Outgroup Prejudice Research Articles

Exploring the Relations Among Knowledge, Contact, and Transgender Prejudice

AbstractOver the last few years there has been an increase in anti-trans rhetoric and violence towards transgender individuals, the consequences of which continue to adversely affect transgender people’s lives. Given these societal ramifications, it is crucial to explore how transprejudice (prejudice against transgender people) might be ameliorated. Research within social psychology has repeatedly shown intergroup contact to reduce various forms of outgroup prejudice, but little extant research has tested this association for prejudice related to transgender identity. We conducted three cross-sectional studies which tested the relation between contact (quantity and quality) with transgender people, trans-related knowledge (i.e., participants’ self-reported level of knowledge about experiences of transgender people), and transprejudice (cognitive and affective). Across the three studies, we found that contact quantity and contact quality significantly mediated the negative relationship between knowledge and transprejudice (although contact quality was a more consistent mediator). Those with more trans-related knowledge had more frequent and better-quality contact with trans people, and in turn showed less prejudice towards transgender people. We found less consistent support for an alternative mediation model with prior knowledge mediating the contact to transprejudice link. These findings demonstrate the importance of the role of both knowledge about and contact with transgender people as a means of transprejudice reduction, with wide-reaching implications for creating environments that are diverse, equitable, and inclusive.

Religious, ethnic and regional identities in Nigerian politics: a shared interest theory

ABSTRACT This essay examines the complex interplay between religious, ethnic, and regional identities in Nigerian politics, challenging the idea that religion solely dictates political behavior. It delves into the manipulation of identities for political advantage, with an emphasis on religion. The Social Identity Theory (SIT) is discussed, highlighting the cognitive processes in forming social identities and their role in promoting in-group bias and out-group prejudice. The novel contribution that this essay makes is the introduction of what I termed the ‘Shared Interest Theory’ or the ‘Common Interest Theory,’ arguing that changes in interests, both tangible and intangible, can trigger shifts in social identity and group dynamics. This theory offers a rational framework for understanding social identity dynamics, providing insights for promoting social cohesion in diverse societies. This framework on identity and politics underscores the importance of recognizing and addressing the divergent interests of different groups to mitigate conflicts and foster social harmony.

Engagement with Radical Propaganda drives Cognitive Radicalization: An Analysis of a Right-Wing Online Ecosystem

Cognitive radicalization remains an issue for communities battling terrorism. Recent empirical investigations into the psycho-social processes involved with radicalization have revealed social exclusion, cognitive inflexibility, and perceived threats to an ingroup as significant predictors for one’s propensity to engage with radical content and commit to offline behaviors. This study investigates the utility of user engagement and the proxy effect on cognitive radicalization by examining users’ engagement with a radical-right online ecosystem. The study supported the assumption that content featuring outgroup prejudice would affect the cognitive radicalization process. Several results demonstrate the importance of user engagement in the process of radicalization. In this analysis, they support an engagement-dependent framework where individual posts carry higher radicalization likelihoods based on the amount of user engagement they receive. These findings have an implication for future research into a user’s behavioral trajectories, from viewing and engaging with content to joining a radical group or committing offline violence against their communities and perceived outgroups.

Jihadist Terrorist Attacks and Far-Right Party Preferences: An “Unexpected Event During Survey Design” in Four European Countries

This article presents new empirical evidence about the impact of Jihadist terrorist attacks on far-right preferences using the “unexpected event during survey” research design. This strategy allows us to match individual-level data from the European Social Survey (ESS) to data on Jihadist terrorist attacks to compare respondents’ party preferences before and after a terrorist attack during the same survey period in the Netherlands, Sweden, France, and Germany. We theorise and test three distinct hypotheses about how different combinations of attitudinal changes including out-group prejudice and trust in institutions impact far-right preferences. We find no statistically significant effects. Analyses of the two indirect mechanisms— i.e., prejudice and trust—yield mixed results consistent with the null effect on far-right party preferences. By showing that terrorist attacks are unlikely to decisively change party support despite attracting significant public attention and affecting political attitudes, our results challenge the argument that Jihadist terrorism necessarily benefits the far-right and highlight the importance of null effects for overcoming confirmation bias in the study of voting behaviour.

E-contact facilitated by conversational agents reduces interethnic prejudice and anxiety in Afghanistan

Intergroup contact occurring through indirect means such as the internet has the potential to improve intergroup relationships and may be especially beneficial in high conflict situations. Here we conducted a three-timepoint online experiment to ascertain whether the use of a conversational agent in E-contact platforms could mitigate interethnic prejudices and hostility among Afghanistan’s historically segregated and persistently conflictual ethnic groups. 128 Afghans of Pashtun, Tajik, and Hazara backgrounds were assigned to one of four E-contact conditions (control with no conversational agent and three experimental groups that varied in the conversational agent settings). Participants in the experimental conditions contributed more ideas and longer opinions and showed a greater reduction in outgroup prejudice and anxiety than those in the control group. These findings demonstrate that E-contact facilitated by a conversational agent can improve intergroup attitudes even in contexts characterized by a long history of intergroup segregation and conflict.

Evidence from 43 countries that disease leaves cultures unchanged in the short-term

Did cultures change shortly after, and in response to, the COVID-19 outbreak? If so, then in what way? We study these questions for a set of macro-cultural dimensions: collectivism/individualism, duty/joy, traditionalism/autonomy, and pro-fertility/individual-choice norms. We also study specific perceptions and norms like perceived threats to society (e.g. immigration) and hygiene norms. We draw on Evolutionary Modernization Theory, Parasite Stress Theory, and the Behavioural Immune System, and existing evidence, to make an overarching prediction: the COVID-19 pandemic should increase collectivism, duty, traditionalism, conformity (i.e. pro-fertility), and outgroup prejudice. We derive specific hypotheses from this prediction and use survey data from 29,761 respondents, in 55 cities and 43 countries, collected before (April–December 2019) and recently after the emergence of COVID-19 (March–July 2020) to test them. We exploit variation in disease intensity across regions to test potential mechanisms behind any changes. The macro-cultural dimensions remained stable. In contrast, specific perceptions and norms related to the pandemic changed: norms of hygiene substantially increased as did perceived threats related to disease. Taken together, our findings imply that macro-cultural dimensions are primarily stable while specific perceptions and norms, particularly those related to the pandemic, can change rapidly. Our findings provide new evidence for theories of cultural change and have implications for policy, public health, daily life, and future trajectories of our societies.

What people do matters during intergroup communication: Immediate and delayed effects of intergroup contact via cognitive, affective, and behavioral mediators

ABSTRACT Positive intergroup communication reduces outgroup prejudice. Attempting to decompose the effect of intergroup contact more precisely, we argue that engaging in different activities during intergroup communication influences prejudice through different pathways. We investigated whether exposure to interactive videos involving cognitive, affective, and behavioral activities reduces outgroup prejudice through relevant mediators (knowledge, empathy, and synchronization). We found support for the effect of dancing (behavioral activity) and language learning (cognitive activity) on outgroup prejudice through the relevant mediators: synchronization and knowledge, respectively. Also, we demonstrated a long-term effect of mediated intergroup contact: the mediation path from dance through synchronization lasted a week after the intervention. We discuss the importance of the content of intergroup communication and its implications for creating prejudice-reduction interventions.

Prejudice in children and extremism in adults: Intriguing mindset convergences

In the literature on children’s interpersonal and intergroup relations, it is inappropriate to say a child is ‘racist’ even in the evidence of the White child refusing to sit near a Black peer in class, or vice versa, or allying with friends to bully that same peer at school. In such cases, this child’s behavior has been referred to as out-group prejudice. Racial prejudice is bound to develop into any of the multiple types of extremism. This article explores the similarities between the adult extremist mindset and children’s prejudice. We present the conceptual constituents of both the extremist mindset and prejudice, and then discuss the convergences between the two; we later present the convergences in the determinants of both extremism and prejudice. The exploration of such convergences allows us to posit that prejudice in childhood may be a marker for extremism in adulthood. The recommendation is therefore to incite researchers to look more into the prejudiced mindset in childhood as a potential marker of the adult extremist mindset, and intervention policy makers to look into factors that buffer the further development of children’s prejudiced mindset into extremist polarized views about the world.

Unutargrupna pristranost / In-Group Bias

Religion represents a system of beliefs, understandings, and actions from which religious individuals draw an array of values for their judgments of the world. Religiousness is a multidimensional construct comprising a multitude of religious orientations of which extrinsic and intrinsic religiousness are the most prominent in scientific literature. Also, in the social psychological domain, religion represents a social group whose members show a tendency toward in-group bias, a phenomenon basically immanent in every social group. The construct of in-group favoritism refers to a tendency of favoring one’s in-group members over out-group members. The focus of this paper is oriented on the basic dimensions of religiousness and their behavioral manifestations such as in-group favoritism, prejudice, biases in prosocial behavior, etc. Based on scientific literature, the aim of this paper is to determine the relations between religiousness and in-group bias, i.e., favoring the in-group and derogation of the out-group. An additional aim is to demonstrate the importance of the influence of religious priming on the social behavior of an individual in terms of making or breaking in-group biases and out-group prejudices.

White women's automatic attentional adhesion to sexism in the face of racism

Past research has demonstrated members of marginalized groups employ increased attentional bias to ingroup threats following situational exposure to ingroup prejudice (e.g., women's attention bias to sexism when anticipating sexism). Yet, prejudices towards similarly stigmatized groups are perceived to co-occur, such that racism imbues anticipated sexism for White women. The present research examined if White women demonstrate increased automatic attentional adhesion to ingroup threats following situational exposure to outgroup prejudice. Across five studies, White women demonstrated greater automatic attentional adhesion to sexism (Studies 1–2), but not racism (Studies 3a-3b), when anticipating interacting with a racist or sexist evaluator compared to a neutral evaluator. Yet, exposure to a similarly stigmatized expert decreased automatic attentional adhesion to sexism in a threatening context for White women (Study 4). These findings suggest a broad set of contexts that may elicit attentional bias to threat and demonstrate that identity safety cues inhibit an automatic stigma response.

Religiosity matters: assessing competing explanations of support for secularism in Quebec and Canada

AbstractSecularism—i.e., the separation between the state and religious institutions—is a fundamental characteristic of liberal democracies, yet support for secular arrangements varies significantly across Western countries. In Canada, such attitudinal divergences are observable at the regional level, with citizens from Quebec displaying higher levels of support for secularism than other Canadians. In this paper, we test three hypotheses to account for this regional discrepancy: religiosity, liberal values, and out-group prejudice. Using data from an online panel survey (n = 2,000), our findings suggest that support for secularism in Quebec is mostly explained by the province's lower baseline levels of religiosity, anticlerical feelings, and by its distinctive understanding of liberalism. These factors are likely to result from Quebec's unique religious and sociohistorical history. Results also suggest that while negative feelings toward religious minorities are positively correlated with support for secularism across the entire country, negative feelings toward ethnic minorities are associated with lower support for secularism in Quebec. These findings disprove the commonly held assumption according to which support for secularism is driven by ethnic prejudice in Quebec.

Beyond our parochialism

AbstractParochialism, by which we mean in-group preferences and out-group prejudice, has the potential to influence public policy. In-group preferences and out-group prejudice can lead individuals to evaluate a policy based on how that policy affects the groups they belong to rather than on the basis of their ideological priors or the impact of that policy on society at large. Unchecked, parochialism likely leads to problematic policies and perverse social outcomes. While the evidence suggests that this bias can be mitigated if issues are framed in ways that encourage reflection as opposed to unreflective immediate responses, policy makers face incentives to leverage parochialism rather than combat it. The solution may instead require limiting policy makers and our ability to make decisions for others and promoting an institutional environment that encourages our interacting with diverse others rather than insularity. Stated another way, limited government and open society may be the path beyond our parochialism.

Framing the inclusiveness of the national ingroup: Do identity-related frames affect national identity representations salience?

This between-subject survey experiment, conducted in two waves using a German sample (N = 1166 in Wave 1, N = 829 in Wave 2), examined the hypothesis that identity-related frames – specifically, assimilation versus multicultural – affect outgroup prejudice and admission policy preferences by increasing the salience of different national identity representations (NIR). Participants were exposed to identical articles (except for the manipulations) framing information about Syrian refugees in Germany in either assimilation or multicultural terms. As predicted, exposure to assimilation versus multicultural frames led to higher ethnocultural NIR salience and, in turn, to higher outgroup prejudice and preference for more restrictive admission policies. Still, findings pointed to the defining role of frame content and valence perception in these effects, as perceiving the frame as more assimilationist and anti-immigration was related to higher ethnocultural NIR salience. Furthermore, frame perception explained a larger portion of variation in ethnocultural NIR salience than treatment alone. Additionally, ethnocultural NIR salience fostered intergroup threat perception leading to higher outgroup prejudice and preference for restrictive asylum policies. In contrast, civic NIR salience was unaffected by the experimental manipulation. We discuss the impact of identity-related frames on ethnocultural NIR salience and the role of exclusionary national identities on outgroup prejudice and preference for restrictive admission policies. We also highlight the benefits of using multicultural frames to frame information about refugees and asylum to foster positive intergroup perceptions.

Twilight of Rationality

Twilight of Rationality

No trade-off between parent choice and democratic citizenship: a comparison of 9th grade pupils in Danish Muslim and state schools

The public funding or even toleration of religious minority schools, particularly Muslim faith schools, is controversial in West European countries. Political theorists often posit that parents’ right to choose these schools conflicts with the equally or more important societal concerns with child autonomy and civic integration or education to liberal-democratic citizenship. Yet, few empirical studies have addressed the issue and findings are mixed. Using unique survey and administrative data on ninth grade pupils in Danish Muslim schools compared to Muslims in state schools, the study finds no indication of lower levels of civic integration in terms of national belonging, social trust and outgroup prejudice, or liberal democratic orientation, indeed Muslim schools seem to do a little better. Different explanations for this are possible, and the findings may not be generalizable to other national contexts, but they do cast some doubt on present political hostility towards the schools.

Interethnic weak ties online and out-group attitudes among Dutch ethnic majority adolescents

ABSTRACT Interethnic contact is essential to move past out-group prejudice. However, prior work on the relationship between interethnic contact and out-group attitudes mostly considers core social ties. Here, I consider ethnic majority adolescents’ interethnic weaker ties. To do so, I embrace a key feature of adolescent contemporary social life: they overwhelmingly maintain relations online that snapshot hundreds of ties. Using a combination of survey data among Dutch ethnic majority adolescents and linking this with information on their large circle of online contacts, I study whether and to what extent interethnic weak ties online correlate with out-group attitudes. I conjecture and find that interethnic contacts online correlate to less-negative out-group attitudes. Yet, there is a diminishing return for interethnic contacts on less-negative out-group attitudes. These patterns are carried by the Dutch majority’s out-group contacts with Turkish and Moroccan backgrounds. I discuss the implications of these results and suggest directions for future research.

Mobilizing the White: White Nationalism and Congressional Politics in the American South

To what extent do white nationalists influence Congressional representative conservatism? Although ethnocentrism, out-group prejudice, and racial threats strongly predict American political attitudes and voter behavior, how social movements predicated on these beliefs shape political outcomes is rarely considered. We argue that white nationalist activities significantly contribute to the radicalization of Congressional representatives’ policy agendas in a manner non-reducible to demographic or socioeconomic conditions. By mobilizing white voters against racial status threats, they indirectly compel politicians to adopt more radically conservative agendas. We quantitatively test these propositions by examining distributions of white nationalist groups in the American South against Congressional representative conservatism from 2010–2017. Analyses reveal that white nationalists indeed appear to significantly impact representative radical conservatism, even controlling for numerous factors commonly theorized to explain their rise. In doing so, we contribute to emerging insights on the political influence of the radical right on the contemporary American conservative “mainstream.”

Explaining Out-Group Bias in Weak States

AbstractTwo dominant explanations for ethnic bias in distributional outcomes are electoral incentives and out-group prejudice. This article proposes a novel and complementary explanation for the phenomenon: variation in legibility across ethnic groups. The author argues that states will allocate fewer resources to groups from which they cannot gather accurate information or collect taxes. The argument is supported by original data on state aid from the 1891/1892 famine in the Russian Empire. Qualitative and quantitative analyses show that districts with a larger Muslim population experienced higher famine mortality and received less generous public assistance. The Muslims, historically ruled via religious intermediaries, were less legible to state officials and generated lower fiscal revenues. State officials could not count on the repayment of food loans or collect tax arrears from Muslim communes, so they were more likely to withhold aid. State relief did not vary with the presence of other minorities that were more legible and generated more revenue.

Reductions in perceived COVID-19 threat amid UK's mass public vaccination programme coincide with reductions in outgroup avoidance (but not prejudice).

It has long been proposed that perceptions of threat contribute to greater outgroup negativity. Much of the existing evidence on the threat–prejudice association in the real world, however, is cross‐sectional in nature. Such designs do not adequately capture individual‐level changes in constructs, and how changes in constructs relate to changes in other theoretically relevant constructs. The current research exploited the unique opportunity afforded by the mass COVID‐19 vaccination programme in the United Kingdom to explore whether reductions in pathogen threat coincide with reductions in outgroup prejudice and avoidance. A two‐wave longitudinal study (N 1 = 912, N 2 = 738) measured British adult's perceptions of COVID‐19 threat and anti‐immigrant bias before and during mass vaccine rollout in the United Kingdom. Tests of latent change models demonstrated that perceived COVID‐19 threat significantly declined as the vaccine programme progressed, as did measures of outgroup avoidance tendencies, but not prejudiced attitudes. Critically, change in threat was systematically correlated with change in outgroup avoidance: those with greater reductions in perceived COVID‐19 threat were, on average, those with greater reductions in outgroup avoidance. Findings provide important and novel insights into the implications of disease protection strategies for intergroup relations during an actual pandemic context, as it unfolds over time.

Maternal Attitudes Toward Child Interethnic Relations in the Netherlands: Facilitating Intergroup Contact Effects?

Ethnic diversity and interethnic contact are increasing in Europe. Intergroup contact theory suggests interethnic contact to improve interethnic attitudes, but for young children, parental attitudes toward child interethnic relations might be an important factor determining whether they are exposed to these potentially positive contact effects. This study therefore examined maternal attitudes toward child contact with different ethnic outgroups among 251 mothers (137 White Dutch, 69 Turkish-Dutch, and 45 Afro-Dutch) of a 6- to 10-year-old child ( M = 7.51, SD = 0.98). Furthermore, associations between maternal attitudes toward child interethnic relations and child outgroup rejection were examined, as well as mediation effects of child actual outgroup contact. Neutral to positive maternal attitudes toward child interethnic relations were found, with relatively more negative attitudes among Turkish-Dutch than White Dutch and Afro-Dutch mothers, and toward child relations with Muslims as compared to another outgroup among White Dutch and Afro-Dutch mothers. Furthermore, results did not indicate that maternal attitudes were related to child actual outgroup contact or child outgroup prejudice and no support for the intergroup contact theory was found. These results suggest that intergroup contact theory does not easily apply, highlighting the need for more research on children in various populations and contexts using different measures and informants. Patterns from the present study suggest that most improvement in terms of maternal attitudes fostering child interethnic relations can be made in the interethnic relations including ethnic groups in the Netherlands that predominantly identify as Muslim.