Official Negotiations Research Articles

A.A. Gromyko and Security Policy: Helsinki compromise (to the 115th anniversary of A.A. Gromyko)

The article continues the study of the role of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR A.A. Gromyko in the formation, development and maintenance of security policy, its principles and structural elements. The subject of the article is the research of the preparation, content and prospects of the development of the Helsinki Compromise. On August 1, 1975, this compromise was enshrined in the final act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe. The article consists of four sections. The first section is dedicated to the problem of the connections between the Western interpretation of progress and the possible influence on the Western world. This problem will be scientifically examined in further articles. In the second section, the author proves that the main task of A.A. Gromyko in 1975 was to agree on the compromise as quickly as possible and then to begin with the main directions of cooperation between states. In the third section, the author analyzes the content of the compromise. In addition, the most important peculiarity (no existence of a common and specific project for all countries) is highlighted. In the fourth section, the author characterizes A.A. Gromyko's ideas about the prospects of the development of the Helsinki compromise. What is new is the interpretation of the CSCE decisions in 1975, the interpretation of the meaning and contradictions in the Gromyko system. The sources of the article are published documents of the Foreign Office of the Federal Republic of Germany, the use of which can be explained methodologically. It was important for the author to conduct the analysis on the basis of the foreign partners' assessment of the statements made by the Soviet Foreign Minister during official negotiations (outer reflection). The author's reasoning should be understood in the context of his earlier article in the journal.

Disruptive data: How access and benefit-sharing discourses structured ideas and decisions during the Convention on Biological Diversity negotiations over digital sequence information from 2016 to 2022

In 2016, negotiations of the Convention on Biological Diversity on access and benefit-sharing policies were shaken up by the emergence of digital sequence information (DSI) as policy issue. Open access to DSI on genetic resources in genetic databases is standard practice in data-driven biological research, but such access was argued to bypass access and benefit-sharing policies of the Convention. As Parties and observers had to take a position on governing DSI, this research investigated the influence of discourses on the negotiations through argumentative discourse analysis. Actors in international environmental negotiations mobilize ‘background’ discourses – both consciously and unconsciously – to define and ‘foreground’ issues, which in turn shape negotiation and decision-making processes. The analysis shows that existing discourses on access and benefit-sharing and biodiversity structured actors’ statements aimed at defining DSI, thus applying and redefining access and benefit-sharing principles in the context of DSI. Actors with similar and slightly varying interests formed discourse-coalitions on the basis of shared storylines. Developing countries formed a separate discourse-coalition to push for DSI regulation wherein ideas about sustainable development and environmental justice were integrated, and to a lesser extent about biopiracy (the notion that open access to DSI enables the misappropriation of genetic resources and associated traditional knowledge). In response, developed countries adopted narratives put forward by industry and research, advocating that open access to DSI is essential for science, biodiversity conservation and sustainable development. A third coalition, consisting of Indigenous peoples and local communities and civil society, also mobilized environmental justice and biopiracy discourses, but more prominently a unique holistic discourse on nature. Finally, holistic and biopiracy discourses were marginalized in official negotiation documents, while scientific and sustainable development discourses were adopted in official negotiation documents. The research provides a novel understanding of the DSI-negotiations as discursive politics, and highlights how different positionalities in discourses structure and are structured by statements in this political arena.

What really happened at COP-28 in Dubai: A personal view

This article describes the most meaningful developments at the 28th Conference of the Parties (COP-28) of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), which took place in Dubai, United Arab Emirates, November 30 – December 13, 2023. This is done, in part, by reflecting on the history of these annual meetings, drawing on the author's experience of participating annually over a period of sixteen years. This history reveals the evolution over time that has taken place in the relative importance in the annual meetings of the official negotiations compared with the simultaneous participation of civil society. The press coverage of COP-28 is examined, along with the important role played by two countries – China and the United States, the dramatic increase in attention given to methane, and two disappointments, one associated with funding for adaptation, and the other connected with provisions for carbon markets.

Climate, nuclear weapons control and cyber threats: three problems or one?

The article analyzes a set of problems related to the mutual influence of three global challenges ofour time, which will determine the configuration of modern society in the medium and long term: climate change, nuclear arms control and cyber threats. The study reveals the role of each of the components and the prospects for their transformation for Russia, the United States and European states. Priority scenarios of state policy within the framework of nuclear deterrence and information security are substantiated. The experience of recent decades reveals that the rejection of security treaties, as a rule, weakens the security of States, rather than strengthens it. Thus, in the course of the study, strategic objectives, the content side and policy options of the Russian Federation in the current international situation were considered, conclusions were drawn regarding the optimality of the chosen strategies for interaction with European partners in the field of arms control, the climate agenda and cyber threats. The authors conclude that it is necessary to create a new generation security architecture through informal consultations on strategic stability, which determine the negotiation plan to be discussed at official negotiations between Russia and the United States. In addition, the authors prove that in the foreseeable future, climate change will have a negative impact on the activities of armies and increase the frequency of their deployment in crisis situations. For this reason, competitive advantages in the defense sector will be determined by the ability of the command to adapt to climate change,reduce damage to military infrastructure and minimise the risks of resource losses due to natural disasters and extreme weather conditions.

A.A. Gromyko and security policy: setting up for Helsinki

The article continues the study of the role of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR A.A. Gromyko in the formation, development and maintenance of security policy, its principles and structural elements. The relevance of the article is determined by the importance of strategy and strategic thinking in modern foreign policy and diplomacy, their influence on interstate cooperation, the evolution and manageability of international relations. The chronological framework is limited to the events of 1971. The importance of these events allowed the author to identify and characterise some elements of the complex and controversial process of setting up for a future conference on security and cooperation in Europe, as well as to analyse A.A. Gromyko’s strategy of in this setting. The studied materials are presented in six subsections. The scientific novelty of the first subsection lies in the consideration of the logic and features of the diplomatic game of the West. The scientific novelty of the second subsection consists of five differences in the approaches of L.I. Brezhnev and A.A. Gromyko, who could help or hinder the defense of the interests of the Soviet Union at a future conference. The scientific novelty of the third subsection lies in the consideration of the Soviet position on a conference on security and cooperation in Europe by Western diplomats. The scientific novelty of the fourth and fifth subsections was determined by the proof of the hypothesis that A.A. Gromyko had two plans - in case the conference was convened or postponed. In the fourth and fifth subsections, the author presents the main activities and expected results of «Plan A» and «Plan B». The sixth subsection is devoted to conclusions that can be classified into historical conclusions (conclusion 3) and historical and political conclusions (conclusions 1-2, 4-5). The results obtained make it possible to test hypotheses related to the influence of the personal factor (long-term holding of a responsible position; constant strengthening of influence, authority and opportunities) on foreign policy and evolutionary processes in the systems of international relations. In relation to 1971, the author discovered Soviet version of the “magnet theory” developed by A.A. Gromyko's. The sources of the article are published documents of the Foreign Office of the Federal Republic of Germany, the use of which can be explained methodologically. It was important for the author to conduct the analysis on the basis of the foreign partners' assessment of the statements made by the Soviet Foreign Minister during official negotiations (outer reflection). The author's reasoning should be understood in the context of his earlier article in the journal.

A.A. Gromyko and Security Policy: Strategic Detente Project

The article continues the study of the role of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR A.A. Gromyko in the shaping, development and maintenance of security policy, its principles and structural elements. The relevance of the article is determined by the importance of strategy and strategic thinking in modern foreign policy and diplomacy, their influence on interstate cooperation, the evolution and manageability of international relations. The subject of the article is the study of the strategic project of detente developed by A.A. Gromyko to 1972-1973. The chronological framework of the study is limited to 1972 and 1973. The article consists of three subsections. The first subsection examines the criteria for bilateralism and presents the conditions for concluding new agreements, substantiates the importance of purposeful work on new agreements. The second subsection analyzes the differences between formal balance and equal security. At present, the concept of «equal security» has become a structural element of the foreign policy doctrine and security doctrine of the Russian Federation. The third subsection characterizes the content of the strategic project, the features of differentiated cooperation - the interaction of the USSR with small, medium and large countries, shows the meaning of the concept of «pure national interest», mechanisms for the transition to a «long-term detente» of international tension. The author explores the approaches of A.A. Gromyko to a new system of international relations during the negotiations on the Moscow Treaty. The possible practical application of the main elements of the project in modern times is determined. The sources of the article are published documents of the Foreign Office of the Federal Republic of Germany. The author conducts the analysis on the basis of the foreign partners' assessment of the statements made by the Soviet Foreign Minister during official negotiations.

Edu-Larp as Revision of Subject-Matter Knowledge

The paper presents theoretical foundations of the author's approach to the design of edu-larps. It is deliberately steering away from cross-disciplinary teaching, artistic education or soft skills training in order to advocate larps tailored to single school subjects, focused on integration and consolidation of curricular knowledge. Putting larp in the context of applied drama, or Drama in Education, the text argues that well-designed edu-larp is likely to be accepted by the average teacher, not just by dedicated and trained drama educators. The concept of print-and-play “larp for dummies” downplays the importance of preparation, acting and immersion, while emphasising the game-like structure of goals and conflicts: gameplay set to work alongside role-play. Therefore, the ideas and tools borrowed from video games and board games design can be useful in the creation of edu-role plays, breeding a form which might be called 'gamified drama'. The recommended function for edu-larps is final revision of a large textbook unit, an idea discussed on the example of high-school history classes. The suggested model for classrom larp is a negotiation game between conflicted but cooperating factions, divided into three stages: a) preparation of all factions separately; b) informal meeting of all factions shortly before the official talks; c) official negotiation session which is supposed to bring forward all major (textbook-based!) issues for public debate. The paper ends with a section on troubleshooting, i.e. an overview of risk factors frequently pointed in the discussion of game-based learning, with ideas of how to eliminate or minimise the risks through careful design. Referenced sources come from the fields of edu-larp, edu-drama, game-based learning, and general educational theory.

Peacebuilding in Politically Challenging Environments: How Do Local Peacebuilders Navigate Muddy Waters in the South Caucasus?

Abstract With the global proliferation of the liberal peace agenda, there has been an increase in attention to the participation of non-governmental organizations (NGO s) in the development and support of national peace agendas. However, with the rise of authoritarian states around the world, and the closing of civic spaces, NGO s have become constrained and limited in their actions. We often see autocratic and repressive regimes not welcoming the implementation of any initiatives that fall outside the scope of their official negotiation platforms, and therefore, limiting the participation of their citizens in unofficial peacebuilding initiatives. Through the application of the authoritarian conflict management framework, this article discusses the challenges of carrying out peacebuilding work in such non-permissive environments in the context of the South Caucasus and points out ways that local peacebuilding organizations and peace activists work around these restrictions to negotiate the reconciliation space that they are attempting to create.

Definitions and accounting of climate finance: between divergence and constructive ambiguity

ABSTRACT The Paris Agreement reaffirmed the commitment to provide USD 100 billion in international climate finance to developing countries by 2020, while COP26 agreed to set a new target by the end of 2024. However, in the absence of a clear, internationally accepted definition of climate finance, the estimates of the progress towards this objective wildly differ. This article provides an overview of different issues related to diverging definitions of climate finance, its main dimensions and proposes to distinguish between counting methods (e.g. Rio markers) and accounting frameworks of climate finance (e.g. by the OECD). We start by reviewing the existing definitions of climate finance both under the UNFCCC and beyond, followed by a discussion of the key dimensions of climate finance that affect definitions, as well as the main climate finance accounting approaches. In the context of the Paris Agreement, attaining a consensus among Parties on the definition of climate finance is crucial, but may result in watering down the level of ambition, for example, by including finance to activities that may not be in line with the latest climate science. Such convergence would require resolving all controversial dimensions of climate finance discussed in this article – notably, provider versus recipient side perspectives, eligible activities, inclusion of controversial sectors and technologies, public versus private finance, climate versus development finance, accounting for negative climate finance and so on. As most likely not all issues can be resolved through a consensual multilateral process, some level of ‘constructive ambiguity’ may be required in defining and accounting for international climate finance. Key policy insights There is no commonly accepted definition of international climate finance today, making it difficult to track progress. Climate finance accounting approaches differ depending on the interpretation of different dimensions of climate finance. A commonly accepted definition of climate finance should take into account the latest science on 1.5°C and net-zero scenarios. Climate clubs or coalitions may take up the issue of ‘muddled’ counting methods and accounting frameworks of international climate finance in ‘side deals’ of official negotiations. The Standing Committee on Finance is best positioned to authoritatively perform regular accounting for finance flows eligible under international climate commitments.

Strengthening Russia’s International Prestige during the Northern War: Russian Diplomatic Institutions and Instruments

During the Northern War (1700-1721), the Russian government had to make great efforts to strengthen the anti-Swedish coalition. Peter the Great developed a broad foreign network of state representatives: employees of the diplomatic corps (envoys, ministers, residents, agents, etc.), trade commissioners, and correspondents. Peter the Great himself, his Cabinet, and the foreign policy department (Posolsky Prikaz, Collegia Inostrannykh Del) controlled these agents of influence. Peter’s diplomats fought for symbolic capital by taking part in official negotiations and unofficial meetings, in diplomatic and court ceremonies, in gift-exchanging, and organizing various festivities. This capital then was converted into the international prestige of the ruler, his title, honor, glory, and position in the hierarchy of European rulers. Considerable attention was paid to promptly inform Western partners about events in Russia’s foreign and domestic policy. Russian information policy emphasized the news that can strengthen Russia’s international prestige: dynastic, diplomatic, and military successes, political reforms, and court celebrations. The article examines the practice of news dissemination through Russian diplomatic missions and foreign diplomatic representatives in Russia. The practice reduced the negative effect of the spread of unofficial information, fake news, and false rumors. The war continued in the pages of print media. To limit the dissemination of information damaging Russia’s prestige, Russian diplomats began to use the same instruments of influence (newspapers, magazines, and pamphlets), which European diplomats used at that time: various methods of pressure and bribery, propaganda, and censorship. The successes of Russian diplomacy have led to the strengthening of Russia’s international prestige and contributed to creating a positive image of the country abroad. The Russian government transferred the gained experience into domestic policy. Peter the Great also demanded fighting against “reprehensible” information about “the person of his majesty, or his troops, as well as his state.”

The Roles of Transnational Associations in the World Order in the 1919 Paris Peace Settlement: A Comparative Assessment of Proposals and Their Influence

In contrast to previous state-centric accounts, this article sheds new transnational light on the 1919 Paris peace settlement through its investigation of proposals for transnational associations’ roles in the envisaged new world order. The popularity of some of these proposals, and their perceived potential to contribute towards a more democratic, legitimate and peaceful international order, stimulated their consideration during official negotiations at the Paris Peace Conference, and subsequent League of Nations practice was also perceived to have reflected some of the ideas put forward in the proposals. This article provides a typology of these proposals, and it critically evaluates the claims made with respect to their repercussions for democracy, legitimacy and peace. The article further elucidates how, despite their limitations, these proposals helped open up diplomacy to transnational associations both at the Paris Peace Conference and in the League of Nations era.

Oman and the Franco-British Colonial Rivalry: The Bandar al-Jissah Crisis 1898-1900

For certainty that Oman had been a part of the Franco-British political and economic relations rivalry, during the last decade of the 19th century in the eastern seas, as it was an important economic centre in the reign of Sayyid Faisal bin Turki (1888-1900). At the same time Oman had managed to keep itself away from this conflict and secured from being under the influence of these powers. Under these circumstances France was seriously interested in sharing with the British interest in Oman, and tried to stop them from gaining all the benefits individually, by having a part of al-Jissah cove near Muscat in 1898, as a coal station. In consequence of these demands Oman had turned about to the French, producing a friendly attitude, because of the British unclear policy towards Muscat and her Sultan. In this regard the British received this policy as repudiation of the Sultan's commitment to them in accordance of the 1891 treaty. The British reaction then felt that the Sultan's alteration of loyal friendship to them were against their wish, and they threatened by using force against his country, while the French Officials considered this action incompatible with the Anglo-French Declaration of 1862. However, the crisis forced the British Foreign Office to enter into official negotiations with the French Ambassador in London to settle their differences over the lease of Bandar al-Jissah with some consideration to the French demands. Finally, the French found themselves in a position of accepting the British suggestions to solve the difficulties which had gathered over Muscat, when the French accepted the British offer of taking the southern site of al-Makalla Cove in August,1900.By the last decade of the 19th century, the Anglo-French rivalry was getting tougher in India and the eastern seas. At this time Oman became once again a centre for economic activity in the Gulf of Oman, the Arabian Gulf and the Indian Ocean. In these circumstances Oman was apotential allay to one or other powers in the region, because of its significant strategic position.Sayyid Faisal bin Turki bin Said (1888-1913) assumed power at a time when the Arab world was beset by a rising wave of European colonialist influence, particularly that of Britain and France who occupied several parts of the Arab world. Only a few Arab countries were able to escape this fierce colonialist attack. Among these was Oman; for Faisal bin Turki had skillfully established his rule amidst an overall climate of turbulence. He also paid great attention to the internal situation in a bid to strengthen the national front. One of the aims of Faisal’s policy was to establish a balanced relationship with England and France. In 1894, he approved the establishment of a French consulate in Muscat; this was followed by granting the French permission to install a coal warehouse at Bandar al- Jissah in 1898. This episode led to very serious results leading to the eruption of a crisis which endangered the British relations with both Oman and France. This paper is an attempt to discuss this crisis and its political consequences depending on British documentary sources.

Peace negotiation process and outcome: considering Colombia and Turkey in comparative perspective

ABSTRACT Adopting a negotiation process analysis perspective, this article analyzes the peace negotiation processes in Colombia (2012–2016) and Turkey (2012–2015) with a focus on three aspects of the negotiation process: the timing of the negotiations, the actors in the negotiation process, and transparency. In the Colombian case, the formation of a clear negotiation framework at the start of official negotiations in August 2012 helped the process to stay on track until the signing of the General Agreement in 2016. Conversely, the negotiations in Turkey did not proceed based on a clear framework and stalled in 2015 amid domestic and regional developments because of a lack of clear representatives and of monitoring third parties to keep the process on track. As the Colombian case shows, the existence of a commonly agreed and clear negotiation framework may increase resilience that help mitigate the potential for domestic and external risks to derail the process.

Toward a Normative Turn in Track Two Diplomacy? A Review of the Literature

Almost six decades since the emergence of Track Two diplomacy, a form of informal and unofficial dialogues between conflicting parties facilitated by scholar‐practitioners, scholarship on the field has grown exponentially. Originally conceived of as a discreet complement to Track One official negotiations between armed actors in conflict, Track Two has become an established and professionalized form of broader conflict resolution. Specific scholarship on Track Two has occupied the liminal space between theory and practice, in which theoretical propositions are often born out of observations from practical applications in empirical cases. Analyzing how Track Two theories reflect these paradigms can give greater insights into the theoretical evolution of the field and where it is headed. This begets a need to regularly and systematically survey the relevant literature on Track Two given the large‐scale changes occurring in its practice. This article discusses the evolution of Track Two theories as embedded in conflict resolution paradigms, namely, strategic bargaining and problem solving; conflict transformation; and liberal and post‐liberal peacebuilding. In particular, I focus on how the recent "normative turn" in conflict resolution literature has impacted Track Two scholarship. Following the analytical framework of a mediation process applied to Track Two scholarship, I organize relevant literature into “generations” and compare what are identified as the main constitutive components of a Track Two initiative in order to understand how the theories have evolved in this second generation of literature. My analysis finds that conceptions of Track Two have moved from “narrow” to “broad”: influenced by a normative imperative toward more inclusive and participatory peace processes in conflict resolution, activities labeled as Track Two have expanded from small, discreet dialogues between unofficial actors to include more robust forms of civil society inclusion and participation.

Intellectual property and access to medicines: mapping public attitudes toward pharmaceuticals during the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) negotiation process

BackgroundTransparency and accountability are essential components at all stages of the trade negotiation process. This study evaluates the extent to which these principles were upheld in the United States’ public consultation process during the negotiation of the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA), with respect to public comments about the pharmaceutical sector and access to medicines.ResultsThe public consultation process occurred before the start of official negotiations and was overseen by the Office of the United States Trade Representative (USTR). It included both written comments and oral testimony about US trade negotiation objectives. Of the written comments that specifically discussed issues relating to pharmaceuticals, the majority were submitted by private individuals, members of the pharmaceutical industry, and civil society organizations. Nearly all comments submitted by non-industry groups indicated that access to medicines was a priority issue in the renegotiated agreement, with specific reference to price affordability. By contrast, more than 50% of submissions received from members or affiliates of the pharmaceutical industry advocated for strengthened pharmaceutical intellectual property rights, greater regulatory data protections, or both.This study reveals mixed outcomes with respect to the level of transparency achieved in the US trade negotiation process. Though input from the public at-large was actively solicited, the extent to which these comments were considered in the content of the final agreement is unclear. A preliminary comparison of the analyzed comments with the USTR’s final negotiating objectives and the final text of the USMCA shows that several provisions that were advanced exclusively by the pharmaceutical industry and ultimately adopted in the final agreement were opposed by the majority of non-industry stakeholders.ConclusionsNegotiators could increase public transparency when choosing to advance one competing trade objective over another by actively providing the public with clear rationales for their negotiation positions, as well as details on how public comments are taken into account to form these rationales. Without greater clarity on these aspects, the public consultation process risks appearing to serve as a cursory government mechanism, lacking in accountability and undermining public trust in both the trade negotiation process and its outcomes.

Deciphering FARC was to Disarm it. Razón Pública’s Framing of FARC

This article analyzes the framing of the Revolutionary Armed Forces (FARC-EP) in Razón Pública, a Colombian digital magazine, from July 2008 to July 2018. The article’s methodology combines Natural Language Processing and close reading. Results indicate that the magazine’s language primarily framed FARC as a protagonist of the peace process, and, secondarily, as an actor of Colombia’s armed conflict and drug trafficking. Shortly after Juan Manuel Santos’ first inauguration as Colombian president (2010-2014), some authors forecasted that the conditions were ripe for a peace process with FARC. During the official negotiation, FARC was framed as enigmatic, and rational protagonist of a challenging peace process. Overall, the frames detected in this analysis are an echo of the UNDP Colombian Report (2003) that called for analytic journalism that improves the public’s understanding of the country’s complex armed conflict and proposes negotiated and military solutions.

Transparency and accountability in the negotiation of the US-Mexico-Canada trade agreement: the case of pharmaceuticals

BackgroundTransparency and accountability are essential components at all stages of the trade negotiation process. This study reports on the findings of an evaluation of the United States' public consultation process during the re-negotiation of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA)/United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) with respect to medicines and the pharmaceutical sector. MethodsA desk review was conducted to map the US negotiation rounds of the USMCA. Then, opportunities for the public to receive information and provide feedback about the proposed agreement provisions were identified. Finally, the written comments submitted by stakeholders during this public consultation process to the Federal Register (Regulations.gov) were queried and analysed using qualitative data analysis software NVivo for language related to pharmaceuticals and medicine. FindingsThe public consultation process occurred before the start of official negotiations. It was overseen by the Office of the US Trade Representative (USTR) and included both written comments and oral testimony about US negotiation objectives. There were no further official opportunities for the public to engage with the negotiation process. Of the 1458 comments publicly available through the Federal Register, 75 specifically discussed issues related to pharmaceuticals for human use. More than 50% of submissions received from members or affiliates of the pharmaceutical industry advocated for strengthened pharmaceutical intellectual property rights, greater regulatory data protection, or both. Nearly all submissions from non-industry groups indicated that access to, or the affordability of, medicines was a priority issue area in the renegotiated agreement. Most submissions that directly discussed transparency and accountability were authored by industry groups and emphasised the importance of predictability and transparency in the areas of pharmaceutical intellectual property, regulatory affairs, pricing, and reimbursement to facilitate greater innovation. InterpretationUSMCA increased regulatory data protection for innovator drugs, increased the period of regulatory exclusivity for biologics, and granted patent term restoration provisions for regulatory delays, undermining public access to medicines. Although industry comments only constitute 26% of the comments submitted during the US public consultation period related to pharmaceuticals, they reflect the dominant position adopted in the USMCA. FundingConnaught Fund Global Health Challenge Award.

ОСОБЛИВОСТІ КОМУНІКАТИВНИХ СИТУАЦІЙ ПРОФЕСІЙНОГО ПРИКОРДОННОГО ДИСКУРСУ

Specific features of border discourse as a special form of social interaction are considered in the article. The characteristic features of communicative situations of border discourse are highlighted. The conditions under which modern border discourse takes place are analyzed. Particular attention is paid to the professional speech of border guards, which is characterized by professional border guard vocabulary, depending on the field of communication. Discourse is a complex communicative event or sociolinguistic structure created by interlocutors in specific communicative, social and pragmatic situations. Border discourse exists in two forms: the oral form and written form. Oral border discourse is the communication between people in the line of duty. It can be a conversation between two servicemen, between an officer and a person crossing the state border of Ukraine, or a senior officer and a subordinate serviceperson. Written border discourse is secondary to oral speech. Written speech is actually dialogical. The material of the research is presented by normative documents, educational materials, materials of mass media, in which the communicative situations of the border discourse are presented. The place of speech situations of border discourse is determined by the sphere of activity of communicators and the method of communication: personal or indirect means of communication (telephone conversations, Internet, correspondence by regular or e-mail, mass media, etc. Participants in speech situations within this discourse are border guards, academics who teach disciplines related to the activities of border guards, members of the media who cover issues related to border activities, as well as ordinary citizens involved in border discourse when crossing the state border. Motives of communication and speech intentions of communicators are determining factors in the selection of language means to achieve the communicative goal. Areas in which the border discourse takes place are official receptions, meetings, conferences, press conferences, negotiations, command and staff exercises, conferences, training situations with the use of professional border guard vocabulary, regulations, official situations at checkpoints.

Serbia-China bilateral trade relations: major challenges and opportunities

Considering the growing presence of China in Serbia and deepening the overall bilateral relations, the main objective of the paper is to analyze the major trends and changes in the bilateral merchandise trade between both countries. The paper also focuses on exploring the main challenges as well as determinants for enhancement of trade relationships in the upcoming period.
 The total trade between Serbia and China has been steadily growing over the last decade. The value of total trade in 2019 compared to 2010 is increased by twice, the value of imported and exported goods grew twice and almost 45 times, respectively. Despite the rapid growth, the Trade Intensity Index shows that trade between Serbia and China is under-represented, implying there is a space for improvement.
 Some obstacles hinder trade relations between Serbia and China. One of the main challenges stems from the fact that China shares its influence in Serbia using investments rather than trade. On the other side, Serbia does not have enough capacity to meet Chines market demand, which is among other things is a result of the domination of low value-added products in the total Serbian exports.
 In order to overcome the obstacles, Serbia should focus on its comparative advantage as well as attracting the Chinese investment in the strategically important sectors. Furthermore, it is essential for Serbia to develop a strategic approach to trade policy towards China, which implies better promoting of export growth, relevant support of Serbian exporters as well as more active engagement around trade matters during official negotiations with China.

Historical Acknowledgment as an Early Conflict Negotiation Strategy: A Feasibility Study of Israel/Palestine

This article proposes that historical acknowledgment strategies are not only useful if and when they lead to coexistence and reconciliation in the post‐conflict stages, but also as an early conflict negotiation strategy. To develop this proposition the article integrates literature on conflict resolution and conflict transformation with models of negotiation and underscores the potential utility of historical acknowledgment strategies in early stages of official negotiations. The article proposes that historical acknowledgment strategies address the lack of long‐term trust, which is often a significant impediment during negotiations. Such strategies signal a commitment to changing the public space as well as the education of future generations in ways that acknowledge the adversary’s history and identity. This action is likely to provide assurances to the other side that peaceful coexistence is a long‐term goal of the leadership and the public. Furthermore, the article proposes that the current international normative environment—that is, existing human rights norms and strengthening international norms of “dealing with the past”—places expectations and demands on states’ leadership. These expectations and demands are part of the constraints and pressures within which a conflict operates and within which any peace process is negotiated. Therefore, the current international normative environment makes the positive effects of incorporating historical acknowledgment strategies into early peace negotiations more likely. To illustrate the feasibility of the rationale developed here and its practical implications, the article considers the application of historical acknowledgment strategies to the case of Israel/Palestine and specifically to the 1948 Palestinian refugees issue.