 faces with manipulated eye gaze direction; then, participants were shown the same 40 faces randomly mixed with 40 new faces, and were asked to point out which faces they had seen previously as quickly and as accurately as possible. The results showed that hit rates, false alarm rates, and response bias (C) were influenced by gaze direction. Furthermore, gaze direction and race had a significant interaction effect on C. Under the averted-gaze condition, the C for the Han face images was higher than that for the minority faces images, while there was no significant difference in C under the direct-gaze condition. These findings indicate that the influence of other-race faces exposure on C was mediated by the averted-gaze direction.

Effects of divided attention and social categorization on the own-race bias in face recognition

Perceivers remember own-race faces more accurately than other-race faces (i.e., Own-Race Bias). In the current experiments, we manipulated participants' attentional resources and social group membership to explore their influence on own and other-race face recognition memory. In Experiment 1, Chinese participants viewed own-race and Caucasian faces, and between-subjects we manipulated whether participants attention was divided during face encoding. We found that divided attention eliminated the Own-Race Bias in memory due to a reduction of memory accuracy for own-race faces, implicating that attention allocation plays a role in creating the bias. In Experiment 2, Chinese participants completed an ostensible personality test. Some participants were informed that their personality traits were most commonly found in Caucasian (i.e., other-race) individuals, resulting in these participants sharing a group membership with other-race targets. In contrast, other participants were not told anything about the personality test, resulting in the default own-race group membership. The participants encoded the faces for a subsequent recognition memory test either with or without performing a concurrent arithmetic distracting task. Results showed that other-race group membership and reducing attention during encoding independently eliminated the typical Own-Race Bias in face memory. The implications of these findings on perceptual-expertise and social-categorization models are discussed.

Eye-tracking the own-race bias in face recognition: Revealing the perceptual and socio-cognitive mechanisms

Own-race faces are recognised more accurately than other-race faces and may even be viewed differently as measured by an eye-tracker (Goldinger, Papesh, & He, 2009). Alternatively, observer race might direct eye-movements (Blais, Jack, Scheepers, Fiset, & Caldara, 2008). Observer differences in eye-movements are likely to be based on experience of the physiognomic characteristics that are differentially discriminating for Black and White faces. Two experiments are reported that employed standard old/new recognition paradigms in which Black and White observers viewed Black and White faces with their eye-movements recorded. Experiment 1 showed that there were observer race differences in terms of the features scanned but observers employed the same strategy across different types of faces. Experiment 2 demonstrated that other-race faces could be recognised more accurately if participants had their first fixation directed to more diagnostic features using fixation crosses. These results are entirely consistent with those presented by Blais et al. (2008) and with the perceptual interpretation that the own-race bias is due to inappropriate attention allocated to the facial features (Hills & Lewis, 2006, 2011).

Removing the own-race bias in face recognition by attentional shift using fixation crosses to diagnostic features: An eye-tracking study

Hills and Lewis (2011) have demonstrated that the own-race bias in face recognition can be reduced or even removed by guiding participants' attention and potentially eye movements to the most diagnostic visual features. Using the same old/new recognition paradigm as Hills and Lewis, we recorded Black and White participants' eye movements whilst viewing Black and White faces following fixation crosses that preceded the bridge of the nose (between the eyes) or the tip of the nose. White faces were more accurately recognized when following high fixation crosses (that preceded the bridge of the nose) than when following low fixation crosses. The converse was true for Black faces. These effects were independent of participant race. The fixation crosses attracted the first fixation but had less effect on other eye-tracking measures. Furthermore, the location of the first fixation was predictive of recognition accuracy. These results are consistent with an attentional allocation model of the own-race bias in face recognition and highlight the importance of the first fixation for face perception (cf. Hsiao & Cottrell, 2008).

Reducing the own-race bias in face recognition by attentional shift using fixation crosses preceding the lower half of a face

Hills and Lewis (2006) reduced White participants’ own-race bias (ORB) in face recognition by training them to attend to features critical for Black faces (lower portion of the face). Here, the ORB was investigated following a brief fixation cross either in the upper portion of the face (critical for White faces) or the lower portion of the face. Results showed that when the cross preceded the lower portion of the face, Black faces were recognized more accurately than White faces and vice versa when it preceded the upper portion of the face. A second experiment demonstrated that this effect disappears if the participants are forced to delay their responses by 4 s. These results suggest that an immediate attentional mechanism can attenuate the ORB when immediate attention is paid to diagnostic features but this can be overridden with increased time spent viewing faces.

Now everyone looks the same: Alcohol intoxication reduces the own-race bias in face recognition.

Several factors influence the reliability of eyewitness identification evidence. Typically, recognition for same-race faces is better than for different-race faces (the own-race bias), and alcohol intoxication decreases overall face recognition accuracy. This research investigated how alcohol intoxication influences the own-race bias. Asian and European participants completed tests of recognition memory for Asian and European faces when either mildly intoxicated (mean breath alcohol concentration of .05) or when sober. Compared to their sober counterparts, intoxicated participants showed a reduced own-race bias. Specifically, alcohol intoxication had a larger negative effect on the recognition of same-race faces compared to different-race faces. The legal and theoretical implications of these results are discussed.

Recognizing faces across continents: The effect of within-race variations on the own-race bias in face recognition

People are better at recognizing faces of their own race than faces of other racial groups. This own-race bias (ORB) in face recognition manifests in some studies as a full crossover interaction between race of observer and race of face, but in others the interaction is accompanied by main effects or other complexities. We hypothesized that this may be due in part to unacknowledged within-race variation and the implicit assumption that the terms white and black describe perceptually homogeneous race categories. We therefore tested white and black South Africans on their recognition of black and white American faces and black and white South African faces. Our results showed the expected interaction, but only for South African faces. This finding supports explanations of the ORB that are premised on intergroup contact and perceptual experience and highlights the danger of assuming homogeneity of appearance within groups.

Short Article: Reducing the Own-Race Bias in Face Recognition by Shifting Attention

The own-race bias (ORB) in face recognition can be interpreted as a failure to generalize expert perceptual encoding developed for own-race faces to other-race faces. Further, black participants appear to use different features to describe faces from those used by white participants (Shepherd & Deregowski, 1981). An experiment is reported where the size of the ORB was assessed using a standard face recognition procedure. Four groups were tested at two time intervals. One group received a training regime involving learning to distinguish faces that varied only on their chin, cheeks, nose, and mouth. Three control groups did not receive this training. The ORB, present prior to training, was reduced after the critical perceptual training. It is concluded that the ORB is a consequence of a failure of attention being directed to those features of other race faces that are useful for identification.

An Investigation of the Contact Hypothesis of the Own-race Bias in Face Recognition

Although previous studies have demonstrated that faces of one's own race are recognized more accurately than are faces of other races, the theoretical basis of this effect is not clearly understood at present. The experiment reported in this paper tested the contact hypothesis of the own-race bias in face recognition using a cross-cultural design. Four groups of subjects were tested for their recognition of distinctive and typical own-race and other-race faces: (1) black Africans who had a high degree of contact with white faces, (2) black Africans who had little or no contact with white faces, (3) white Africans who had a high degree of contact with black faces, and (4) white Britons who had little contact with black faces. The results showed that although on the whole subjects recognized own-race faces more accurately and more confidently than they recognized other-race faces, the own-race bias in face recognition was significantly smaller among the high-contact subjects than it was among the low-contact subjects. Also, although high-contact black and white subjects showed significant main effects of distinctiveness in their recognition of faces of both races, low-contact black and white subjects showed significant main effects of distinctiveness only in their recognition of own-race faces. It is argued that these results support the contact hypothesis of the own-race bias in face recognition and Valentine's multidimensional space (MDS) framework of face encoding.