Opium Habit Research Articles

The Adelaide Brent Letters: Queer Care in Medical Correspondence

The Adelaide Brent Letters:Queer Care in Medical Correspondence Julia Dauer Nine years before the publication of Thomas DeQuincy's Confessions of an English Opium Eater (1821), a young woman named Adelaide Brent wrote a letter about her opium habit. The letter, dated 1 December and likely composed in Washington, DC, in 1812, was meant for Dr. Benjamin Rush, the most famous physician in the early United States. Brent's family and physicians had written to Rush detailing her opium use and questioning her sanity, so she sent her own letter to counteract their reports. This Feature introduces four letters from Rush's incoming correspondence, all of which concern Brent's health. During his long career as a physician in Philadelphia, Rush received letters from patients and physicians all over the East Coast. He participated in a robust network of epistolary medicine, which allowed physicians to share information while also inviting patients to actively participate in narrating their own experiences of illness (Knott 646, 674; Dauer 781–82). Brent was one of many people who wrote to Rush to ask for medical advice and to shape her own care. Although she sought Rush's assistance, Brent does not appear to have been interested in subordinating her own assessment of her behavior to his expert authority. She instead aimed to mobilize Rush's expertise in support of her self-assessment. In their content and context, Brent's letters offer us an opportunity to locate queer forms of refusal and care in medical correspondence. Brent powerfully revises discourses of independence and freedom to justify her opium use and her rejection of normative standards of behavior. The queer freedom she posits relies on her attachment to a female friend, whose letter of support legitimizes Brent's account and suggests a network of resistant homosocial care at work in early republican medicine. [End Page 132] The Brent letters are compelling because they record a conflict among Brent, her family, and her physicians. These letters offer a glimpse into the disputes around appropriate care and trustworthy observation that permeate medical practice in the United States in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Letter 1 describes Brent as a woman whose "ambitious notions of Independence" have fueled her life-threatening opium habit (138). The letter describes Brent as "perverse," details her opium and laudanum usage and other objectionable behavior, and muses about how best to control her in the future (137). On first reading, this letter comes across as a devastating account of addiction, linked to conflicts about inheritance (Brent took control of her father's estate at a young age after her mother's death), the appropriate role of women in their families (Brent's father and brothers continually wrangle with her behavior), and the impacts of education (Brent's liberal education and high ideals are deemed partially responsible for her mental distress and substance abuse). Already, a strain of queer desire runs through this narrative of addiction and refusal, as the writer of this letter links Brent's prolific opium use to her rejection of normative expectations about gender and attachment. As this writer puts it, Brent's behavior is "elevated by her high and ambitious notions of Independence," which guide her conduct "in defiance of the disapprobation of her friends & the censure of the World" (138). Convictions about the ideal of independence and the power of desire supersede moral judgment. Letters 2 and 3 shift this picture significantly, adding depth to the conflicts around self-determination, desire, and gender that are hinted at in Letter 1. Letter 2 is Brent's own letter to Rush, rebutting the narrative produced by her father, brother, and physicians. Brent outlines her experience of health, her use of opium, and her objection to the forms of evidence offered in the unsigned first letter. While Brent acknowledges her "distress" over the possibility of having committed an unforgivable sin, and her use of opium to assuage her "exquisite" suffering, she also maintains that she is a moral, socially fit, and rational person, fully in control of her opium usage and her behavior in the rest of her life (140, 141). Brent's letter is self-assured and insistent...

Popular Medicine in America 1800-1900.

Popular Medicine in America 1800-1900 Wendy Kline Popular Medicine in America, 1800–1900 http://www.amdigital.co.uk/m-products/product/popular-medicine-in-america-1800–1900/ Popular Medicine in America, 1800–1900 is a database produced by Adam Matthew, a SAGE company that has published primary sources from archives around the world. The database contains over five thousand documents from the medical collection at the Library Company of Philadelphia, with additional material (primarily posters) from the Philadelphia Museum of Art. The sources are fully text searchable and include trade cards, broadsides, printed books and pamphlets, advertisements, and ephemera (such as receipts and invoices). They provide a fascinating insight into a health care market that was largely unregulated and remarkably diverse. I have used this database in two different courses at Purdue since the University agreed to purchase it in the Fall of 2015, and I will continue to use it in future courses. It provides a great hook to get students actively engaged in (and curious about) the history of medicine. For example, the Scotch Oats Essence Company (located in New York City) claimed that its product, "Dr. Buckland's Scotch Oats Essence," was "nature's nerve and brain food." On the front of their trade card, a healthy young looking woman's visage, donned in a cap, peers out from among a field of oat stalks. On the back, the list of symptoms that the drug "Will Positively CURE" included sleeplessness, paralysis, an opium habit, drunkenness, hysteria, sciatica, and epilepsy. Who would be foolish enough to believe these claims? Among its advocates was feminist writer Charlotte Perkins Gilman, who had been diagnosed with nervous prostration. Both she and her first husband noted the drug's remarkable calming effects; no doubt this was a result of its narcotic ingredients: alcohol and morphine. Students predictably laugh at these sorts of advertisements, but the laughter then leads to questions. Who was marketing these materials, and who was purchasing them? How did health care consumers inform and educate themselves about the wide array of salacious offers, and how did they choose which ones to believe? What did this popular market mean, more generally, about the nature of understanding about bodies and health in the nineteenth century? Popular Medicine in America offers multiple, user-friendly options for students and scholars to explore answers to the above questions. Many of these appear, conveniently, under the "explore" tab. Introductory essays by each member of the editorial board (professor Charles Rosenberg, collector William Helfand, and librarian James Green) provide useful background information for those less familiar with nineteenth century medical history. A chronology page allows [End Page 432] the user to search for terms (e.g., "cholera") to see major events associated with the term, or simply learn about important events in any of eight different health categories (orthodox medicine, homeopathy, phrenology, hydrotherapy, etc.) Thematic areas such as "women's health" and "medical devices" are linked to relevant primary sources in the collection. A glossary contains keywords and phrases associated with the documents. Finally, a link to "popular searches" enables those in need of more guidance to click on one of dozens of keywords or choose one of over 135 medical conditions (everything from bunions to scurvy). For my classes, I had students explore the "popular searches" link and select one term that piqued their curiosity (using either the medical conditions" or "keywords" search). I asked them to study the documents associated with their search, and then choose five that they believed could be used to explain the history and significance of the term. "Imagine that you have entered a competition to produce a museum display on your topic that will feature these five items," I explained. "Yourjob is to convince the head of the museum that your five images—and your topic more generally—is worthy of display. What makes your topic significant, and what can the five chosen images tell the viewing public about its history? Remember that it's a competition, so it's your job to package this proposal effectively, with a solid introduction, an explanation of each document, and how it pertains to your topic." The resulting papers were fascinating...

Drug Dealing Doctors and Unstable Subjects: Opium, Medicine and Authority in the Cape Colony, 1907–1910

In 1907, disciplinary trials by the Cape Medical Council of 10 doctors charged with unprofessional conduct for allegedly prescribing opium for ‘non-medicinal purposes’ brought public attention to the uncertain legal and therapeutic status of opium, a substance that defied regulation across political, social and corporeal boundaries. These events represented a minor and derivative drama, the repercussion of narcotic lawmaking in the Transvaal colony, where imported opium was being cynically channelled for consumption by indentured gold miners transported from China. In the Cape, public health administrators treated the ‘spread of the [smoking] opium habit’ and local illicit drug trade as an index of the challenge to its racial and civic visions in the years leading up to national unification. Yet, even as it worked to purge ‘disgraceful’ doctors from its ranks, the medical fraternity manoeuvred the ambiguities surrounding smoking opium to assert its authority of knowledge and practice over the bodies and the subject status of their clientele. Policies for drug regulation would gain widespread purchase in the 1920s through the labours of the League of Nations' Dangerous Drug committees. The opium tribunals in the Cape Colony represent an early demonstration of tensions between medical and penal paradigms that were beginning to play out further afield, as chemical control began to be interpreted as a duty of modern civil governance.

How the opium habit is acquired.

How the opium habit is acquired.

Assessment of Perioperative Risk Factors; Medical Disorders, ASA Classifications, MRC Scale, Smoking and Opium Habit among Elderly Patients for Elective Surgery: Tehran-Iran

Background : Background: Elderly patients are more likely to require surgery and are at greater risk for surgical complications than young age group. The causal factors include decreasing physiologic reserve and increasing number of underlying health check problems . The aim of the current study is to evaluate preoperatively common medical disorders and habits as risk factors among elderly patients. Method: The protocol of study was finalized with an interview and was completed in several standard screening questionnaires. Results: A total of 155 subjects completed the criteria of study. Mean age was recorded 69.8±5.7 SD years (female: 52%, male: 48%). Frequency of smoking habit, opium using and alcohol drinking was 42 %( male; 53%), 15% (male; 85%) and 5%. Common disorders included respiratory (36%), cardiovascular (31%), diabetes mellitus (11%), renal (7%) and cerebrovascular (5%). Frequency of perioperative mortality risk of elderly patients occupied ASA classifications, including; classes=III 33% and IV =37%, respectively. The significant differences were seen between ASA classifications and MRC scale (χ<0.001). However, meaningful differences were found between gender and opium using (χ<0.001, odd ratio =7.6). Conclusion: Our finding indicated that mortality rate of perioperative risk was considerably based upon ASA physical status classification among elderly Iranians. It may be due to significant prevalence of respiratory and cardiovascular diseases, and also additionally present hazardous habits as smoking and opium using among aged patients. Surgical team should be awarded respect to social habits and frequency of disorders among the old-age population. Copyright©2012 Department of Forensic Medicine and Toxicology. Allrights reserved .

"Antiquity! thou wondrous charm": Lamb, Nostalgia and the Effable City

Lamb's self-deprecatory reflex has made him his own worst enemy. (1) His very appeal of humility risks the impression of inconsequence. The subtle irony to which the author is equally prone, by which Lamb achieves an obverse mode of self-promotion, can easily be missed. In 'Witches, and Other Night-Fears' (London Magazine, October 1821), Elia slyly affects to lament the of his dreams in comparison with the fantastic, poetic visions conjured by Coleridge and Lamb's fellow contributor to the London Magazine, Bryan Waller Procter, or Barry Cornwall: For the credit of my imagination, I am almost ashamed to say how tame and my dreams are grown. They are never romantic, seldom even rural. They are of architecture and buildings--cities abroad, which I have never seen and hardly have hope to see. I have traversed, for the seeming length of a natural day, Rome. Amsterdam, Paris, Lisbon--their churches, palaces, squares, market-places, shops, suburbs, ruins, with an inexpressible sense of delight--a map-like distinctness of trace and a daylight vividness of vision, that was all bin being awake. I have formerly travelled among the Westmoreland fells--my highest Alps, but they are objects too mighty for the grasp of my dreaming recognition; and I have again and again awoke with ineffectual struggles of the inner eye, to make out a shape, in any way whatever of Helvellyn. Methought I was in that country, but the mountains were gone. The poverty of my dreams mortifies me (387). Elia follows this with a comical anecdote about an anticlimactic dream of his own, which has served to convince him that his proper, apparently deferential place is in prosaic prose rather than poetry--the supposed medium of high, imaginative endeavour. Lamb here not only parodies the already famous conception of Kubla Khan as an archetypal moment of Romantic genius, but also satirises De Quincey's opium-eater. The first instalment of the opium-eater's Confessions appears in the same issue of the London Magazine as the Night-Fears essay, thus making the ultra-realistic, un-dreamlike dreams of cities that Elia describes all the more suggestive of parody. As an ostensible self-representation of inadequacy which functions to empower the relatively humble periodical essayist, therefore, Lamb advertises an alternative notion of the city to that of his peers. De Quincey uses Wordsworth's vision of an ethereal city in Book II of The Excursion to buttress his urban versioning, and his habit impels the opium-eater into a prototypical act of flanerie, restlessly roaming an enigmatical and labyrinthine London on Saturday nights, seeking a spiritual bond with the poor which the opium habit ensures can only ever be of a fleeting, transient nature. De Quincey's city is like the phantasmagorical and ineffable city of Wordsworth's Residence in in Book VII of the 1805 version of The Prelude, in which the admonitory figure of the blind beggar suggests to the poet the unknowableness of urban life, and the dehumanizing maelstrom of the fair represents blank confusion! and a type not false/Of what the mighty city is itself (11. 595-6: 292). Wordsworth's and De Quincey's are existentially troubling cities, where losing oneself (or indeed others, as with the opium-eater's failure to find again the prostitute Ann, who saves his life in Oxford Street) is a sublime rather than pleasurable experience. If Lamb's prose can familiarise foreign and exotic dues, then his home city, London, for all the connotations of power and sublimity, is still less likely to appear mysterious. And so it proves. Enfeebled with age and tending toward hypochondria, hence typically enclosed in domestic spaces rather than rambling the streets without, Elia nevertheless knows a consequently knowable London. The sociability of the Elia essays adds to this effect, populated as they are by amicable and familial, often recurring characters such as the South-Sea clerks, the old benchers, a laughing sweep, a know-it-all schoolmaster, Bridget and John Elia, G. …

Morphine, cocaine, and 19th century cancer care

Herbert Snow worked at the London Cancer Hospital (later known as the Royal Marsden Hopsital, London, UK) as a surgeon from 1877 to his retirement in 1906. Like a handful of his contemporaries, Snow was interested in the administration of strong opiates for the relief of pain and exhaustion in advanced cancer. An advocate of early surgical intervention for malignant disease, he also believed that cancer, in many circumstances, had a neurotic origin and sought to treat it by inducing an “opium habit” in his patients. By the 1890s, he was arguing that the conjunction of both morphine and cocaine could not only relieve the symptoms of advanced cancer but could indeed slow the progression of the underlying disease. His 1896 paper, published in the British Medical Journal and entitled “Opium and cocaine in the treatment of cancerous disease”, argued that the two drugs had the power of “inhibiting tissue metabolism” and “sustaining the bodily powers under excessive and protracted strain”. He presented several case histories in support of his argument, stating that the morphine was eff ective in relieving pain, whereas the cocaine had value in “sustaining vitality”. Snow might have been confused about some of the eff ects of his prescribing methods, but his importance from the modern perspective was in highlighting the place of opiates for symptom management in advanced cancer. By the 1920s, an elixir of morphine and cocaine was in use in several London hospitals and came to be known, in various guises, as “the Brompton Cocktail”. In the early 1950s, it began to appear in print, and Cicely Saunders, founder of the modern hospice movement, in her fi rst publication, referred to a remarkable formulation of the mixture, which included: nepenthe or liquor morphini hydrochloride, cocaine hydrochloride, tincture of cannabis, gin, syrup, and chloroform water. Over the next 20 years, in her subsequent writing and lecturing, Saunders did much to promote this and other variants of the Brompton Cocktail. In the USA, the psychiatrist and pioneer of end-of-life care, Elisabeth Kubler Ross also became one of its supporters and it was widely used in the burgeoning practice of hospice care on both sides of the Atlantic. For a while, there was tendency to endow the Brompton Cocktail with almost mystical properties and to regard it as the panacea for terminal cancer pain. But, quite suddenly, its credibility came into question. Two sets of research studies, both published in 1979, raised doubts about its effi cacy. Melzack and colleagues showed that pain relief equivalent to that produced by the mixture was obtained without the addition of cocaine and that there were no diff erences with respect to confusion, nausea, or drowsiness. Twycross noted that morphine was just as effi cacious when given in a solution by mouth, and that the withdrawal of cocaine had no eff ect on the patient’s alertness. Despite the new evidence base, Snow’s combination of morphine and cocaine did persist in use for some time, though it is has now largely passed into the annals of modern-day cancer pain relief.

Kicking the opium habit?: Afghanistan's drug economy and politics since the 1980s

Four misconceptions plague the efforts of the Afghan government and the international community to succeeding in weaning Afghanistan off its narcotics economy. The first myth is that the explosion of opium poppy cultivation in Afghanistan is a new phenomenon emerging from the fall of the Taliban. The second misconception is that if the Taliban regime had remained in power, given its religious fervour, it would have extirpated the illicit economy. The third misconception is that the warlords sponsoring the illicit economy gain only immense financial profits and weapons from the drug trade, a notion that critically ignores the significant political capital that they also reap from such involvement. The final myth and the most dangerous for efforts to cement progress in Afghanistan is that large-scale eradication of the opium crop is the quickest and most effective way to stabilize the country. Only massive economic investment in Afghanistan and wise patience not to demand immediate visible measures of ‘the success’ of counter-narcotics policies can produce a decrease in Afghanistan's illicit economy that it is truly durable and not politically destabilizing.

Coleridge's Choleras: Cholera Morbus, Asiatic Cholera, and Dysentery in Early Nineteenth-Century England

Samuel Taylor Coleridge suffered from a variety of bowel disorders throughout his life; though a large part of his ailment was caused by his famous opium habit, he continuously sought an organic origin, and on at least two separate occasions, in 1804 and 1831-32, he ascribed his disorders to attacks of "cholera." With Asiatic cholera apparently first reaching England in late 1831, there was considerable argument among both physicians and the general public as to whether it was a distinctly new disease, or merely a severer variation of traditional English cholera, known as "cholera morbus." Coleridge took a particular interest in these discussions. In this paper, we attempt to establish the exact nature of his attacks of illness, and point to the complexities of describing and framing new diseases and bowel disorders in the early nineteenth century.

Rehabilitating Coleridge: Poetry, Philosophy, Excess

In April of 1816, Samuel Taylor Coleridge placed himself voluntarily in the care of a doctor, the benevolent James Gillman. Coleridge had for years been desperate break his opium habit, trying various cures, but no avail. The time had come for stringent measures, and resolved to submit himself any regimen, however severe. With this in view, wrote Dr. Joseph Adams, who had been treating him, he wishes fix himself in the house of some medical gentleman, who will have the courage refuse him any laudanum, and under whose assistance, should be the worse for it, may be relieved. After an initial interview that left Gillman, like Coleridge's Wedding Guest, almost spell-bound, without the desire of release, the poet committed himself the doctor's care for a period of one month.2 He remained eighteen

Early Twentieth Century Responses to the Drug Problem

Although it is difficult to ascertain when Americans first began to en gage in the abuse of habit-forming drugs, the 1889 Annual Report of the Massachu setts Board of Health reported that narcotic addiction permeated all social classes. Furthermore, W.R. Cobbe's Dr. Judas, A Portrayal of the Opium Habit argued in 1895 that people who used opium and morphine were for the most part intelligent and respected citizens who purchased their narcotic supplies in local phar macies. Indeed, not only were ad dicts able to purchase opium legally, but many who had no intention of becoming addicted were encouraged to purchase various types of cures that had such high narcotic content that their users unknowingly joined the ranks of the addicted. The states were not oblivious to the problems presented by increased addiction. By 1897, three had passed laws regulating the use and sale of opium and/or cocaine. The federal govern ment, however, did not begin to address the growing addiction problem until after the Spanish-American War in 1898, when the United States acquired the Philippines where many inhabitants smoked opium. To reduce the addiction rate, in 1905 Con gress prohibited opium sales within the archipelago. By 1911-12, articles in various maga zines reflected the increase in drug use. Hampton s Magazine, for example, alerted its readers that soft drinks sold in local

ON THE ETYMOLOGIC DERIVATION OF SOME COMMONLY USED WORDS IN PEDIATRICS: INFANT, CRETIN, MECONIUM, AND ICTERUS

infant-from Latin infans; in (neg.) + fans speaking (fans is the participle). In Roman law infant means a child not old enough to talk... Cretin-Old French-chretien, a Christian. Perhaps used first as a perjorative term by the ancient Romans because to them the first Christians were stupid enough to "turn the other cheek" when attacked by mobs or by the lions in the Roman amphitheater. Meconium-from Greek mekonion meaning the poppy juice obtained from pressing the whole plant which gives a thick Juice of black, greenish-brown color. The intestinal content of the newborn infant has a similar consistency and appearance and so Galenadopted the term for the content of the bowels of newborn infants. (Meconism means the opium habit). lcterus-from Greek ikteros, a yellow bird, probably the golden thrush or a species of oriole. Pliny relates that if a person suffering from jaundice looks at a yellow bird, the bird will die and the patient recovers. Icterus was first used in pediatrics by Ludwig von Buhl (1816-1880) when he described icterus neonatorum.

The Opium Trade in Szechwan 1881 to 1911

This paper examines three aspects of the Opium trade in Szechwan from 1881, when for the first time there is evidence that China consumed as much native as foreign opium and that Szechwan was both the largest producer and consumer, until 1911, when the cultivation of the poppy was completely suppressed in the province as a result of the vigorous imperial campaign against the trade. It will consider first, the demand for opium who smoked it and why; second, the production of opium, how it fitted into and contributed toward the economy of the province; finally, the character of the suppression campaign of 1906–1911 as it affected Szechwan will be considered. The conclusions of the paper may be summarised as follows. (1) While the expansion of the opium habit in Szechwan, as in the rest of China, had no one cause, in Szechwan it has for its background a prospering society whose values and accepted goals had not kept pace with its economic expansion, a society which provided increasing wealth and leisure on the one hand, but only limited opportunities for socially approved spending on the other. (2) The rapid expansion of opium production in late nineteenth century Szechwan was part of the development of a market economy both within the province and in its relations with the rest of China. (3) The opium suppression campaign, because it undermined a developing economy, was much less popular in Western China than it was in the east, and contributed to the widespread unrest in those parts, which in turn led to the revolution of 1911.

THE OPIUM HABIT IN PERSIA

The Muslim WorldVolume 17, Issue 3 p. 261-265 THE OPIUM HABIT IN PERSIA G. Everard Dodson M. D, G. Everard Dodson M. D KermanSearch for more papers by this author G. Everard Dodson M. D, G. Everard Dodson M. D KermanSearch for more papers by this author First published: July 1927 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-1913.1927.tb00675.xAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat Volume17, Issue3July 1927Pages 261-265 RelatedInformation

Current Comment

<h3>A LAYMAN'S ADVICE ON ORGANIZATION METHODS</h3> Suggestions of value to our medical societies can often be obtained from civic organizations. In a recent issue of<i>Suburban Life</i>Mr. H. J. Howland entertainingly and instructively recites his experiences as president of the Civic Association of Montclair, N. J. "The point," Mr. Howland says, "is to begin with something definite and not too hard, something that needs not discussion but doing. If you have a civic association or improvement society [or, he might have added, a medical society] there is one thing you must avoid like the plague—the adopting of resolutions. The resolution habit is worse than drink, worse than the opium habit. In my brief and inglorious career I put many resolutions to vote, saw them adopted with enthusiasm, and then decorously interred in the archives until I shuddered at the thought that New Year's Day was coming. Do not pass

Bromide Treatment of the Opium Habit

Bromide Treatment of the Opium Habit

THE JAPANESE AND OPIUM.

The use of opium in China is apparently regarded by the Japanese authorities as one of the causes of the decadence of that empire. To such an extent does this feeling exist that it is said that out of a number of Japanese coolies employed in the China-Japanese War, a certain portion contracted the opium habit and for this were brought before the Japanese commander. Rather than allow them to return to Japan and introduce the habit there, it is reported that he had them lined up and shot. Considering the community of political interests in the Orient, and general friendly feeling between Japan and Great Britain, the pro-opium tendencies of the British government are perhaps worth considering as bringing in a discordant element that may give trouble in the future.

ENGLAND AND THE OPIUM TRADE.

The<i>British Medical Journal</i>, noticing a publication recently issued on the effects of opium as observed amongst the Chinese, criticises the opinion therein stated that the British Government is morally responsible for the opium habit in China, and that the trade is at once degrading and reprehensible. It says: "This may be all true, but it is not in accordance with the evidence laid before the recent inquiry on the opium habit conducted by a specially appointed Royal Commission." If it had said a part of the evidence, it would been more correct, for anyone who has read through the mass of published testimony must have been impressed with the fact that the official doctors and other officials and the government land farmers gave the testimony on which the findings of the commission were based, while the non-official doctors, native editors and missionaries, with a very few exceptions, testified to

OPIUM HABIT IN CHILDREN.

Among the most decidedly bizarre statements of the report of the British Opium Commission are those anent the harmlessness of the opium habit to Hindoo children. The evidence of the report as a whole would appear to a student of the law of evidence closely akin in nature to that whereby quackish procedures are "proven" to the satisfaction of promoters of patent medicine stock companies. The inveterate opium habitué is notoriously always under an opium dream as to the harmlessness or even benefit of his habit. Propaganda for spread of opium using is often a cult with habitués. From just such persons much of the testimony in favor of opium has clearly come. The evil effects of opium on children have been publicly recognized for nearly a century.Crabbe, in that series of sociologic and medical pictures, "The Borough," sang: " Then the good nurse (who, had she borne a brain,

Doctor Judas; a Portrayal of the Opium Habit.

Doctor Judas; a Portrayal of the Opium Habit.