Order In International Relations Research Articles

On the Problem of Determining International Legal Responsibility in Public International Law

One of the ways to ensure order in international relations from ancient times to the present day is to use the institution of responsibility. Most lawyers who devote their work to international law in general and to its individual branches. To one degree or another, these works deal with the issue of international responsibility.
 To date, the issue of liability under international law has been one of the least developed, although the problem of international legal liability is becoming increasingly important in the practice of international relations as one of the security institutions that help maintain a certain legal order in the world.
 The issues of international responsibility are equally important both in the field of public law and private law relations. Moreover, liability in these two branches of international law has much in common and is closely interrelated, which is clearly evident in the process of analyzing liability issues in various branches of international law.
 The definition of responsibility in international law is a key topic that determines the legal order and relations between states and other actors of the international community. One of the key aspects is the consideration of the principles of determining responsibility in international law.
 The definition of responsibility in international law is a key topic that determines the legal order and relations between states and other actors of the international community. One of the key aspects is the consideration of the principles of determining responsibility in international law.
 The article examines the essence and main aspects of the concept of international legal responsibility, which is one of the first principles of international law.
 First of all, the article examines the principles of responsibility, such as the principles of sovereignty, equality of states and non-interference, and how these principles shape legal standards and mutual relations between states and other subjects of international law.
 Special emphasis is placed on the current challenges facing the concept of international legal responsibility. In particular, the author analyzes new forms of responsibility, such as cybersecurity, human rights violations and other aspects arising from the development of globalization and technology.
 The article also emphasizes the need for continuous analysis and adaptation of the concept of international legal responsibility to changes in the modern world, emphasizing the importance of developing effective tools and mechanisms to address the challenges arising in a globalized and technologically advanced society.

Potential impact of artificial intelligence on the emerging world order.

The fast-paced diffusion of technologies broadly falling under the umbrella of artificial intelligence (AI) is said to be shaping the emerging world order in international relations (IR). It is expected that the global AI race will pave the way for another rise and fall of great powers in the international system, similar to the impact caused by the three industrial revolutions of the past. The literature in IR identifies three major powers - namely, the United States of America (USA), China, and Russia, as the leading contenders in this AI race. The ongoing AI-enabled fourth industrial revolution is all the more unique due to the markedly different approaches these three powers have adopted for integrating AI into their military, political, and socio-economic spheres. The AI strategies of these countries further reflect their capabilities and intentions towards how they plan on employing the technology to elevate their prestige and power status in the international system. This paper draws from a historiography of the First, Second, and Third Industrial Revolutions to study how technological innovations have altered relative power capabilities of nations, triggering a re-ordering of power hierarchies at a systemic level. Drawing from this understanding, it analyses the nature of AI as an emerging technology and assesses whether it can cause systemic alterations. It critically examines and compares the AI strategies of the USA, China, and Russia as leading contenders in the global AI race and outlines their strengths and weaknesses. It further draws from the Adoption Capacity Theory to argue that the AI race may well be determined by the relative capacity of the major institutions in each of these countries to manage and adapt to the disruptions this technology is bound to bring to the fore.

International Order as a Category of International Studies: Theoretical Foundations

This article is devoted to the study of world order in modern political theory. The author shows that modern Anglo-American and Russian political science share common problems related to its study. First, modern internationalists often unjustifiably take the modern world order out of the context of historical development, contrasting it with the entire world history. Second, modern theories of world order are characterized by a high degree of normativity: political processes are assessed from moral and ethical or openly ideological (usually liberal) positions. Third, researchers today often exaggerate the originality, or uniqueness, of the modern world order, although many of its problems existed in the past. Also, in modern political literature the concepts of "order" and "system" are often confused. Moreover, the mechanism of change of world orders, their qualitative difference from each other, even their number and names have not been revealed. In this regard, the author focuses on two interrelated tasks: 1) to define the relationship between the terms "system" and "order of international relations"; 2) to designate the systemic characteristics of world orders, which will make it possible to identify their number, the mechanism of their change and their qualitative difference. The article aims at clarifying the terminology on the subject of world orders and suggests considering them as completed political systems, which have covered their development cycle – from inception to disintegration. The basic concept of the order is that of balance of power between the great powers and the values and rules of interaction established on its basis. The world order emerges as the result of a total war and is terminated by a total war. Some limited wars regulate relations within the world order. The two types of world orders, namely, the hegemonic order and the balance of power order, acted as two equal types of order. Their disintegration is due to objective reasons, namely, the change in the balance of power and degradation of legal norms, which leads to the emergence of extra-systemic revisionists. The author believes that today’s Yalta-Potsdam order is likely to follow the entire cycle of the development of its predecessors.

Memutus Mata Rantai Radikalisme dan Terorisme dengan Mengedepankan Kegiatan Positif di Sekolah

Efforts to combat radical movements to terrorism of any kind, should not be carried out by violent means, as the United States has done to Afghanistan. This is because the violence will only add to the violence of the new volume. Volumes of crimes against humanity against innocent civilians. We can't quell the impossibility with the impossibility. Efforts to counter terrorism must start from uprooting the root or source of the problem. On the domestic political stage, the rise of religious radicalism movements is marked by the rise of mass actions driven by several hardline Islamist groups, which generally have something in common in one respect, namely; want the grounding or application of Islamic law in the archipelago. . Efforts to counter terrorism must start from uprooting the root or source of the problem. The most important root or source of acts of terrorism today is to remove injustice and lameness in the order of international relations. It needs intense dialogue between the warring parties in order to truly find the best solution to end the conflict

The Concept of Middle Power's Theory to Reality: Prospect of Vietnam

The middle power is playing an important role in the order of international relations. Its voice is being identified in global issues from security cooperation, political, economic to environmental and humanity protection, and the trend of cooperation with peaceful, stable and mutual development. Although the concept of middle power has been discussed very early and received a great concern from many theorists and foreign policy makers, there has not been a unified definition, which becomes a limitation in explaining the behaviors of some countries towards global multilateralism. This article clarifies the theoretical framework of the concept, approach, and analysis of the middle power in the current international relation context as well as gives some comments about power shift, development trend to generalize these into characteristics and comparison tools for the case in Vietnam, serving Vietnam’s foreign policy implementing process in the year to come.

Wojna w nauczaniu papieża Franciszka. Czy zmiana nauczania Kościoła katolickiego?

War in the Teaching of Pope Francis: Is the Teaching of the Catholic Church Changing? The issues of “war” and “peace” are a constant aspect of Pope Francis’ teaching. The aim of this paper is to determine whether Francis’ stance on war is a continuation of the hitherto realistic view of this phenomenon found in the teaching of the Catholic Church or whether it has come closer to idealistic notions. The research focuses mainly on an exegesis of the statements of Jorge Mario Bergoglio (Pope Francis) and to a lesser extent an interpretation of his actions and omissions. We conclude that, in the case of the current pope’s teaching, we are dealing with a modification of the approach to war and peace adopted in the doctrine of the Roman Catholic Church, consisting in the formal acceptance of the idea of a „just war” combined, however, with the imposition of important limitations on it. Similarly to apologists of pacifist humanism, Francis demonstrates an optimistic belief in the possibility of building a world order without violence. Significantly, he attempts to combine the promotion of pacifist ideals with an appeal to Christian moral principles. This rather intellectually daring ideological juxtaposition, freely treating both historical circumstances and contemporary events, provides Francis with a starting point for analysing and assessing the current destabilisation of the world order in international relations. In our view, Francis assumes that the main contemporary sources of war lead to human exclusion (in various aspects of existence) and the degradation of nature. For Francis, therefore, the vindication of a state of peace and thus the unconditional abandonment of war depends directly on the quality of life of the human race and the connected capacity of the ecosphere. At the same time, Francis avoids recognising Russia as a state that has attacked another state (Ukraine). This, and the avoidance of drawing consequences from the assumption of man’s original sin-contaminated nature, makes Francis’ teaching on war internally incoherent.

Трансформационные процессы консалтингового бизнеса в России

Today, due to the formation of a new order of international relations, the directions of development and the demand for consulting services in the Russian economy are very relevant. The nature of the economic environment and the very principles of its development determined a sharp change in the geopolitical situation. The model of integration into the global market that has developed over the past three decades will never be the same. The article analyzes the indicators of industrial production of the Russian Federation for the current 2022. The contribution of economic sectors to the growth of the index of industrial production of the mining and manufacturing industries of Russia was determined. The structural restructuring of the consulting sphere is characterized, innovations from the influence of social, political and economic changes are described and modern trends are determined. A structural analysis of the market for consulting services offers was carried out in the context of ongoing changes. Priorities for the development of Russia's consulting business for the near future have been identified.

Potential impact of artificial intelligence on the emerging world order

The fast-paced diffusion of technologies broadly falling under the umbrella of artificial intelligence (AI) is said to be shaping the emerging world order in international relations (IR). It is expected that the global AI race will pave the way for another rise and fall of great powers in the international system, similar to the impact caused by the three industrial revolutions of the past. The literature in IR identifies three major powers – namely, the United States of America (USA), China, and Russia, as the leading contenders in this AI race. The ongoing AI-enabled fourth industrial revolution is all the more unique due to the markedly different approaches these three powers have adopted for integrating AI into their military, political, and socio-economic spheres. The AI strategies of these countries further reflect their capabilities and intentions towards how they plan on employing the technology to elevate their prestige and power status in the international system. This paper draws from a historiography of the First, Second, and Third Industrial Revolutions to study how technological innovations have altered relative power capabilities of nations, triggering a re-ordering of power hierarchies at a systemic level. Drawing from this understanding, it analyses the nature of AI as an emerging technology and assesses whether it can cause systemic alterations. It critically examines and compares the AI strategies of the USA, China, and Russia as leading contenders in the global AI race and outlines their strengths and weaknesses. It further draws from the Adoption Capacity Theory to argue that the AI race may well be determined by the relative capacity of the major institutions in each of these countries to manage and adapt to the disruptions this technology is bound to bring to the fore.

Japan and the new Indo-Pacific order: the rise of an entrepreneurial power

This article revisits the conceptualisation of (regional) order in International Relations (IR) theory to illuminate key aspects of Japan’s order-building role in the Indo-Pacific. The framework is based upon a multi-dimensional understanding of regional order-building allowing for an examination of Japan’s vision for a ‘Free and Open Indo-Pacific’ (FOIP) policy ‘vision’, the challenges it faces as a secondary power, and its conduct as an emerging entrepreneurial power in the Indo-Pacific. The article’s central argument is that Japan’s order-building should be understood in the context of the country’s deeper strategic situation and, in particular, its position as a secondary, but still highly influential, power. This has implications for understanding Japan’s approach to international order and how it might deploy norm entrepreneurship in shaping the new Indo-Pacific order.

Defense Diplomacy Strategy in Global Governance to Face the Global Threats

Global developments that are full of dynamics are marked by the emergence of interdependence between countries. Global developments are in line with the development of science and technology which causes countries to seem borderless. The blurring of boundaries between countries and the development of an increasingly dynamic environment are also accompanied by the development of increasingly broad and multidimensional threats. This global development is also marked by the emergence of new actors in international relations. The development of threats and increasing global issues that cannot be handled by the state alone have created a new phenomenon in the international relations order, namely global governance. Previously, the state was the sole actor in the order of international relations. However, with global governance, there is a new arrangement in the international relations system that accommodates all actors who play a role. This research will use a qualitative phenomenological method. The theory used in this research are global governance, defense diplomacy and international organization as a basis theory and concept, and also a security theory as supporting theory. In the end, we can see that the change of international order can bring the positive effect for countries in achieving their national goals and accomplish their national interests.

An Analysis of the Overseas Dissemination Mechanism of American English in the Post-Cold War Era

The overseas dissemination of American English is the result of conscious language promotion. During the colonial era, the broadcasting of American English relied on compulsory promotion and church education. During World War I, the rise of American products, personnel, technology, and mass media spread American English to all corners of the world; after World War I, English gained the status of the official language of the international system, organizations, and conferences. During World War II, the contribution of the United States in the war spread American English to all parts of the world on an unprecedented scale; after World War II, the United States led the establishment of an international security and economic system, and American English subsequently became the dominant language in the new order of international relations. During the Cold War, the United States planned and implemented many cultural strategies to promote each other with American English promotion activities. In the 1990s, the information technology revolution, the wave of globalization, and the development of global media groups made the overseas dissemination of American English faster, more effective, and deeper. American English in the post-Cold War era is an important component of American soft power and the most important tool for the export of American culture, ideology, and values. It occupies a special position in the construction of the comprehensive strength of the United States and maintains a post-Cold War US-led international order.

DUAL-USE MATERIAL SCIENCE TECHNOLOGIES TRANSFER IN UKRAINE: PREMISES AND PRESENT CATCH-22

The object of effort is to assess the underpin premises of transfer of dual use materials science technologies appeared in Ukraine after the Independence and those developed until nowadays. It is also to shed a light on this issue and evaluate historical, technical, political, and mental barriers between technology supplier / recipient and future prospects and successful steps to be made to overcome those. The work puts a problem to scrutinize today’s and future materials science dual use technology transfer control regulations and all premises associated and leaving an imprint on the realities existing in Ukraine. First of all, it is important to study technology transfer issues and a vital role of those premises appeared in Ukraine otherwise one may chase a ghost while trying to understand how to put it correct in a right legal and political way to successfully resolve this matter since in this case none turnkey solutions ever exist. For example, central to a control regime debate is to discuss an evolution, or lack of the existing transparent legislation covering dual-use technologies, and a discussion on its orientation and scope. Does this really work and sound in practice, and if “yes” then to what extent? Second, at a time of fundamental change in nature and order of international relations, the wisdom of ad hoc control regimes must not escape scrutiny. Although experts are very much aware of these problems, future of control regulations remains still blurred and uncertain, so what are their potential implications for international state’s security? The research revealed that a reassessment of the problems surrounding dual use materials science technologies and today’s control regulations should be made – both in terms of their potential improvement and/or possible new universal multilateral agreements and transparency among states involved in technology transfer. This further argues a need for new international mechanisms to ensure the transfer of dual-use materials science technologies, while not powering proliferation opportunities for weapon systems. The results of this endeavor make a ground floor for further debates in terms of politics and export control in the field of transfer of intangible technologies.

The Phenomenon of State Sovereignty: Past and Present

The article examines the current condition of the status of state sovereignty, which is being gradually replaced by such social and political phenomenon as sovereignism. The author is convinced that the reason of its current rise is the weakening of sovereignty, the artificially made, legally enshrined, and not always successful mechanism of the state’s existence. Sovereignism became widely spread in the aftermath of World War II. The erstwhile world order in international relations rested upon state sovereignty, where the strong provided assistance to the weak in return for certain privileges, and the weak sought to find a protector of their sovereignty among the world’s leaders and international organisations. The author states any social phenomenon has to develop and evolve. This is also the case with sovereignty, an obsolete form of the state’s existence, which is searching for new variants of development on the global scale. Sovereignism may be regarded as a new pattern in the development of sovereignty and a means of weakening it. At the same time, it may be viewed as an impetus to strengthening sovereignty. Sovereignism has led to deadly wars and the influx of migrants all around the world; it is a hazardous challenge of the present. This fever of forgone political ambitions transcending state borders and spreading all over the globe is destructing established norms, traditions, and stability. Sovereignism is creating a new social identity in regions at war, which is a dangerous challenge for national security. Thus, sovereignism brings instability, chaos, clashes, and human toll. The author draws a conclusion that given current developments the protection of a weak state is possible only through integration with advanced economies and international agencies able to take responsibility for their partners and, most importantly, through building one’s own national defence forces. Keywords: nationalism, sovereignty, human rights, dignity, war.

The Role of the Mongolian People’s Republic in the Korean War

Since the 1990s, when previously classified and top secret Russian archival documents on the Korean War became open and accessible, it has become clear for post-communist countries that Kim Il Sung, Stalin and Mao Zedong were the primary organizers of the war. It is now equally certain that tensions arising from Soviet and American struggle generated the origins of the Korean War, namely the Soviet Union’s occupation of the northern half of the Korean peninsula and the United States’ occupation of the southern half to the 38th parallel after 1945 as well as the emerging bipolar world order of international relations and Cold War. Newly available Russian archival documents produced much in the way of new energies and opportunities for international study and research into the Korean War.2 However, within this research few documents connected to Mongolia have so far been found, and little specific research has yet been done regarding why and how Mongolia participated in the Korean War. At the same time, it is becoming today more evident that both Soviet guidance and U.S. information reports (evaluated and unevaluated) regarding Mongolia were far different from the situation and developments of that period. New examples of this tendency are documents declassified in the early 2000s and released publicly from the American Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in December 2016 which contain inaccurate information. The original, uncorrupted sources about why, how and to what degree the Mongolian People’s Republic (MPR) became a participant in the Korean War are in fact in documents held within the Mongolian Central Archives of Foreign Affairs. These archives contain multiple documents in relation to North Korea. Prior to the 1990s Mongolian scholars Dr. B. Lkhamsuren,3 Dr. B. Ligden,4 Dr. Sh. Sandag,5 junior scholar J. Sukhee,6 and A. A. Osipov7 mention briefly in their writings the history of relations between the MPR and the DPRK during the Korean War. Since the 1990s the Korean War has also briefly been touched upon in the writings of B. Lkhamsuren,8 D. Ulambayar (the author of this paper),9 Ts. Batbayar,10 J. Battur,11 K. Demberel,12 Balảzs Szalontai,13 Sergey Radchenko14 and Li Narangoa.15 There have also been significant collections of documents about the two countries and a collection of memoirs published in 200716 and 2008.17 The author intends within this paper to discuss particularly about why, how and to what degree Mongolia participated in the Korean War, the rumors and realities of the war and its consequences for the MPR’s membership in the United Nations. The MPR was the second socialist country following the Soviet Union (the Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics) to recognize the DPRK (Democratic People’s Republic of Korea) and establish diplomatic ties. That was part of the initial stage of socialist system formation comprising the Soviet Union, nations in Eastern Europe, the MPR, the PRC (People’s Republic of China) and the DPRK. Accordingly between the MPR and the DPRK fraternal friendship and a framework of cooperation based on the principles of proletarian and socialist internationalism had been developed.18 In light of and as part of this framework, The Korean War has left its deep traces in the history of the MPR’s external diplomatic environment and state sovereignty

The Hegemonic Order in the 21st Century

The concept of the hegemonic order in international relations is, on the one hand, related to the state-centric understanding of the international system, and on the other hand, to the challenging of the thesis of its polyarchism. While historic hegemonies never had a monopoly on exclusivity, the U.S. has achieved a clear and significant advantage over other powers. This was due to numerous reasons. The multidimensionality of the U.S. power means that no one else is able to match the U.S.in military, economic, technological, political, or culturalcivilizational and ideological terms. The United States has become the only power that can effectively stabilize or destabilize the existing global order. The biggest source of current concern is, on the one hand, a contestation of U.S. hegemony in the world, and, on the other, its actual decline.

Foreign Policy as Part of Strengthening the Polish Economy in the World: the Ethical Aspect

The technological, economic and political advances of the 20th and 21st centuries have established new conditions for the development of civilization. The world economy has simultaneously expanded (the number of states/organization participating in world trade or the volume of heterogeneous transactions) and shrunk (close interrelations between transactions, no matter their geographic origins). Economic policy has gained an indispensable role in the creation of order in international relations and foreign policy. The tendency to prioritize foreign policy aims towards economic policy aims has resulted in ‘reverse flow’, i.e. foreign policy has become a central part of national economic policy. The engagement of external action services and public budget in economic promotion and investments triggers (inter alia) the ethics dilemma. The mentioned ethical aspect is often omitted when discussing ‘the economic foreign policy’. For instance, the ethics dilemma can appear when development and humanitarian aid are taken into account or when it comes to assessing the results (and membership) of economic missions. In this context, the author analyses the Polish foreign policy example and attempts to answer two questions. First, are the economic activities performed by external action services effective? Second, are the mentioned activities in accordance with the social ethical code of conduct? The author focuses on three elements – development and humanitarian aid, the participation of Polish diplomats in economic promotion, and economic missions.

Kant, Kissinger, and Other Lutherans: On Ethics and International Relations

Many people alive today grew up during the so-called Cold War and even more experienced the fall of the Berlin Wall. The Cold War can be taken as the name of the order of international relations during four decades of the twentieth century. In the following, I want first to comment on the concept of world order and the related one of institution (law). Then I shall deal with the relation between these concepts and various schools in international politics. Next, I will pay attention to the ethical dimensions of those schools. And finally, I want to reflect on the place of theology in the ethics of international relations. My thesis is (1) that theological ethics has an important role to play in understanding contemporary international politics (IP); (2) that if theological ethics takes a Lutheran starting point, it will endorse elements both in the liberal and the realist tradition of international relations theory. As I regard Kant and Kissinger as representatives of the two schools, I hope that explains my somewhat provocative title.

Order through Negotiation

AbstractThe negotiation process can be a tool that generates order in international relations between states and international organizations. Order and structure are needed in a globalizing world of interdependencies and growing cleavages. The importance of international regimes in channeling and protecting negotiation processes is discussed. Regimes and interstate bargaining can only be effective if the main actors successfully balance their interests and activities. To create this equilibrium, extra-regime negotiations are as much needed as intra-regime bargaining, since negotiation is as much about situations as it is about structures, flexibility plus strength.

International relations, political theory and the problem of order: beyond international relations theory?

At the turn of the millennium, and now after the fall of the Berlin wall, the best way to map the trajectories of contemporary international relations is hotly contested. Is the world more or less ordered than during the cold war? Are we on the way to a neo-liberal era of free markets and global governance, or in danger of collapsing into a new Middle Ages? Are we on the verge of a new world order or are we slipping back into an old one? These issues are amongst those that have dominated International Relations Theory in the late 1980s and 1990s, but they have their roots in older questions both about the appropriate ways to study international relations and about the general frameworks and normative assumptions generated by various different methodological approaches. This book seeks to offer a general interpretation and critique of both methodolgical and substantive aspects of International theory, and in particular to argue that International Relations theory has seperated itself from the concerns of political theory more generally at considerable cost to each. Focussing intially on the 'problem of order' in international politics, the book suggests that International Relations theory in the twentieth century had adopted two broad families of approaches, the first of which seeks to find ways of 'managing' order in international relations and the second of which seeks to 'end' the problem of order. It traces three specific sets of responses to the problem of order within the first approach, which emphasize 'balance', 'society' and 'institutions' and outlines two responses within the second grouping, an emphasis on emancipation and an emphasis on limits. Finally, the book assesses the state of International Relations theory today and suggests an alternative way of reading the problem of order which generates a different trajectory for theory in the twenty first century.

El modelo de integración de Europa del Este a la Unión Europea: una alternativa de diversificación política y económica para América Latina

<p>América Latina, como parte del mundo en desarrollo, ha tenido que sufrir un fuerte impacto e influencia del proceso de mundialización iniciado a mediados de los años setenta, que obliga a nuestros países a adecuarse a los procesos actuales en el orden económico y político de las relaciones internacionales. En el presente artículo se señala que la reestructuración se ha basado en una política de producción para la exportación y en el sometimiento a los mandatos de los organismos financieros internacionales; y que la globalización, al transformar la estructura de la economía internacional, ha generado una nueva división internacional del trabajo que a su vez impacta a las economías de los países de las diferentes regiones y un nuevo sistema de relaciones internacionales, acelerado desde la caída del bloque soviético y de la desintegración de la Unión Soviética misma. En este sentido, la autora analiza el modelo de integración de Europa del Este con la Unión Europea para reflexionar sobre los impactos que una alternativa como ésta puede tener en América Latina.</p>