Ireland's Output Research Articles

George Goldie: A Catholic Architect in Post-Famine Ireland

George Goldie: A Catholic Architect in Post-Famine Ireland Caoimhín de Bhailís The nineteenth century saw the Catholic Church in Ireland express its newfound status after Emancipation in an expansive church building programme. Figures upward of two thousand have been given for the number of Roman Catholic churches either reconstructed or newly built between 1800 and 1870.1 This does not infer that there were no Catholic churches being built in the late eighteenth century nor does the increased output in ecclesiastical building after the Famine imply a lack of building prior to 1845. St Finbarr’s (South), Cork, was built in 1766, replacing an earlier church of 1728 and St Patrick’s, Waterford, 1764, and The Holy Trinity, Kildoagh, Cavan, 1796, no longer in use, are still extant pre-Emancipation churches that demonstrated a subdued presence, but nonetheless a re-emerging Catholic impact on the topography of the country. Thomas P Kennedy suggests that, even as early as 1752, ‘registered places of Catholic worship totalled 832 simple Mass houses and 52 private chapels’.2 In some cases, earlier nineteenth-century churches were replaced from the late 1840s onwards to assert the increased power of the Catholic Church, architecture acting as a symbol of its new-found status. The Church of the Immaculate Conception in Farran, Co. Cork, 1860, was constructed as a replacement for an earlier, smaller building; it was consecrated on 20 August 1860 and replaced the earlier church that was described by Samuel Lewis in 1837 as ‘a large plain old building’.3 The old church had a thatched roof and stood witness to the ‘poverty of the times in which it was erected’.4 Rev. Canon Walsh was credited with the drive to have the old church replaced and he was memorialised by a monument in the nearby church in Ovens5 . The monument was designed and its erection overseen by the architect George Goldie free of charge, ‘desirous of his regard and respect for the memory of the deceased’.6 It was removed when the building was renovated during the 1970s and all that remains of the memorial monument is the dedication tablet hidden from Studies • volume 109 • number 434 177 public view in the sacristy. Canon Walsh had engaged Goldie as the architect of the new church at Farran. Goldie was also the architect for St John’s Church in nearby Ballincollig and the interior of St Mary’s Dominican church in Cork city when it was renovated during the 1860s. He also completed the church of St Vincent’s in Cork and designed the presbytery. George Goldie Goldie was just one of many architects active in Ireland during this period, but he is one that has often been neglected when one considers both his output in Ireland and his Catholicity in a religiously contentious era. A preliminary survey by this author finds he was involved in upwards of forty completed builds, alterations or completions. This may appear to be a limited output in the overall number of churches built during the period, as outlined earlier, but we must remember that the Pugins had fewer solo outputs. A W N Pugin is listed in the Dictionary of Irish Architects as being involved in nineteen ecclesiastical commissions, Edward in nine in addition to St Colman’s Cathedral, Cobh, and other works as part of the partnership Pugin & Ashlin. Moreover, Ashlin and James Joseph McCarthy were both resident in Ireland, while Goldie, although a regular visitor, was based in England. Goldie’s reputation as an architect and the projects he was employed to design and oversee should come as no surprise given his output in England, where he designed numerous churches and cathedrals including St Wilfrid’s, York, and Our Lady of Victories, Kensington. Goldie also came from a family that was very much Catholic in their religious affiliation as well as in his architectural endeavours. George Goldie was born in York, United Kingdom, on 9 June 1828, and died in Saint Servan, Brittany, on 1 March 1887. He was what was termed in the nineteenth century a ‘cradle Catholic’, that is, he was born into that faith rather than being a convert from Anglicanism...

John Nash in Ireland: Patronage and Legacy

ABSTRACTStudies on Irish architectural history following the Act of Union in 1801 have concentrated on public buildings. This article introduces an important new perspective to the subject by exploring John Nash (1752–1835) and his work in Ireland from 1803 to 1810. Nash is best known for the work he undertook for the prince regent, later King George IV. Relatively little is known of his other clients. However, patronage connections were singularly important to Nash and it was ultimately their high social and political profile that contributed to his career's upward trajectory. Nowhere are these connections more evident than in Ireland, where practically all of Nash's clients can be linked to his first known Irish patron, James Stewart (1741–1821) of Killymoon Castle in County Tyrone, and his wife Elizabeth née Molesworth (1751–1835). The timing of Nash's arrival in Ireland within a year of the Act of Union is also significant. Many of his Irish clients were new MPs at Westminster or representative peers elected to the House of Lords whose shared desire for personal aggrandisement found form in building works. In spite of Nash's often troubled relationships with his clients, his architectural output in Ireland was versatile and involved a variety of styles. As Nash's involvement with the prince regent grew, his supervisory role in Ireland passed to his pupils James and George Richard Pain, who in time established successful architectural practices of their own in the country. Few of Nash's Irish buildings have survived the test of time, but his legacy in Ireland is preserved in the works of the Pain brothers, whose design style remained remarkably faithful to their teaching master.

The per capita output of phosphorus from domestic detergents in Ireland 1950-1982

Domestic sewage is a major source of phosphorus (P) to many Irish lakes. Domestic detergents comprise a significant source of P in such sewage. The change in the potential output of P from domestic detergents in Ireland between 1950–1982 is assessed in per capita terms. Per capita output in Northern Ireland levelled off at around 1.6 g person1 day1 from 1977. In the Republic output continued to rise (from a lower base! through 1982. The steady increase in P output from domestic detergents during this period facilitated an unequivocal increase in total domestic P output. In recent years the P content of detergents has declined. It is presumed that this source is now a less significant component of P loadings on lakes. Data derived during this study are considered a more suitable assessment of domestic detergent P output in Ireland than most published ‘assumptions’.

Human resource management research output in Ireland between 1950 and 2010: A retrospective

Abstract This paper presents a retrospective account of research output in the field of human resource management (HRM) in Ireland. We present a brief contextual overview looking at significant institutional and practice developments in the field, which, in turn were significant for curriculum, educational and research advances. We collected relevant HRM research output spanning 1950-2010, which yielded a total of 195 academic papers. Our analysis of the research output allows us to present an account of the altering profile and contribution of HRM as an academic field in Ireland and demonstrates the broadening of the field of HRM within Ireland.

Poetry in the Archive: Reflections of a Former Archivist on the Manuscripts of Twentieth-century Irish Poets in the National Library of Ireland

In this essay, the role of the National Library of Ireland in collecting and preserving the manucripts of twentieth-century Irish poets is considered, together with the Library's acquisition policy and methods of selection, collection, and cataloguing. Does the Library fulfil its stated aim and statutory function, ‘to provide an accurate record of Ireland's output in manuscript, print and other media for present and future users’? Is the Library as active as it should be in acquiring literary manuscripts? Which poets’ papers are acquired and made available to readers? Who gets ‘in’ and who is left ‘out’, and why? Does the Library's manuscript collection accurately represent twentieth-century Irish poetry? What in fact is ‘an accurate record of Ireland's output in manuscript?’ These and other complex issues are discussed in the article, some facts and figures adduced, and some suggestions made. The essay includes a personal memory of the process of acquiring one poetry archive, that of Eithne Strong, and comments by a scholar on the significance of the Dorothy Molloy papers, also held in the Library, for her understanding of the poet's work.

The Strength of the Celtic Tiger: The Case of Pharmaceuticals

The Strength of the Celtic Tiger:The Case of Pharmaceuticals Tim White (bio) As extraordinary economic growth propelled it into an admired and influential position in the international economy at the end of the twentieth century, Ireland's history of economic isolation and misery was replaced by increased economic achievement and prosperity. Ireland's past as a rural, idyllic, and self-contained island on the periphery of the world economy became a memory, and a modern, integrated, and economically strong state emerged as a respected contender in the international marketplace. Such a dramatic turn-around, while perhaps unforeseen by some, can be understood through Ireland's slow but steady attempts to initiate new and proactive economic policies, the root of which date back to the end of de Valera's tenure as taoiseach. In 1959, Fianna Fáil's new leader Seán Lemass initiated a set of economic development plans, outlined in the Whitaker Report, with the goal of reversing the isolating and economically stifling policies of de Valera. This new economic strategy can now be seen as the beginning of Ireland's period of economic growth.1 In broad terms, it committed the country to the pursuit of more open trade, tax breaks, and subsidies to enlist investment from [End Page 26] transnational corporations (TNCs), financial support to Irish companies to strengthen their competitiveness, improved educational and training programs to create a competent workforce, and an effort to improve the quality of infrastructure in Ireland. While the domestic priorities of the nation were announced at the time of its publication, the importance of the goals outlined in the Whitaker Report was not fully realized until much later. In 1973 the Republic of Ireland joined the European Economic Community (EEC), the precursor to the European Union (EU). Ireland's underlying commitment to free trade, open markets, and economic advancement was already established, allowing it to accept and benefit from the organization's advantages and opportunities. It was this relationship with the markets of other European nations, among other factors, that laid the foundation for Ireland's dramatic economic growth in the mid-1990s, a phenomenon today termed the "Celtic Tiger." Although the significance and reliability of some of the statistics describing the economic boom can be disputed,2 the evidence of the Celtic Tiger phenomenon is overwhelming. Ireland's gross domestic product (GDP) grew at the rate of nearly. percent annually in the 1990s and between 7 and 9 percent in the last years of this decade. Since 2000 Ireland's GDP has continued to grow at a rate of nearly 5.5 percent.3 The decade of the 1990s witnessed a 30 percent increase in employment and a tripling of gross manufacturing output in Ireland.4 Since 2000 the number employed in Ireland has grown by 345,600, and the annual unemployment rate has averaged just over 4 percent, much lower than historic levels of unemployment in Ireland.5 One of the key indices of the Celtic Tiger phenomenon [End Page 27] has been the tremendous growth in Irish exports. Exports grew fourfold in the 1990s and have grown an additional 14 percent since 2000.6 During the 1990s, inflation fell from 6 percent to 1 percent, resulting in more consumer purchasing power and further economic stimulation.7 Since 2000 and the collapse associated with the dot.com bubble, there has been a decrease of 33,500 manufacturing jobs in Ireland, or just over 13 percent, but the number employed in the medical, precision, and optical instruments sector has increased, while the number working in the chemical and pharmaceutical sector holds steady.8 Generally, lower wage manufacturing has increasingly left Ireland while high-skill manufacturing remains strong. While no single statistic can completely portray the extent and magnitude of the Irish economy's growth, when considered as a whole, the increased exports and GDP growth, positive trade surplus, and increased employment and purchasing power clearly show a nation enjoying extensive economic prosperity. This economic boom Ireland began experiencing in the mid 1990s cannot be attributed purely to a stroke of luck but rather resulted, at least in part, from careful planning and effective government policies. These latter factors...

The Correspondence of Alan Bush and John Ireland, 1927-1961

This volume is a monument to the skill, industry and dedication of its editor, Alan Bush's daughter, Rachel O'Higgins. It will be of lasting utility to historians of English music. The relationship it charts was an equal one, but for unequal reasons. When the correspondence began in 1927, Ireland was an established composer—a position he was to hold for another quarter-century. When Bush chose Ireland as his private tutor in 1922, he was almost entirely unknown, and was (on the whole) destined to remain so. Whereas the master depended wholly on his professional earnings, the pupil, like other artists of this generation, was (to use his own vocabulary) from the rentier class. In the 1930s, Bush responded to Ireland's need for financial support, mainly by subsidising his lease of a town house in Chelsea. Estimating the power-balance by the ratio of letters exchanged (though some of Bush's are missing) it lies inversely in Bush's favour by 1:4. From the outset, Dr O'Higgins sets the relationship between the two men firmly in its international political context. Though Bush sought success, by the mid-1930s he was a dedicated Communist, and saw his art mainly as a means to forward the cause. Ireland's motivation was more conventional. His success had been in large part due to the fortunate happenstance that his stylistic maturity coincided with the birth of the BBC, an unprecedented source of patronage. His network of backers included the corporation's resident musicological tyro, Edward Clark. At this distance it is difficult to estimate what attracted Clark, protagonist of the ‘ultra-modern music’ whose BBC history has been charted by Jenny Doctor, to Ireland's output. Yet Clark was both magus and fellow traveller, and along with others (like the exiled Catalan violinist Antoní Brosa, who gave several Ireland premieres) helped Bush and the CPGB to establish the Workers’ Music Association. This was in 1936, year of the Spanish Civil War. Exploiting the perfervid atmosphere which events in Spain created, Bush took the opportunity to convert his mentor to the true faith. As his letters show, Ireland accepted instruction in terms of language used, and even built radical utopianism into his music. An outstanding case was These Things Shall Be, the BBC's chief commission in celebration of the 1937 Coronation. In what was an amazing coup for the Party, perhaps in retrospect the nearest it came to revolution during the People's Front era, Bush (who orchestrated the piece) persuaded Ireland to yoke ‘The Internationale’ as a descant to the main theme. The work was broadcast in coronation week by Adrian Boult and BBC forces, to considerable acclaim. Indeed, neither Whitehall nor Buckingham Palace seems to have noticed anything amiss.

A Responsibility to Dream1

In actually existing Ireland, nearly 80 years after independence, ‘deeper challenges [than self‐government and wealth creation] remain’.2 Cultural policy is a reliable indicator of actual state pri...

Growth in manufacturing output in Ireland between the Union and the Famine: Some evidence

Pre-Famine Ireland is perceived to have undergone a process of deindustrialization as a result of trade with Great Britain. This article presents evidence that manufacturing output growth was positive and sufficient to keep pace with or exceed population growth. The textile industry in which the bulk of the manufacturing labour force was employed performed relatively poorly, though this was largely due to an internal shock in the form of technical and organisational change in the linen industry rather than trade with Britain. Concentration on the performance of the textile sector has distracted attention from the good performance in other sectors.

Comments and Discussion

Catching Up with the Leaders:The Irish Hare Patrick Honohan and Brendan Walsh For many decades Ireland's output per capita ranked about twenty-fourth among the world's industrial nations. Suddenly, in the mid-1990s Ireland started to move up, from twenty-second in 1993 to eighteenth in 1997 and an amazing ninth in 1999.1 The many facets of Irish success over these years, from a disproportionate representation in popular music to the largest current account surplus in the industrial world, caught the public imagination at home and abroad. This paper examines the startling turnaround in Irish economic performance that began in the mid-1980s. By comparison with Ireland's previous economic performance there is indeed a miracle to explain, but from a global perspective the question is surely why it took so long for Ireland to catch up with the rest of Europe. Although most attention has focused on aggregate output growth rates—real GDP growth averaged 10 percent a year over the period 1995-2000—we will show that the salient feature of Ireland's catch-up has been an increase in the proportion of the population at work. This is partly a function of demographic trends and partly of a remarkable reduction in the rate of unemployment, neither of which can be repeated. When the data are correctly interpreted, there has been no productivity miracle, as some have claimed, and Ireland's ranking in terms of average living [End Page 1] standards has not been quite as good as implied by the conventional statistics quoted above—although the performance of the labor market during the 1990s was marvelous. Dissecting the sources of output growth and understanding the transformation of the labor market are the two central tasks of this paper. In addition, we describe how inappropriate fiscal and perhaps monetary policies held Ireland back in earlier years, with the result that convergence, when it occurred, was telescoped into a short period.2 Catching up, and doing so rapidly, requires a favorable institutional, policy, and external environment. Several individual institutions and policy entities in Ireland are each quietly confident that it is the unique source of the turnaround. As our story unfolds, it will become evident that the credit must be widely shared, and that a much improved external environment also played its part. Background In a letter to David Ricardo in 1817, Robert Malthus said, "a population greatly in excess of the demand for labour" was "the predominant evil of Ireland."3 This was a generation before the famines of the 1840s triggered large-scale emigration and a decline in the national population that continued until the 1960s. Irish adjustment during the nineteenth century has been cited as a good example of how globalization fostered convergence of living standards. The island was transformed from a poverty-stricken, peasant economy that had served as a source of cheap labor for booming cities in Britain and North America to an economy that, at the start of the twentieth century, boasted wages—in some sectors of the urban economy at least—close to those prevailing across the Irish Sea.4 But the rural population and unskilled urban workers, who predominated, continued to lag behind, and in the course of the twentieth century [End Page 2] Ireland seemed—like Aesop's hare—to take a breather. Feeding Britain through two world wars provided adequate export revenue for what was still primarily an agrarian economy, especially that part of the island that became the Republic of Ireland, which is the subject of this paper. Economic historians characterize the third quarter of the twentieth century as the "Golden Age" of European growth.5 Most Western European economies, having recovered from wartime damage by around 1950, continued to grow more rapidly than before or since until the first oil shock in 1973. Ireland did not share in this happy experience—indeed, only the United Kingdom had a lower rate of per capita output growth over those years. In the 1950s Ireland stumbled badly, with a renewed surge of emigration, and it continued to exhibit the symptoms of a labor-surplus economy, not so much in the rate of unemployment as in emigration...

Catching Up with the Leaders: The Irish Hare

FOR MANY DECADES Ireland's output per capita ranked about twenty-fourth among world's industrial nations. Suddenly, in mid-1990s Ireland started to move up, from twenty-second in 1993 to eighteenth in 1997 and an amazing ninth in 1999. (1) The many facets of Irish success over these years, from disproportionate representation in popular music to largest current account surplus in industrial world, caught public imagination at home and abroad. This paper examines startling turnaround in Irish economic performance that began in mid-1980s. By comparison with Ireland's previous economic performance there is indeed miracle to explain, but from global perspective question is surely why it took so long for Ireland to catch up with rest of Europe. Although most attention has focused on aggregate output growth Rates--real GDP growth averaged 10 percent year over period 1995-2000--we will show that salient feature of Ireland's catch-up has been an increase in proportion of population at work. This is partly function of demographic trends and partly of remarkable reduction in rate of unemployment, neither of which can be repeated. When data are correctly interpreted, there has been no productivity miracle, as some have claimed, and Ireland's ranking in terms of average living standards has not been quite as good as implied by conventional statistics quoted above--although performance of labor market during 1990s was marvelous. Dissecting sources of output growth and understanding transformation of labor market are two central tasks of this paper. In addition, we describe how inappropriate fiscal and perhaps monetary policies held Ireland back in earlier years, with result that convergence, when it occurred, was telescoped into short period. (2) Catching up, and doing so rapidly, requires favorable institutional, policy, and external environment. Several individual institutions and policy entities in Ireland are each quietly confident that it is unique source of turnaround. As our story unfolds, it will become evident that credit must be widely shared, and that much improved external environment also played its part. Background In letter to David Ricardo in 1817, Robert Malthus said, a population greatly in excess of demand for labour was the predominant evil of Ireland. (3) This was generation before famines of 1840s triggered large-scale emigration and decline in national population that continued until 1960s. Irish adjustment during nineteenth century has been cited as good example of how globalization fostered convergence of living standards. The island was transformed from poverty-stricken, peasant economy that had served as source of cheap labor for booming cities in Britain and North America to an economy that, at start of twentieth century, boasted wages--in some sectors of urban economy at least--close to those prevailing across Irish Sea. (4) But rural population and unskilled urban workers, who predominated, continued to lag behind, and in course of twentieth century Ireland seemed--like Aesop's hare--to take breather. Feeding Britain through two world wars provided adequate export revenue for what was still primarily an agrarian economy, especially that part of island that became Republic of Ireland, which is subject of this paper. Economic historians characterize third quarter of twentieth century as Golden Age of European growth. (5) Most Western European economies, having recovered from wartime damage by around 1950, continued to grow more rapidly than before or since until first oil shock in 1973. Ireland did not share in this happy experience--indeed, only United Kingdom had lower rate of per capita output growth over those years. …

THE POUND AND THE PUNT REVISITED

Whereas the pound has remained outside the EMS for the last ten years, the Irish punt has been a fully participating member since the inception of the EMS in March 1979. As such the punt experienced the depreciation of the EMS bloc against the pound in 1980‐1 and, largely because of this, it suffered from a higher rate of inflation in the first half of the 1980s. But against a background of greater intra‐EMS stability, Irish inflation has fallen steadily. It is now closer to German inflation than at any time in the last twenty years and in the nearly three years since the last EMS realignment, has been well below inflation in the UK. At the same time output in Ireland has advanced steadily and the trade balance has moved into surplus. The Irish experience has therefore paralleled that of the EMS as a whole. After a shaky start, the EMS has proved to be a powerful force for convergence and by switching from a fixed link to the pound to one against the DM, the Irish economy is being transformed into a relatively low inflation economy. The contrast with the pound panty period is marked. It is different not to conclude that the UK' recent economic performance, particularly on inflation, would have been significantly improved if it too had chosen the route of full EMS membership.

Theper capitaoutput of phosphorus from domestic detergents in Ireland, 1950–1982

Domestic sewage is a major source of phosphorus (P) to many Irish lakes. Domestic detergents comprise a significant source of P in such sewage. The change in the potential output of P from domestic detergents in Ireland between 1950–1982 is assessed in per capita terms. Per capita output in Northern Ireland levelled off at around 1.6 g person1 day1 from 1977. In the Republic output continued to rise (from a lower base! through 1982. The steady increase in P output from domestic detergents during this period facilitated an unequivocal increase in total domestic P output. In recent years the P content of detergents has declined. It is presumed that this source is now a less significant component of P loadings on lakes. Data derived during this study are considered a more suitable assessment of domestic detergent P output in Ireland than most published ‘assumptions’.

The Pound and the Punt: A Study in Exchange Rate Policy

The rise in sterling during 1979 and 1980 was a remarkable and largely unexpected development While it has been accepted that the rise in the exchange rate played an important part in the reduction in the UK inflation rate during 1980 it has also been suggested that the appreciation of sterling was a major cause of the fall in output, particularly in the manufacturing sector.In this Viewpoint we attempt to assess the effect of the rise in sterling on output and inflation by comparing the performance of the UK economy with that of the Irish Republic. As a member of the European Monetary System (EMS), Ireland shared the general depreciation of the European currencies against sterling. We suggest that the result has been a higher rate of inflation in Ireland than in the UK Also, although the Irish manufacturing sector avoided the UK's loss of competitiveness, the fall in manufacturing output in Ireland during 1980 was ‐ when allowance is made for a higher underlying rate of growth in Ireland ‐ comparable to that in the UK