Opposition Movements Research Articles

The Periodical as Political Educator

Abstract This essay discusses how forms like political magazines, cultural journals, and party newspapers produced by twentieth-century anticolonial, left, and oppositional movements instituted practices of alternative pedagogy and political education across the Global South. These “revolutionary papers” served as a pedagogical infrastructure encompassing a critical curriculum drawn from ongoing movements, alternative histories, and regional literary production, to be used for collective practices of debate and inquiry. The essay introduces a series of digital teaching tools featured in the issue that study revolutionary periodicals such as the Cairo-based Afro-Asian literary magazine Lotus and underground pamphlets from the Mau Mau movement in Kenya. These teaching tools are accessible, interactive resources that provide archival, literary, and historical insights on movements and associated print cultures and are designed as pedagogical aids for the classroom and for political education in community settings. Along the way, the essay reflects on anticolonial periodicals as a resource for ongoing debates around decolonizing the university, and the possibilities presented by digital humanities approaches for the study of anticolonialism and Global South cultures.

Development or Ecocide? Sociotechnical Imaginaries and Contested Infrastructure in the “Tren Maya” Controversy

This article examines the controversy surrounding the Tren Maya railway megaproject in Mexico’s Yucatán Peninsula through the lens of sociotechnical imaginaries. We argue that the Tren Maya, much more than a technological intervention, came to embody differing visions of desired futures. Initially promoted by the Andrés Manuel López Obrador administration as a state-led reindustrialization program to mitigate social inequalities, the project was engulfed by the nationalist-developmental imaginary of the so-called “Fourth Transformation.” The local impacts that materialized in the construction process, however, sparked significant socio-environmental conflicts and mobilized a diverse opposition movement comprising indigenous communities, scientific experts, and environmental organizations. As the controversy unfolded, protest actors leveraged various legal mechanisms to challenge the epistemic and normative claims underpinning the government’s plans, eventually giving rise to a subversive imaginary that reframed the Tren Maya as a criminal, “ecocidal” enterprise. Our study reveals the intricate interdependencies between material and discursive processes in the (de)legitimization of competing infrastructural imaginaries and their role in mobilizing social forces. In particular, we underscore the crucial yet often overlooked role of legal channels and institutions in generating, validating, and amplifying imagined futures. By illustrating how social relations and normative ideals are co-produced with technoscientific knowledge and material facts, this research contributes to a more nuanced understanding of how different sociotechnical imaginaries interact, compete, and gain traction in the context of infrastructural transformations.

The Arabian Mission and education in Bahrain: ‘encounter’ and ‘resistance’, 1892–1917

This article examines the encounters between the Arabian Mission and the people of Bahrain from 1892 to 1917. The Arabian Mission which began as an American missionary project, established a station in Bahrain and used education as a tool to evangelize the population. The mission’s activities triggered an opposition movement that worked hard to resist these. This article explores the educational efforts of the Arabian Mission and the role of the opposition which used a novel means to hinder the mission’s activities. In the opposition movement’s effort to stop the mission’s activities, they explored alternative means of providing educational services and sought religious reform. The new educational services and reforms led the local Bahraini community to engage in an internal dialogue about what was considered acceptable, which generated various educational pathways among the different communities.

Refusing bilingualism, appropriating languages

This paper analyses a trial held in 2020 in the court known as ‘Audiencia Nacional’ (Madrid), against 12 Galician pro-independence activists accused of ‘glorification of terrorism’. Through the linguistic strategies of the different actors, and the bilingual interaction produced in that space, we can identify the ideologisation processes and political opposition movements existing in the (cross)examination. While previous research has especially focused on community bilingualism and bilingual interaction in institutional contexts such as the courtroom from a perspective of feedback effect, I explore the refusal to switch languages by bilingual speakers (the accused) against the monolingual counterpart (the court). This struggle over language appropriateness is discursively constructed along in-the-moment uses of linguistic difference and cultural history. Finally, since this trial was live-streamed for the media and society, I consider the interdiscursive hybridity triggered by this ‘third party’ in which juridical and political messages are being exchanged.

‘You never get a livelihood out of going to school’: the crisis of urban modernity and the education-employment nexus in Harare, Zimbabwe

The economic crisis and informalisation in Zimbabwe from the late 1990s had many consequences, including the unattainability of the early postcolonial modernist lifestyle and the collapse of the robust education-employment nexus and steady transition pathway from school to work for graduates in urban areas. Education in Zimbabwe played social mobility and social transformation and reproduction functions from colonial times and continued to have an inherent value to Zimbabweans in the postcolonial period. However, with the collapse of the education-employment nexus and structural changes in the opposition movement which offered a transition path from university into party politics until the late 2000s, many school and university graduates did not get to experience social mobility. Accompanied by the wider frustrating conditions, such as bad governance, corruption and economic decline, this resulted in young people reconsidering the social mobility function of education and challenging modernist premises about education. These premises had been reproduced at different levels from family to wider society, and young people started rethinking and challenging them through their narratives, considering curriculum changes to include entrepreneurship education, participation in the informal economy and protest movements, all of which challenge the postcolonial modernity framework.

African Socialism and Secular State Formation

Abstract In order to trace pathways of secularisation and secularity in Africa this paper highlights a particular movement that carried great ideological weight at the time of most countries’ independence in the 1950s and 60s, namely African socialism. The development toward state secularism was structurally very similar throughout the continent independently of whether political leaders opted for the ‘West’ or the ‘East’ in the cold war. However, in opposition to Soviet ideology, African Socialism was famously antiatheist. With the wish to fend off Marxist atheism as a supposedly necessary aspect of socialism, ideologues in African socialism were among the few politicians in Africa even to address the place of religion in a secular state at all. The roots of African socialism can be traced to US-American Pan-Africanism as well as the interconnected colonial opposition movement grounded in Marxist anti-imperialism. Another argument focusses on the education of some prominent state leaders, such as Nyerere, Nkrumah, Touré and Senghor, to explain the importance of Christian mission schools and Islamic madrasahs as points of access to social, intellectual, and institutional participation in global anti-colonial movements. In the framework of one-party politics, state leaders called on (Pan-)African traditions, but ‘de-mystified’ them (Touré) in order to enhance African Socialism ‘as belief’ (Nyerere). In conclusion it is argued that state secularism in Africa at the time of independence, as demonstrated most visibly in African Socialism, is more about suppressing and/or balancing the traditional powers of religious leaders than about a fundamental critique of a religious way of life. In turn, the implicit association of socialism and Marxism with atheism needs further scrutiny in a global perspective.

The web of Big Lies: state-sponsored disinformation in Iran

ABSTRACT The 2022 ‘Women, Life, Freedom’ protests in Iran have led to the escalation of state-sponsored online disinformation campaigns. This paper aims to examine how, amidst a growing legitimacy crisis, the Iranian regime has employed a ‘Big Lie’ to shatter hopes for change by discrediting influential dissidents and hindering the formation of an effective opposition movement. Three target groups have borne the brunt of this strategy: celebrities, political dissidents inside the country, and prominent opponents in the diaspora. By reviewing state-owned media content and tweets, this paper reveals a consistent pattern of character assassination against dissidents. The ruling regime’s ultimate goal is to foster a sense of public hopelessness for an alternative to the Islamic Republic. By conceptualizing the Big Lie online, the study engages with the mechanism of control in modern despotism in the age of the internet and social media.

Reframing Women’s Rights Activism in Contemporary Russia and Vladimir Putin’s Regime

In 2012, Pussy Riots movement came to the surface of Putin’s authoritarian regime. A long with its colorful balaclavas and provocative sudden performance song ‘Mother of God Drive Putin Away’ has successfully challenged the feminist political engagement in Putin’s regime along with their potential impact in improving human rights practice in Russia. This case shows a symbiotic relationship between the feminist agenda and the opposition movement where they could strengthen each other while feminism is the foundation for addressing gender issues. The paper will be analyzed by scrutinizing the actors of the Pussy Riot movement along with the promotion of gender equality as their main agenda. Then, it will be continued by analyzing the link of the Pussy Riot case with human rights and gender politics in the current political process of Russia and Putin’s regime. The two ways the connection between the feminist agenda and the way of opposition movement posed by Pussy Riot will also be drawn. Ultimately, we will see how the case could contribute to gender and human rights advocacy, particularly women’s rights, improvement in Russia. Relying upon the feminist movement, it can be concluded that the feminist agenda of gender equality can expand women’s role in Russia and advance Human Rights advocacy in Putin’s regime. Keywords:, Gender, Pussy Riot, Russia, Women’s Right

Fake News as Political Communication: On Fake News, Digital Media and the Struggle for Hegemony in Post-Mugabe Zimbabwe

Fake news has long been used in propaganda, but the proliferation of digital media reinvigorated it. In Zimbabwe, fake news peaks during elections and on the eve of international summits the country’s leadership will be attending. The ruling Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) and the main opposition Movement for Democratic Change Alliance (MDC-A), which re-branded to Citizens Coalition for Change (CCC), deploy fake news against each other. These two are the main contestants for power, and they dominate Parliament and Senate. ZANU-PF has the majority in the legislature whilst the opposition CCC dominates Urban Councils. They are permanently engaged in a battle for hegemony. Informed by the three dimensions of fake news as a genre, a label and dramaturgia, the paper interrogates how, when, where and why ZANU-PF and MDC-A deployed fake news in the post-Mugabe era. Data were gathered through archival research and virtual ethnography, and the findings show that both parties used the three dimensions of fake news in intra-party and inter-party struggles, and the battle to influence regional and global public opinion. Fake news was used to confuse the public and discredit the opponent.

Paradoxical Long-term Memory Augmentation following Temporal Pairing between "Limited" and "Extensive" Motor Sequence Training Experiences.

Consecutive training on two movement sequences often leads to retroactive interference-obstructing memory for the initially trained sequence but not for the second. However, in the context of hippocampal-system dependent memories, a poor learning experience, memory for which would soon decay, can be enhanced if temporally paired with a "strong," memory triggering experience. The synaptic tagging and capture hypothesis explains this paradoxical enhancement by suggesting that only strong experiences generate cellular resources necessary for synaptic remodeling. However, synapses engaged in a "weak" learning experience can capture and utilize plasticity-related resources generated for a subsequent strong learning experience. Here, we tested whether such "paradoxical" outcome would result in the context of motor (procedural) memory, if two movement sequences are unequally trained, consecutively. We show, in young adults (n = 100), that limited practice on a novel sequence of finger-to-thumb opposition movements led to different long-term outcomes, depending on whether and when (5 min, 5 hr) it was followed by extensive training on a different sequence. Five-minute pairing, only, resulted in overnight gains for the limited-trained sequence that were well-retained a week later; the overnight gains for the extensively trained sequence were compromised. Thus, consecutive training on different motor tasks can result in mnemonic interactions other than interference. We propose that the newly discovered mnemonic interaction provides the first-tier behavioral evidence in support of the possible applicability of notions stemming from the synaptic tagging and capture hypothesis in relation to human motor memory generation, specifically in relation to the practice-dependent consolidation of novel explicitly instructed movement sequences.

Megaprojects in austerity times: Populism, politicisation, and the breaking of the neoliberal consensus

Drawing on the literature on neoliberalism and populism this paper examines the potential of contentious politics that target iconic megaprojects for promoting societal politicisation and effectively challenge the neoliberal consensus over the necessity of sustained growth and competitiveness, in a context of enduring austerity. Using the case of Valencia as an entry point, it looks at how, just as decision makers and global architects alike had mobilised iconic megaprojects and events to generate consent for the city’s neoliberal urban policy, opposition movements, with less economic resources but in innovative ways, provided an alternative narrative to interpret the urban policy and its social consequences. Empirically, this paper draws upon 35 semi-structured research interviews and a press coverage analysis of national and regional newspapers. Interviews were conducted with urban environment professionals, members of business associations, members of political parties, elected politicians, journalists, community representatives and members of the social movements involved. From both theoretical and empirical perspectives, the case of Valencia raises important questions regarding the potential of populist strategies to foster politicisation and challenge the neoliberal post-political consensus.

Do Islamist Parties Reach More Women? Party Institutionalization and Constituency Service in Algeria

ABSTRACT Why do Islamist parties succeed electorally? Some scholars posit that Islamists’ success stems from their ability to institutionalize constituent relations and serve marginalized citizens. I test this hypothesis using an original survey of 782 Algerian citizens focusing on constituency service interactions with legislators. I argue and show empirically that Islamist parties’ more institutionalized constituency service practices allow them to reach citizens outside of their existing networks and those from groups that are marginalized from patronage networks with the state (e.g. women) to a greater extent than non-Islamist parties. By offering evidence of Islamists’ responsiveness to citizens from diverse backgrounds, this study suggests that authoritarian states’ reliance on clientelism leaves them vulnerable to challenges by opposition movements that can mobilize around religion and serve as intermediaries for citizens.

Sociodemographic Characteristics of the Iranian Revolutionary Community in Syria and Lebanon in the 1970s.

The article is devoted to the comprehensive sociodemographic analysis of the local community of Iranian Islamists acting in Syria and Lebanon in the decade preceding the Islamic revolution of 1978-79. Thus far, history of everyday life and the multitudinous activities of the Iranian Islamic opposition in Syria and Lebanon in the 1970s has never become the principal subject of a historic research and has barely received attention from Western specialists in the history of the Islamic Revolution and modern Middle Eastern history, as well as from Iranian historians, scholars and researchers working in the field of the modern history of Iran. However, for a more comprehensive understanding of the Islamic Revolution, revolutionary processes and their logical premises and outcomes, it is highly necessary to carefully consider the sociodemographic characteristics of the active representatives of the Iranian opposition movement in the pre-revolutionary period namely in the 1970s. Throughout the comparative historical analysis of the reliable memories of longtime supporters of the Iranian Islamic movement acting in Syria and Lebanon, the fundamental sociodemographic characteristics of the active members of Iranian revolutionary movement abroad (e.g. gender, age, birthplace and place of living, educational and religious background, social marital status, etc.) are thoroughly highlighted, properly described and analyzed and their sociodemographic portrait is carefully created. The received sociohistorical data may properly serve as a valuable source on the social history of the Iranian society in the pre-revolutionary period, as well as on the complex history of Iranian revolutionary movement and the modern history of the Middle East region.

Opposition Movement of the Little Finger Enhances the Grasping Function of Robotic Hands

Opposition Movement of the Little Finger Enhances the Grasping Function of Robotic Hands

MACOS 논쟁의 성격과 시사점

This paper examined the historical debates on MACOS (Man: A Course of Study), which was the social studies curriculum for 5th graders, used in the US around the year 1970. This article aimed to understand the nature of the debates and draw lessons for curriculum research. The birth of this curriculum was related to the Sputnik shock, leading Jerome Bruner to get involved in development projects. However, it was short-lived due to fierce conflicts with fundamentalists. This article discusses (a) what made MACOS into a debate and an opposition movement, (b) what kind of sociological meanings we can derive from it, and (c) what the implications of this historical debate are for curriculum developers. First, by examining related literature, this paper reviews the evolution of debates from grassroots resistance to nationwide struggles. It examines the characteristics of this debate in light of three aspects: the educational, political, and anthropological domains. As a result, this paper suggests (a) to be careful of overconfidence in the hypothesis of the so-called “little scientists,” (b) to possibly regard MACOS as a representative case for re-contextualization of curriculum, (c) that it is in line with today’s debates around multiculturalism, and (d) to reappraise this curriculum in today’s context as different from its social standing in the 1970s.

Analysis of SLAPP Actions by The State Through Hegemonic Philosophy: Study of Rejection Gold Mining in Banyuwangi

This study seeks to identify the background and form of SLAPP actions carried out by the government against communities opposed to mining activities in Tumpang Pitu Banyuwangi. The research uses a qualitative description approach with a type of literature study. The data is obtained by reviewing literature sources, including books, journals, and relevant research results. The collected data is then classified based on primary and secondary data. It was then analyzed using Antonio Gramsci's theory of philosophy of hegemony. The results of the study stated that background related to the movement of community opposition over mining activities in Tumpang Pitu, Pesanggaran, Banyuwangi due to the transition of IUP from PT IMN to PT BSI through the Regent of Banyuwangi as stated in Decree Number 188/574/KEP/429.011/2012 and SK. 826/Menhut-II/2013. The form of SLAPP action from the government is identified in the repressive actions of POLRI officers and the punishment of one member of an environmental activist who is normatively protected by Article 66 of the PPLH Law. To create a good relationship between the Company and the community as a preventive effort to prevent a conflict, the formation of public policy must be bottom-up.

The Abbasi's View Toward Reign 132-247 A.H./749-861 A.D. A Study for the Policy of the First Abbasid Era Caliphs in Stabilizing the State's Pillars and Legitimacy

This study deals with the religious aspects that the Caliphs of Bani Abbas worked to highlight to the public in an attempt to gain support to stand in the face of the opposition movements, especially the Alawites on the one hand, and in order to gain religious legitimacy for their caliphate in the hearts of the subjects on the other hand. The research dealt with the most prominent policies and methods they followed to achieve their political goals which they molded within a religious character.

Eritrea’s foreign festivals: clashes within the exile community

The Eritrean government relies upon its substantial exile community around the world for political support and an estimated one-third of its finances. This is particularly important for President Isaias Afwerki’s government, since it is vilified by the West for its human rights abuses and subjected to a range of international sanctions. Eritrean festivals abroad, organised by Eritrea’s sole legal party since 1974, have played an important role in mobilising the diaspora. Previously these events were uncontested, helping to provide the resources that the government required to fight its numerous regional wars. However, since 2014 critics of the Eritrean government have attempted to halt the festivals, leading to increasingly ferocious clashes in Europe, North America and Israel. In the past year a new pro-government Eritrean organisation has been formed to provide security at the festivals, while two new opposition movements have been organised. Next summer’s confrontations could be even more serious.

Historycy na łamach „Krytyki”

The article discusses the main threads of interest among historians publishing in the underground journal “Krytyka” during the years 1978–1989. It highlights the most important topics in contemporary history that, due to censorship reasons, either did not exist or were distorted in the official historiography of the People’s Republic of Poland (PRL). These topics included the history of the Polish armed anti-communist underground, the crimes of the security apparatus, the history of the Polish Socialist Party, Polish-Ukrainian, and Polish-Jewish relations, as well as key issues in post-war political history, such as the events of March 1968. The article devotes considerable attention to the authors of articles that aimed to restore memory and supplement knowledge about these issues. It also attempts to reflect on their involvement in the opposition movement in the context of their previous professional and political experiences.

„Elaboratul comisiei celor șapte“ din sesiunea Universității săsești din 1862 în contextul discuțiilor privind reașezarea constituțională a Transilvaniei

Under the new conditions introduced by the newly enacted Basic Laws (October Diploma and February Patent), the entire Habsburg Monarchy was faced with a redefinition of the position of the crown lands and their internal organization. These had to be carried out under the political tensions that led to the dissolution of the Diet in Pest and the non-convening of the Transylvanian Diet. In 1862, the Saxon National University was the only representative that was functional and also had Romanian members in its ranks. Among the most important documents that were created here was the draft of the Seventh Commission, which intended to implement equality of rights through the creation of national administrative areas. It was also a continuation of the „territorial question" discussions of 1850 and 1851, which has now led to intense disputes mainly with the Hungarian opposition movement, but also to disputes with the Romanian national movement; these were reflected in sometimes extremely critical newspaper articles. The position and the answer of the higher authorities could only be fathomed after intensive consultations. Finally, the transgression of the competences of the Nationsuniversität was determined, since only the provincial Diet could decide in this matter, and this was the way the higher authorities wanted to follow through the future Transylvanian assembly.