Open Conflict Research Articles

European experience in counteracting disinformation influences

Information-psychological influences, attacks, and operations do not have a physical manifestation but generate destabilizing internal and external processes within a state. These processes cause aggression, anxiety, and dissatisfaction among the population, potentially leading to open physical conflict. The use of the Internet enables extremist organizations to access mass media, spreading propaganda, informing about their goals, tasks, measures, and forms of support. The authors emphasize the significant impact of modern information and communication technologies on increasing threats to political stability and the security of any state. The aim of this paper is to highlight foreign experiences regarding organizational and legal measures that prevent the spread of disinformation, aimed at inciting hostility and hatred within a state. The study draws on experiences from large-scale protest actions, organized and coordinated through social networks on the Internet. The authors note that blogs, social networks, electronic maps, and video hosting sites are currently used without restrictions for political destabilization. Social networks enable immediate support from like-minded individuals and the publication of extremist materials, which contribute to the escalation of socio-political, ethnic, and interfaith conflicts. The main research methods are comparative analysis, statistical method, historical method, structural-functional method of cognition. Having studied the periods of formation of the system for countering the spread of disinformation in the EU, the authors concluded that the work on countering the spread of disinformation is conducted comprehensively and systematically and is constantly being improved in accordance with the challenges. In the EU countries, not only the practice of combating disinformation has been developed, but also an array of normative legal acts has been adopted to prevent the spread of disinformation. The European experience demonstrates the importance of a balance between freedom of speech and security measures in the information space. Such a comprehensive and conceptual approach should be the basis for creating a system for countering the spread of disinformation in Ukraine.

Attitudes and beliefs of nurses who choose to not vaccinate for COVID 19 in West Virginia: A qualitative study

PurposeThe purpose of this study was to describe beliefs and attitudes that underpin vaccine confidence and hesitancy in nurses who chose not to vaccinate for COVID-19. The research question that guided this work was: What are the beliefs and attitudes of nurses who chose to not vaccinate for COVID-19? MethodsThis study followed a focus group methodology to collect qualitative data from focused discussions to gather insights into the beliefs and attitudes of participants. Two focus groups consisting of 3 to 5 participants were conducted virtually. ResultsUsing open coding, six themes were generated. Based on descriptors provided by participants, two themes were focused on beliefs, and four were related to attitudes about the vaccine. Findings suggest that participants' beliefs and attitudes were strengthened during this time in the pandemic. This event further divided nurses included in this study from their peers who chose to vaccinate and their employers who mandated inoculation. ConclusionsUnderstanding the perceptions of this sample has given insight into the thoughts and feelings of nurses who chose not to vaccinate against COVID-19. This is a perspective that is often absent from scientific literature. Knowledge gained from this study may assist in supporting strategies such as open communication, conflict resolution, and collaboration in an effort to mitigate the divide within the nursing workforce, which may ultimately contribute to nursing retention in clinical settings.

Эволюция репрессивной политики большевиков в 1920–1924 гг. на примере Кубано–Черноморской области

The change of power in October 1917 in Russia led to an increase in confrontation in society, ex-pressed both in an open military conflict - the Civil War, and in the growth of political radicalism. Any government in relation to its opponents - in this case, counter-revolutionaries, conspirators, rebels - reserves the right to use legal violence, which reflects one of the main functions of the state. The problem of red terror, like white terror, in turn, is at the intersection of the concepts of law and lawlessness, since they were carried out by the state in the form of lynchings and repris-als, which included innocent citizens. The V All-Russian Congress of Soviets ensured the legaliza-tion of the legal policy of the Bolsheviks. The regime of power established in October 1917 passed into the status of legitimate, and the formed state bodies received the right to legally implement all functions available to the state, including receiving a monopoly on violence. The problems of the transition period from war communism to NEP, accompanied by extra-legal methods, mani-fested themselves most clearly in the Cossack south of Soviet Russia, which differed in class, na-tional composition and special land use conditions.

Hidden nationalism: the nature and configuration of Spanish nationalism

ABSTRACT Spanish nationalism has been a controversial issue among scholars, to the extent that even its existence has been questioned. In this study, the characteristics of Spanish nationalist feeling are analyzed. We use content analysis of newspapers during the ‘Catalan challenge,’ a period of open conflict between the Catalan pro-independence political forces and the Spanish State. During the ‘Catalan challenge’, the characteristics of Spanish nationalism became more visible, making this period an opportunity to carrying out this analysis. The results point to a nationalism with unique characteristics, that we have called Hidden Nationalism. These findings could have key implications for the analysis of political attitudes in Spain.

STUDY OF INTERPERSONAL CONFLICT RESOLUTION WITHIN PSYCHOLOGICAL ATTITUDE THEORY

Ways of solving interpersonal conflicts within the framework of the theory of psychological relations were analyzed in the article. The level of tensions in the relationships of the couples who participated in the experiment was determined by the subjects' own assessments. The test subjects had the opportunity to determine the results independently after the psychotherapeutic effects carried out in a period of 2 months. The nature of interpersonal conflicts was grouped according to the degree of visibility, duration, content of interaction in the course of the research. It became known that the degree of resolution of bilateral tensions is related to the length of the "hidden period" in the process of conflicts. It was found that conflicts, which flare up quickly and escalate quickly which are recognized by the respondents as highly controversial whom are easily amenable to psychotherapy. On the other hand, it was concluded that the conflicts, which do not have the appearance of an open conflict are assessed as not having too high a degree of escalation, require intensive intervention. It was conducted by M.Kh.Dulaty Taraz Regional University. The intermediate results of the experiments were reported and discussed at the seminar of Zhambyl region psychologists on the theme «The role of psychological activity in the development of the Mediation Institute».

From disagreement to rupture: the Soviet-Albanian conflict of 1960-1961

The Soviet-Albanian conflict epitomized centrifugal tendencies within the global socialist system. This article draws on a diverse array of sources, including previously unpublished materials, such as documents from the State Archive of the Russian Federation and the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation, as well as memoirs of key leaders (N. Khrushchev, E. Hoxha, R. Alia), and various official records. Notably, the TASS bureau in Tirana provided invaluable insights, collaborating with diplomats and journalists from other socialist nations to produce analytical reports, some of which were directed to the upper echelons of the CPSU. The article explores the evolution of discord between Moscow and Tirana, its culmination in open conflict, and the subsequent severance of party and state relations. Key findings include: 1) The conflict's primary catalysts were the divergent socialist models adopted by the USSR and Albania, coupled with the disparity in interests between the superpower and the bloc's smallest member; 2) The PLA's reluctance to conform to Soviet-style reforms was construed in Moscow as a challenge to the CPSU's hegemony within the global communist movement, while the PLA leadership viewed them as encroachments on its authority; 3) Disagreements pervaded all spheres, with ideology assuming heightened significance compared to conflicts with Yugoslavia; 4) External influences on the conflict's trajectory were marginal, with developments driven by internal dynamics, including Tirana's increasing alienation from the CPSU and the catalytic effect of deteriorating Soviet-Chinese relations; Western powers monitored events closely but refrained from direct intervention; 5) While objective factors underpinned the Soviet-Albanian discord, subjective elements were of secondary importance, yet pivotal in precipitating the conflict's acrimonious turn.

Philosophical analysis of ethnicity in modern African politics, leadership and governance

Philosophical analysis of ethnicity in modern African politics leadership and governance argues that the millionist touted idea that nationalism and ethnicity would dissipate as globalization and of course universalization of political ideas on governance unfolded have been disproved as both nationalism and ethnicity have on the contrary resurged and proliferated. This points out that although there are several conceptualizations of ethnicity; the one being singled out for closer study and analysis is instrumental ethnicity, the kind strategically fermented by the political elites who at times double as military leaders, ostensibly for ethnic benefit but more often than not, for the exclusive benefits of the political or military elites themselves. The nuanced dialectic at play with instrumental ethnicity is that, superficially it looks like everybody in the ethnic grouping will benefit; indeed, for some time they may as ethnic members feel it is their son/daughter in charge, a kind of psychological satisfaction, which may be accompanied by some rudimentary economic benefits. Closer study of the dynamics of sharing locally generated resources and revenue, however, shows that lack of transparency and equity in the apportionment of those resources ends up fanning civil/tribal unrest and may flair out into open conflicts.

Soviet Memories as Part of Regional Repertoires of Usable Past in Contemporary Russia

This article reveals how the official patterns of commemorating the Soviet historical past in Russia match its local projections. Based on interviews with experts from 27 regions and some other field materials, the article maps the diversity of commemorative agendas across Russia. Focusing on the violent aspects of Soviet history, it outlines current configurations of the usable past important for local identity and notably used by regional authorities and other mnemonic actors over time. These repertoires of the usable past depend on the cultural infrastructure that was formed over time, but also on the efforts of mnemonic actors, who promote specific memories. This article argues that although regional approaches to commemorating the historical past are evidently dominated by the official federal narrative, local visions of common history are far from being uniform. The aspects that are downplayed or silenced at the federal level might be indispensable to regional and local identities. Expert interviews suggest that collisions between the narratives circulating at different levels typically do not escalate to open conflicts. The commemorative projects supported by regional authorities tend to conform to the federal-level framing, which is flexible enough to tolerate some local peculiarities. However, in many regions there are also non-state mnemonic actors who promote a commemorative agenda that deviates from the official state discourse. While being short of resources for developing memory hardware, they affect public discussions raising awareness about the downplayed aspects of the local past.

Mathematical Models of Migration Balance and Migration Attitudes in Armenia

The purpose of the study is to provide a quantitative explanation of the migration balance and migration attitudes in Armenian society. A linear regression model has been constructed to explain the dependence of the migration balance on variables at the macro level, including annual GDP growth, the internal and external political state of Armenia. Data from the Armenian Statistical Service on statistics of border movements and annual GDP growth were used. The foreign policy state is represented by a variable taking the values “Truce”, “War”, and “Intense War”. The internal political state is represented by a variable taking the values “Open conflict”, “Latent conflict”, “Balanced”, “Positive expectations”, and “High expectations”. Based on the model, an estimate of the migration balance for 2023 was calculated. According to a sociological survey conducted in November 2022 using the structural modeling method (Structural Equation Modeling), two models were built that explain migration attitudes in society through the socio-economic characteristics of the respondent and characteristics of his political culture, including: the presence of a labor migrant in the family, the age of the respondent, approval of the 2018 revolution in Armenia, the realization of expectations from the revolution, a sense of political competence, political subjectivity and patriotism. The results of the study can be used to forecast the migration balance and migration attitudes in the society, as well as strategic planning and management of migration processes in Armenia.

ПСИХОЛОГИЯЛЫҚ ҚАТЫНАС ТЕОРИЯСЫ АЯСЫНДА ТҰЛҒААРАЛЫҚ ҚАҚТЫҒЫСТАРДЫ ШЕШУДІ ЗЕРТТЕУ

Ways of solving interpersonal conflicts within the framework of the theory of psychological relations were analyzed in the article. The level of tensions in the relationships of the couples who participated in the experiment was determined by the subjects' own assessments. The test subjects had the opportunity to determine the results independently after the psychotherapeutic effects carried out in a period of 2 months. The nature of interpersonal conflicts was grouped according to the degree of visibility, duration, content of interaction in the course of the research. It became known that the degree of resolution of bilateral tensions is related to the length of the "hidden period" in the process of conflicts. It was found that conflicts, which flare up quickly and escalate quickly which are recognized by the respondents as highly controversial whom are easily amenable to psychotherapy. On the other hand, it was concluded that the conflicts, which do not have the appearance of an open conflict are assessed as not having too high a degree of escalation, require intensive intervention. Research It was conducted by M.Kh. Dulaty Taraz Regional University. The intermediate results of the experiments were reported and discussed at the seminar of Zhambyl region psychologists on the theme «The role of psychological activity in the development of the Mediation Institute».

SENSITIVE JOURNALISM AS A CONFLICT SETTLEMENT TECHNOLOGY

The article is devoted to the possibilities of sensitive journalism in preventing or ending conflicts. Existing proposals based on international experience regarding the use of sensitive journalism as a way to prevent and end conflicts are considered: the need to investigate structural and cultural violence against certain groups; identify all groups that are participants in the conflict; outline the real interests of these groups; to become a dialogue platform for conflicting parties. Conflict is defined by specialists in sensitive journalism as a situation when two or more people, groups of people, have or think they have incompatible goals and undermine the possibility of achieving each other’s goals. When creating journalistic material taking into account the methods of sensitivity, it is first necessary to determine the stage of the conflict (superficial, latent, open), as it affects the further focus of the illumination. Experts advise giving voice by telling personal stories to all potentially conflicted groups. If the conflict has entered the latent stage, it is necessary to reveal the needs of the conflicting groups. Open conflict is an open, often violent, deeply expressed, deep-seated frustration with an unmet need or goal. As the conflict escalates, the collective identity of each side is formed as the opposite of the enemy’s personality. From the point of view of sensitive journalism, it is necessary to study in detail all the nuances of such mutual identification. Further, when journalists “allow their media to become a place for dialogue,” they thereby facilitate mutual understanding between the parties. Further, the article outlines the possibilities of using the technology of sensitive journalism in the modern Ukrainian context. This has gained relevance in connection with Guided by the OSCE proposals, the Ukrainian media space tried to respond to requests of conflict sensitivity. In particular, central and regional online media and television content were monitored. Research results: central and regional online media in 2015 provided 5% of information about social groups related to the conflict. Most of the materials were devoted to fighters; less than 1% to volunteers and immigrants; materials dedicated to the residents of the occupied territories are completely absent. The results of the television content research show similar trends. The analysis of the target groups that were studied in the course of monitoring makes it possible to understand that these are groups that appeared already during the open armed conflict. Thus, unfortunately, we cannot talk about the awareness of the need to investigate and understand the situation of cultural and structural violence that preceded the conflict, to take into account the interests of all interested groups and to have a deep understanding of the context. Separately, such a basic thing for conflict-sensitive journalism as a sensitive interview should be mentioned. Ukrainian journalists and specialists in the field of communication began to pay attention to him mainly during the large-scale invasion of 2022. Although the basic principles of a sensitive interview are somewhat clear, it is a pity that there is no clear line between the interview as a genre and as a method of gathering information. Clearly establishing this boundary, understanding the sensitive interview exclusively as a method of gathering information, in our opinion, would help to better understand the possibilities of this type of interview.

Women in the Contemporary Polish Streetscape. Memory Wars

As diversity, equity and inclusion policies gain momentum in the Global North, the strikingly low visibility of women in Polish public space is being addressed not only via bottom-to-top activism but also through initiatives by local governments. This, in turn, results in controversies over the very need for gender equality in urban naming, as well as over the commemoration-worthiness of particular personages. The present paper aims to assess the changes that have taken place in Poland since the beginning of 2018, when an analysis of the 12 biggest cities revealed a persistent under-representation of women as namesakes in street naming. We offer a quantitative analysis and then focus on four selected case studies, each exemplifying one type of situation: open conflict, covert tactics, and two combinations of surface vs core values relationship.

Peripheral (Non)Polishnesses. Museums, Creeping Conflicts, and Transformative Frictions

Whilst Poland appears today as a paradigmatic example of a homogeneous, exclusive national and cultural identity, reinforced by the hegemonic historical policy of a semi-authoritarian state, it is also challenged by Polish minority histories (civilian, multi-ethnic, non-Catholic, women). The main concern of the present article is the plural ‘Polishness’ that emerges from the constellation of these non-default histories. To examine the frictions of historical narratives in action, authors use spaces of historical museums as a field of observation, perceiving them as memory agents fostering not only confrontational but also negotiative memory politics. To identify situations in which tensions between the ‘central’ Polishness and its unorthodox variants are particularly evident, the paper takes a look at ‘non-central’ Polish territories i.e. ‘post-German’ areas, characterized by a complex heterogeneous past in which Germanness and Polishness, but also ‘Silesianness’ or ‘Borderlandness’ mutually clash and dialogue. Analysis of selected exhibitions’ construction reveals peculiarities of different local contexts in transitional spaces and strategies of resolving creeping conflicts between ‘the Polishness’ and plural, peripheral ‘Polishnesses’. As authors argue, these case studies – instead of a static model of open memory conflict and binaries – offer dynamic models of memory, and allow to introduce the concept of memory frictions.

Ислам и война: Telegram-канал Р. Кадырова в период СВО

The relevance of the study is determined by the influence of the special military operation (SMO) on the transformation of political discourse on the Internet. The novelty of the research is due to the identi-fication of current trends in the proposed content in the modern Russian media space. The start of a special military operation (SMO/SVO) determined a new model of the political development of the Russian Federation, and also significantly influenced the political discourse of the heads of Russian regions. The political discourse, in turn, forms social and political views at the grassroots level. This paper examines the religious and political discourse of the Head of the Chechen Republic Ramzan Kadyrov in the Telegram messenger during the first year of the SMO. The study is focused on identify-ing the specifics of the formation of religious and political content in social networks in wartime. The work is based on the methods of classical and digital sociology, as well as discursive analysis of text messages. 2035 publications by R. Kadyrov on the Telegram page from February 24, 2022 to February 23, 2023, including 1406 videos, 165 photos/print-screens, 20 audio messages and 3 docs-attachments were analyzed using a continuous sample. Finally, conclusions are drawn in relation to some change in Kadyrov’s public discourse for the past year. On his personal page in Telegram, religious themes with an emphasis on traditional values, the image of the enemy and the legitimation of armed struggle (ji-had) acquire an exceptional sound in the conditions of the SMO. In today's political realities, a reli-gious resource and an open armed conflict successfully complement each other. At the same time, the head of the Chechen Republic demonstrates a claim to religious authority both on a Russian and global scale: he openly opposes Western ideology not only on the battlefield, but also in the religious content, actively participates in the sacralization of the SMO and its jihadization. The obtained conclusions ex-pand the knowledge about the potential of a religious resource in open conflicts and raise the question of the prospects for its use by other religious communities.

Model Pendekatan Kepentingan Sebagai Resolusi Konflik Sunni Syiah di Kota Bangil Pada Tahun 2011

This study is intended to describe the pattern of resolving sectarian conflicts of Sunni and Shia groups in Bangil. One of these knowledge is the spread of Shia teachings throughout the world, including Indonesia. In Indonesia, 2012 saw for the first time open conflict between Sunni Shia in Sampang, Madura that left two people dead, and five others seriously injured. Interestingly, one year earlier there was also a Sunni Shia conflict in Bangil in 2011 which caused six minor injuries and one serious injury and other material losses. However, the conflict in Bangil was quickly suppressed by the authorities with the support of local communities so as not to cause a bigger conflict. The de-escalation of the conflict is believed to be the result of meeting the interests of the parties concerned in order to maintain security in Bangil. Therefore, in this study, the author has an interest in analyzing in more detail what kind of interest approach model so that the Sunni and Shia conflict in Bangil Pasuruan City can be suppressed so as not to cause wider horizontal conflicts as happened in the Sunni Shia conflict in Sampang in 2011.

Chrześcijańskie Stowarzyszenie Społeczne w rzeczywistości politycznej PRL w latach 1957–1974

The Christian Social Association in the political reality of the Polish People’s Republic in 1957–1974 Formed in October 1957, the Christian Social Association was founded on the basis of a breakaway group in the ‘PAX’ Association, referred to as ‘secession’. In late September and early October 1957, its leader, Jan Frankowski, removed from the editorial board of the group’s weekly Za i Przeciw leading ‘secession’ activists, who styled themselves ‘non- affiliated democratic left’. He established a small Catholic organisation which had a loyalist programme, and which was intended not to cause trouble for the authorities, gaining some political and economic concessions in return. However, Frankowski did not want to come into open conflict with the Church, a stance that irritated the communists, who wanted to strengthen the association in order to use it to fight the Episcopate and other Catholic groups. In the 1960s an opposition to Frankowski emerged within the organisation’s leadership, seeking to activate the association. In 1968, the president of the association lost Zenon Kliszka’s patronage, which, in the atmosphere of the March political purge, facilitated his dismissal. Zygmunt Filipowicz, an MP, became the new head of the organisation, but he drew his support from several activists who were in conflict with each other. The course of events within the association and the struggle between volatile coalitions resulted in 1972 in a clash between the general secretary, Kazimierz Morawski, and Stanislaw Jan Rostworowski, MP, both seeking to become the organisation’s president. Both were Ministry of Internal Affairs agents and their conflict led to chaos throughout the organisation. In the end, with the support of the communists, Morawski became the president, while Rostworowski was marginalised. The Christian Social Association was unable to win political independence or genuinely increase its importance within the country’s political system, and Rostworowski’s attempts to change this state of affairs had a significant impact on his defeat.

Tracking unaccounted greenhouse gas emissions due to the war in Ukraine since 2022

Accounting and reporting of greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions are mandatory for Parties under the Paris Agreement. Emissions reporting is important for understanding the global carbon cycle and for addressing global climate change. However, in a period of open conflict or war, military emissions increase significantly and the accounting system is not currently designed to account adequately for this source. In this paper we analyze how, during the first 18 months of the 2022/2023 full-scale war in Ukraine, GHG national inventory reporting to the UNFCCC was affected. We estimated the decrease of emissions due to a reduction in traditional human activities. We identified major, war-related, emission processes from the territory of Ukraine not covered by current GHG inventory guidelines and that are not likely to be included in national inventory reports. If these emissions are included, they will likely be incorporated in a way that is not transparent with potentially high uncertainty. We analyze publicly available data and use expert judgment to estimate such emissions from (1) the use of bombs, missiles, barrel artillery, and mines; (2) the consumption of oil products for military operations; (3) fires at petroleum storage depots and refineries; (4) fires in buildings and infrastructure facilities; (5) fires on forest and agricultural lands; and (6) the decomposition of war-related garbage/waste. Our estimate of these war-related emissions of carbon dioxide, methane, and nitrous oxide for the first 18 months of the war in Ukraine is 77 MtCO2-eq. with a relative uncertainty of +/−22 % (95 % confidence interval).

The Battle of Interests between The Central Government and Local Governments: The Case of Drafting the Archipelagic Regions Law in Indonesia (2005-2014)

This paper discusses about conflict of interest between Central Government and local governments in the case of drafting the Archipelagic Regions Law in Indonesia (2005-2014). This study uses a qualitative approach using power interplay theory by Lowi (2009). The demands of archipelago region began in 2005 by requesting policy affirmation to The Central Government. The culmination of the archipelago region demands was the submission of the Draft Law on the Acceleration of Islands Regional Development to the House of Representatives in 2012-2013. Based on the research findings, there are several interests of the archipelagic regions in the submission of the Draft Law (RUU), as follows: the need for special regulations and the determination of budget allocations according to the characteristics of the archipelagic region. The Central Government’s rejection of the Draft Law (RUU) was based on the consideration that the substance of the demands of the archipelagic regions has been contained in various other laws, the phrase ‘archipelago’ is unidentify, recognised and regulated by international law of the sea and the 1945 Constitution. The conflict between the regional government of the eight islands and the central government occurred behind closed through government administration mechanisms and open conflicts through arguments in the mass media. Based on the findings of this research, the assumptions of power interplay theory are confirmed in the distributive policies model. In this model, the policy- making process tends to involve peaceful and collaborative negotiations. This is evident because there is no significant conflict between The Central Government and the islands in Indonesia. The impact of the rejection of Draft Law (RUU) on eight island regions is the inequality of development and the small development budget and many achievements of macro development indicators that are still below national achievements.

Examining the challenges of the Russian sharing economy: the institutional and evolutionary approach

This study examines the key features of Russian sharing economy business specialized in food delivery using the institutional and evolutionary approach. Existing business models used by Russian food delivery companies are characterized by a high level of information asymmetry in the employee-employer relationship. This has led to a great deal of tension and resulted in the open conflict between food delivery companies and couriers. This study is a qualitative research initiative based on a series of semi-structured in-depth interviews with the employees of delivery companies. The results obtained enabled us to distinguish between two groups of couriers. While most “part-time” couriers, who work no longer than 4 hours per shift, are satisfied with their labor conditions, there is a widespread opinion among “full-time” delivery workers that they are underpaid and overloaded. Popular institutionalized form of employment that Russian food delivery companies offer for couriers is self-employment. This form of employment has low social guarantees however minimize employers’ expenses on personnel and social contributions. Even though digital platforms position themselves as reliable partners providing employees with the opportunities for flexible working hours and decent pay, in reality couriers become a very vulnerable and precariatized social group without proper social guarantees and future prospects.

Jane Austen’s Implicit Feminist Literary Narrative: Breaking the Norms

This paper was conducted to apprise and depict Jane Austen’s feminist thought, highlighting the depiction of women in the contemporary Regency era and her fiction. For the study, first-hand data was acquired from the corpus of Austen’s literary narrative in the shape of dialogues and conversations among characters. For data analysis, the textual analysis tool was used. Data was analyzed under the feminist critical theory. The findings of the study show that Austen’s novels like Emma, Pride and Prejudice, and Sense and Sensibility demonstrate female characters facing multiple moral and social restrictions. Being in an open conflict with the prevalent cultural and social attitude, they struggled for autonomy and feminine identity in society. In the course of this fight with the social structures, they underwent grave tests and situations, perfecting them morally and socially. Austen’s novels echo the idea of women being the foundational feminist element of her literary narrative. She has drawn heroines who were intelligent, strong, and autonomous. All these were the features of feminist ideal women. Besides, the findings also reveal the fact that feminine consciousness is reflected in Austen's earlier novels. Through her narrative, she struggled to change the attitude of contemporary society towards the institution of marriage, female inheritance, women’s education, etc., which are prime social problems.