Number Of Rearrests Research Articles

Abstract 336: Data-driven Classification of Arrest Location for Emergency Department Cardiac Arrests

Introduction: Out-of-hospital cardiac arrest (OHCA), in-hospital cardiac arrest (IHCA), and emergency department (ED) cardiac arrests differ in epidemiology, etiology, and outcomes. Resuscitation research is inconsistent in how ED arrests are classified. We used unsupervised learning to compare ED arrests to non-ED OHCA and to non-ED IHCA. Hypothesis: Clinical features of ED cardiac arrest patients who achieve return of spontaneous circulation (ROSC) are more similar to IHCA than to OHCA. Methods: We performed a retrospective study including all patients resuscitated from cardiac arrest who were treated at a single academic medical center from January 2010 to December 2019. We abstracted clinical information from our prospective registry, including the details of arrest location (ED arrests, OHCA, or IHCA); age; sex; initial arrest rhythm; number of doses of epinephrine, bicarbonate and shocks given during the arrest; duration of arrest; most advanced airway placed intra-arrest; number of rearrests; early post-arrest illness severity (Pittsburgh Cardiac Arrest Category: PCAC); and survival to hospital discharge. We used unsupervised learning (K-prototypes) to identify clusters within the OHCA and IHCA cohorts. We determined the number of subgroups using Scree plots. Finally, we assigned individual ED arrest patients the nearest OHCA or IHCA cluster based on the shortest Gower distance from that patient to the nearest cluster center. Results: We included 2,723 patients: 1,709 (63%) OHCA, 642 (23%) IHCA, and 372 (14%) ED arrests. We identified 3 clusters in the OHCA cohort, and 4 clusters in the IHCA cohort. Of the total ED arrest cases, 292 (78%) most closely resembled an IHCA cluster and 80 (22%) most closely resembled an OHCA cluster. The large majority (64%) of ED arrests that were closest to an IHCA cluster survived to hospital discharge; 50% of this subset were awake post-arrest (PCAC I), and 16% were deeply comatose (PCAC IV). In contrast, only 13% of ED arrests that were closest to an OHCA cluster survived to hospital discharge; 65% of this subset were deeply comatose (PCAC IV) and only 5% were awake post arrest (PCAC I). Conclusion: Among cardiac arrest patients with ROSC, the large majority of ED arrests resemble IHCA more than OHCA.

Follow-up of a social skills training (SST) for juvenile delinquents: effects on reoffending

ObjectivesTo examine (1) the long-term effects on reoffending of an individual SST for juvenile delinquents in The Netherlands and (2) whether effects differ by demographic and offense history characteristics.MethodsThe present study is a follow-up of a matched control study comparing post-treatment effects of N = 115 juveniles receiving Tools4U, an SST with a parental component, to N = 108 control group juveniles receiving treatment as usual (TAU). Analyses were conducted separately for delinquents and truants. Effects in terms of recidivism were assessed using official delinquency data after 6 and 12 months and 1.46 years after SST termination. Percentage of recidivists, number of re-arrests, and violent recidivism were outcome variables.ResultsOverall, 39% of the juveniles reoffended, and there were no differences between Tools4U and TAU on any of the selected recidivism outcomes. Additionally, demographic and delinquency characteristics and post-treatment effects did not moderate effectiveness.ConclusionsTools4U was not more effective than TAU in preventing recidivism, which may be explained by a generally low percentage of recidivists. With established treatment integrity, and a lack of well-researched effective treatment alternatives, Tools4U could still be a reasonable treatment option for adolescent onset juvenile offenders, although more research is needed to confirm this.

Initiating buprenorphine treatment prior to versus after release from prison: Arrest outcomes

BackgroundThis secondary analysis of a randomized trial examines the association between initiation of buprenorphine treatment prior to, versus post-release, and rearrests during the 12-months following release. MethodsOfficial rearrest data (N = 199) for the 12-months post-release were examined. Four outcomes were measured: (1) rearrested (yes/no), (2) time to rearrest, (3) number of rearrests, and (4) severity of charges (less severe vs. severe). ResultsA minority (43.1%) of the sample were rearrested (N = 91). There were no significant differences between study conditions in the proportion of rearrested participants [P = 0.28] nor in the mean number of arrests [P = 0.15]. Likewise, the condition was not a significant predictor of the hazard of rearrest [p = 0.10]. The mean number of days until rearrest for the in prison vs. post-release buprenorphine conditions were not significantly different (205.8 days (SD = 104.6) vs. 170.8 days (SD = 113.1), respectively; P = 0.13]. Treatment condition was not a significant predictor of the likelihood of rearrest for a severe crime compared to a less severe crime [P = 0.09]. ConclusionDespite the parent study finding of higher rates of post-release drug treatment entry in the group assigned to start buprenorphine treatment prior to, compared to post-release, there were no significant differences in the proportion of individuals arrested, the mean number of arrests, the time to first arrest, or the severity of their charges.

“No Remorse, No Repent”: Linking Lack of Remorse to Criminal Offending in a Sample of Serious Adolescent Offenders

Linking emotions to offender decision-making has only recently become of theoretical interest to criminologists, but empirical work in this area has not kept pace nor has such research examined the role of emotions to offending in offender-based samples. Recently, Warr outlined regret as one such emotion that may be useful in thinking about offending. Specifically, he argued that regret may be related to discontinuity in offending, or conversely that a lack of remorse may be related to continuity in offending. This paper uses data from a sample of serious adolescent offenders followed for seven years to investigate this hypothesis. Results provide support for Warr’s hypothesis that remorse-resistant adolescents incur a higher number of re-arrests, while remorse-prone adolescents incur fewer re-arrests, even after controlling for other relevant risk factors.

Evaluating the Long-Term Effects of Prisoner Reentry Services on Recidivism: What Types of Services Matter?

We analyzed data collected for a large multi-site evaluation of 12 prisoner reentry programs in 12 states to examine the impact of pre-release services on time to rearrest and number of rearrests up to 56 months post-release for male offenders. A two-stage matching quasi-experimental design was used to define the comparison groups and multivariate models were used to examine the relationships among service and program receipt and recidivism. Participation in the reentry program was associated with longer time to arrest and fewer arrests after release. However, the specific services delivered as part of the program showed modest or inconsistent impacts on recidivism. Services that focused on individual change were more beneficial than services that focused on practical skills and needs. Practitioners should consider careful sequencing of program and service delivery in prison, linking in-prison services to post-release assistance, and evaluating all services and programs for fidelity and effectiveness.

Longer-Term Impacts of Mental Health Courts: Recidivism Two Years After Exit.

This study compared recidivism among mental health court (MHC) participants and MHC-eligible defendants in traditional criminal court (TCC) two years after MHC exit or court disposition to investigate longer-term MHC impacts and effects beyond provision of treatment and services. Archival data from the pretrial services agency and MHC judges were used. Four measures of recidivism (any rearrest, number of rearrests, any felony arrest, and time to rearrest) were used to compare 408 MHC participants and 687 MHC-eligible defendants in TCC in the same judicial district. Both groups were provided individualized plans from the same package of services and supervision by the same pretrial services and community agencies. MHC completers and noncompleters were examined separately. Multivariate logistic analyses controlled for confounding variables. Reductions in recidivism were observed in all three groups from two years before the key arrest to two years after court exit or court disposition. The reduction was greatest among MHC completers: the proportion rearrested was smallest (25%), and completers had the lowest number of arrests (.42). The noncompleter group had the largest proportion of those rearrested (55%) and the highest number of arrests (1.21). When confounding variables were controlled, MHC completers, not noncompleters, differed significantly from the comparison group in two-year recidivism. MHC participation can reduce recidivism for an extended time after court exit and may have an impact on individuals who complete the program beyond the provision of treatment and services. Further study is needed to determine which MHC components may have this additional effect.

Overview of: “For whom does a transitional jobs program work?

Research Summary This study documents that a transitional jobs program for former prisoners had its strongest reductions in recidivism among those in the program with the highest risk of reoffending. The New York City-based Center for Employment Opportunities (CEO) is a transitional jobs program designed to help former prisoners increase longer term employment and, consequently, reduce recidivism. Interim results from MDRC's rigorous impact evaluation of CEO showed reduced recidivism in both the first and the second year of follow-up. The current study • expanded on the interim results by using regression-based analysis to identify whether CEO had its greatest impact among low-, medium-, or high-risk offenders—with risk levels defined by participants’ characteristics before random assignment that are associated with recidivism after random assignment. • found that CEO had its strongest reductions in recidivism for former prisoners who were at the highest risk of recidivism. For high-risk former prisoners, participation in CEO reduced significantly the probability of rearrest, the number of rearrests, and the probability of reconviction 2 years after random assignment to the program. Policy Implications The findings suggest important implications for policy, practice, and future evaluation research. 1 The limited resources available to transitional jobs programs for former prisoners should be targeted toward people at the highest risk of recidivating because they are helped most by this intervention. 2 Age and criminal history are critical determinants of recidivism risk, and programs for former prisoners should consider assessing the likelihood of reoffending using tools that measure both characteristics. Although specific to our sample, the average-aged offender (33 years old) was considered at a high risk of recidivism if he had nine or more prior arrests; similarly, those with seven prior arrests (the sample average), were at high risk of recidivism if 28 years old or younger. 3 Because CEO interim evaluation results did not show an effect on increases in unsubsidized employment, it is not clear what is causing the recidivism effects. Thus, future evaluation research should examine the mechanisms by which this transitional jobs program reduces recidivism among its clients, and particularly, the highest risk clients.

Effect of Mental Health Courts on Arrests and Jail Days

Mental health courts are growing in popularity as a form of jail diversion for justice system-involved people with serious mental illness. This is the first prospective multisite study on mental health courts with treatment and control groups. To determine if participation in a mental health court is associated with more favorable criminal justice outcomes than processing through the regular criminal court system and to identify defendants for whom mental health courts produce the most favorable criminal justice outcomes. Longitudinal study. Four mental health courts in San Francisco County, CA, Santa Clara County, CA, Hennepin County (Minneapolis), MN, and Marion County (Indianapolis), IN. A total 447 persons in the mental health court (MHC) and 600 treatment-as-usual (TAU) controls. Eighteen months of pre-entry and postentry data for 4 jurisdictions. All subjects were interviewed at baseline, and 70% were interviewed at 6 months. Objective outcome data were obtained on all subjects from Federal Bureau of Investigation arrest records, jails, prisons, and community treatment providers. Annualized rearrest rates, number of rearrests, and postentry incarceration days. The MHC and TAU samples are similar on the major outcome measures in the pre-entry 18-month period. In the 18 months following treatment, defined as entry into mental health court, the MHC group has a lower annualized rearrest rate, fewer post-18-month arrests, and fewer post-18-month incarceration days than the TAU group. The MHC graduates had lower rearrest rates than participants whose participation was terminated both during MHC supervision and after supervision ended. Factors associated with better outcomes among the MHC participants include lower pre-18-month arrests and incarceration days, treatment at baseline, not using illegal substances, and a diagnosis of bipolar disorder rather than schizophrenia or depression. Mental health courts meet the public safety objectives of lowering posttreatment arrest rates and days of incarceration. Both clinical and criminal justice factors are associated with better public safety outcomes for MHC participants.