Abolition Of Nuclear Weapons Research Articles

Contested Nuclear Sharing in Belgium: Domestic Political Dynamic for the Nuclear Weapons Ban

ABSTRACT The successful conclusion of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) has challenged the global nuclear order, but was dependent on bypassing the nuclear weapon states (NWS) and their allies. This has led critics to dismiss its practical value for nuclear disarmament. Proponents of the ban treaty, however, hope for a “transformative political dynamic” that delegitimizes nuclear weapons and leads to NWS and their allies joining the TPNW. This article contributes both conceptually and empirically to the discussion of this “transformative political dynamic”. It deals with the role of nuclear weapons for NATO membership and the strategies for legitimizing and delegitimizing nuclear weapons. The case study on Belgium analyzes the processes of coalition building and the discursive strategies related to Belgium’s nuclear role in NATO. The study shows that the exchange of symbolic arms control and disarmament initiatives for the approval of military budgets and the acquiescence to the claimed nuclear obligations of NATO membership stands on shaky ground.

Moving Forward to a World Free of Nuclear Weapons (?): How Regional Issues Shape Global Non-proliferation and Disarmament Politics

This special issue contributes to the global dialogue on a nuclear weapons ban by evaluating how regional politics enable or hinder a global ban on nuclear weapons. The insights of 17 contributions offer a nuanced and diverse account of the landscape of nuclear disarmament, arguing that understanding the diversity of regional perspectives, lenses, and approaches is crucial for advancing toward a global nuclear weapons ban. This introduction sets the stage for a detailed exploration of common themes, aiming to shed light on the structural elements that characterize regional and global nuclear politics. For that, we employ a Comparative Area Studies Approach to explore venues and patterns across different regions, offering a comprehensive analysis that underscores the importance of considering local, regional, and global dimensions in tandem. We delineate three key elements that either facilitate or impede the implementation of a nuclear weapons ban: (1) Inclusivity: How key actors participate and are included in the policy-making process at the global, regional, and local levels; (2) Inequalities: how power inequalities shape social processes that enable or hinder the continuity of nuclear weapons; (3) Institutions: how networks and institutions are organized and structured between each other.

Southeast European Countries and a Nuclear Weapons Ban

The paper aims to review the perceptions of the Southeast European countries toward the NPT and TPNW and identify the main determinants of their disarmament policies. It analyzes official statements of the Southeast European states during the NPT preparatory meetings and review conferences, and their positions in various stages of the TPNW development, to bring out a position of a certain country toward the NPT and TPNW and then dive into analysis of the determinants of the outcomes. The paper contributes to the deeper understanding of the disarmament policy choices of the Southeast European states, thus also contributing to the assessment of possible changes in their positions regarding the nuclear weapons ban.

“We’re Taking Back the Narrative”. An Interview with Benetick Kabua Maddison, of the Marshallese Educational Initiative

This contribution features an interview with Benetick Kabua Maddison, the Executive Director of the Marshallese Educational Initiative (MEI), an NGO that aims to raise awareness of the effects of nuclear testing and climate change on the Republic of the Marshall Islands (RMI). The RMI was the site of 67 nuclear tests conducted by the United States between 1946 and 1958, which resulted in environmental degradation and health problems for the local population. The interview explores the current renegotiation of the Compact of Free Association (COFA), a treaty that governs the political and economic relationship between the RMI and the US. The interview also discusses the challenges and opportunities for the Marshallese community, the conflicting statements regarding the contamination of the RMI, and the prospects of a nuclear weapons ban and global solidarity to address the twin existential threats facing the RMI and the world.

South Asian Perspectives on the Nuclear Weapons Ban: Challenges and Prospects for Disarmament

This research paper explores the nuanced perspectives of South Asian nations, primarily India and Pakistan, on the global efforts toward nuclear disarmament. Against a complex regional security landscape, historical conflicts, and evolving nuclear doctrines, this study employs a qualitative research design, drawing on document analysis and existing literature. The findings reveal divergent views between India and Pakistan, often shaped by intricate factors of security considerations, regional dynamics, and domestic political influences. The paper discusses the implications of South Asian stances on global disarmament efforts. It proposes potential pathways for fostering dialogue and cooperation in pursuing nuclear disarmament in the region. Through an in-depth examination of South Asian perspectives, this research contributes valuable insights to the broader discourse on nuclear disarmament.

The Stalinist Soviet Union in the Disney Animated Cartoon Tale Spin

Abstract The Disney animated cartoon television series TaleSpin was released in 1990, at the end of a decade that started with an escalation of the Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union, and ended in the abolition of nuclear weapons, which foreshadowed the eventual downfall of the USSR in 1991. This “adventure-plus comedy” American series successfully combines sources not only from within the studio (the 1967 Disney animated version of The Jungle Book), but also from adventure films outside the studio (Casablanca, Indiana Jones movies), and most interestingly, it weaves in a harsh parody of Stalinist Soviet Union. TaleSpin effectively captures the complex political climate of the 1980s–1990s by presenting the conditions of high Stalinism (mass repressions, executions, and show trials) in the military state Thembria with her Thembrian inhabitants, the anthropomorphic warthogs. The essay explores the characteristic topoi of Stalin’s Soviet Union in the series with an overview of US–Soviet relationship and the general perception of the USSR in the United States in the 1980s. The essay argues that the American image of the USSR established in the 1930s–1950s was extrapolated to post-Stalinist periods of Soviet history and was still prevalent in the 1980s, thus shaping the conception of Thembria and the Thembrians. (ÁLK)

Anthropology and Nonviolence: a Reflection on Peace from Nagasaki

Abstract Despite their personal commitment to peace, anthropologists have an ambivalent relationship to pacifism and nonviolence. This is partly because violence is pervasive at all levels of interpersonal, intergroup, and international relations anthropologists routinely study. Ethnographic records show that violence of all kinds is part and parcel of human relationality. While there are many fine-grained analyses of conflicts, disputes, injustices, and inequalities, and their complex, and often long-term, consequences, pacifism and nonviolence have not been among the discipline’s explicit ethnographic or theoretical concerns. In this article I discuss the concept of “peace resources,” recently introduced by Japanese anthropologist Oda Hiroshi, as a possible starting point for more ethnographic and practical engagement with pacifism and nonviolence. I use my ethnographic observations of various activities aimed at the abolition of nuclear weapons taking place alongside the annual commemoration of the atomic bombing of Nagasaki on August 9th to examine the concept’s promise.

Peace Cranes in a Sanctuary

Back to table of contents Previous article Next article On Mental Health, People, and PlacesFull AccessPeace Cranes in a SanctuaryEzra E. H. Griffith, M.D.Ezra E. H. GriffithSearch for more papers by this author, M.D.Published Online:25 Oct 2021https://doi.org/10.1176/appi.pn.2021.11.19Whenever I am away from home on Sunday, I find it rejuvenating to attend a church service as a visitor. I enjoy observing the rituals and listening to a new preacher. I take note of the level of the music ministry and the lay members’ participation in their faith group. Most recently, I took the one-mile stroll from my lodging to St. John’s Scottish Episcopal Church in downtown Edinburgh. I decided to visit this branch of Protestantism because I had already attended a service at a Church of Scotland, with its philosophy and rituals closer to those of John Knox and the Calvinist Reformers. One glance at the day’s service program and my eyes landed on the claim that St. John’s “seeks to be an open community, walking in the way of Jesus, engaging with an ever-changing world, and living a faith that is timeless yet contemporary, thoughtful, and compassionate.” This declaration of modernity was in striking contrast with the greying mass of stone that characterized the external appearance of the building. The seeming contradiction would come up in my conversation after the service with the associate rector, the Rev. Rosie Addis.Everyone followed the public health rules and wore a mask. The choristers took off theirs while fulfilling their duties, as did the clergy when leading the prayers, preaching, and reading the liturgical texts. Clergy and congregation had found an operational middle ground, a way of functioning while wearing masks and respecting distance. No collection plate was circulated during the service. A member explained that the new method, forced by COVID-19, was for someone to stand at the church door after the service, with the collection plate in hand. I learned that the new method is called “retiral collection.”A mobile of cranes floats above the sanctuary in St. John’s Scottish Episcopal Church in Edinburgh.Brigitte Griffith with permission of the Rev. Rosie AddisIt is hard to explain the Sunday morning peacefulness of an urban church, built almost 200 years ago. With the organ in the hands of an aficionado and the choir chanting the psalm expertly, the 16th-century motet by William Byrd was performed elegantly. The sacred sounds were bouncing lightly off the church walls accompanied by the sun’s rays dancing on the mobiles hanging from the ceiling and light fixtures around the church. The photograph shows an example of the extensive mobile made of thousands of peace cranes handcrafted from origami paper. I learned the cranes were part of an exhibition by artist Janis Hart intended to transform St. John’s Church into a bird sanctuary for peace. The idea was to provoke viewers into thoughts about the victims of the 1945 bombing of Hiroshima. That is complemented by the church’s work for inclusion of LGBTQ people in the life of the church and in society.The Rev. Addis explained the mission of this urban faith group, first by helping me understand better the morning’s sermon. It was about EFM, which stands for “Education for Ministry” or “Exploring Faith Ministry.” She pointed out that this movement is not intended for the education of clergy. It is to help church members explore religious matters and facilitate their theological reflection about what God is asking them to do in service to others. Hence, the mission’s orientation toward peace, abolition of nuclear weapons, and fellowship with nondominant groups such as Blacks, other minorities, and the LGBTQ community. Rev. Addis has also determined her pathway toward serving a unique group. She is an expert in British Sign Language and directs a monthly service for what she calls the “Messy Church.” This meeting is for those suffering the indignities and problems related to hearing disabilities.Several elements in the service collectively framed an ambience of togetherness and concern for others. The play area to one side of the sanctuary welcomed children. The tables and chairs at the rear invited attendees to socialize and enjoy tea and cake at the conclusion of the service. These ideas about caring for others, or for one another, reinforced the aesthetic and moral impact of the multicolored paper cranes fluttering in the air currents above us. The reminder of what we should do for neighbors was powerful. ■Ezra E. H. Griffith, M.D., is professor emeritus of psychiatry and African American Studies at Yale University. ISSUES NewArchived

Perspectives on the Implementation of the 2017 Nuclear Weapons Ban Treaty

Abstract The adoption of The Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) by the UN General Assembly in July 2017 is a real success for the international community in the fight against armaments and the danger of an apocalyptic war. Despite the scepticism of many, the treaty entered into force in January 2021, with its 50th ratification. Although this story seems to have come to a happy end, it is only now that the turmoil begins. No nuclear-weapon state has supported the adoption of the treaty and they refuse to recognize its legal power. The implementation of this treaty will be the hardest test for the UN. Nuclear states are the strongest and most decision-making, especially within the Security Council. In this context, the question arises whether the UN will succeed in finding an effective way to persuade nuclear states to give up these weapons or whether we will witness an international “putsch” of nuclear states.

Myths and Reality of the Nuclear Weapons Ban

The Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons which entered into force on 22 January 2021, sets an ambitious target of achieving a comprehensive ban on any nuclear-weapons-related activity, ranging from research and development, testing, production, deployment – to threat or their actual use in anger. However, with multiple states ranging from those in possession of nuclear weapons and those allied with them by security arrangements, to others, even including victims of adverse effects of uncontrollable release of nuclear energy, indicating unwillingness to join the Treaty, it is unlikely to become a viable means of promoting international peace and security. To enhance international security and strategic stability, regulation of nuclear weapons, including restrictions and prohibitions, should not be achieved at the expense of, and to the detriment of existing or nascent regulatory regimes, such as the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty, assuming the latter eventually becomes effective, regional nuclear-weapon-free zones, as well as non-treaty regimes designed to prevent proliferation of nuclear weapon technologies, fissile materials or delivery systems.

Voices of Nagasaki after 75 Years

ABSTRACT Soon after the second atomic bombing in 1945, hibakusha in Nagasaki saw the dawn of the Cold War, along with the Soviet Union’s possession of atomic bombs. The Cuban Missile Crisis in 1962 created a real fear of nuclear war capable of destroying all of humanity. The Partial Test Ban Treaty in 1963 and the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) in 1968 were a good sign of hope. The Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty, signed in 1987, also succeeded in reducing nuclear warheads in the 1990s. However, we have also seen nuclear deterrence strategies of the nuclear powers firmly established. The Cold War ended in 1989, but its nuclear deterrence policies have persisted. Unfortunately, the NPT regime has gradually begun to weaken since 2010. Hibakusha and nongovernmental organizations such as the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons have stood firmly in strong solidarity and in 2017, succeeded in establishing the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW), which entered into force on 22 January 2021. Even now, hibakusha continue to suffer lifelong radiation-induced cancers and leukemia. Hibakusha must face a new stage in the abolition of nuclear weapons under a dangerous divide between NPT supporters and TPNW promoters. To overcome this divide, we need to increase the power of civil society around the world.

Beatrice Fihn: How to implement the nuclear weapons ban treaty

ICAN’s Beatrice Fihn (left) and ICAN coordinator Daniel Hogsta at a press conference after the group won the Nobel Peace Prize in October 2017.Early in October 2017, about two weeks after US Presid...

The Middle East challenge to the Nuclear Weapons Ban Ttreaty

La histórica aprobación en julio de 2017 de un tratado para la prohibición de armas nucleares, in-cluso si está lleno de complejidades, puede representar un avance hacia su eliminación mundial. Además, el tratado refuerza el papel central de las Zonas Libres de Armamento Nuclear (ZLAN) como pasos decisivos en los procesos de desarme regional como en el caso de Próximo Oriente. En este documento se presenta un análisis de las opiniones políticas de los países de la región así como de los parámetros de su votación final. En un contexto de incertidumbre global, con dinámi-cas de disuasión renovadas, examinar la posible limitación del uso de armas nucleares a través de un estudio regional, ofrece una interesante visión del estado actual de las relaciones in-ternacionales.

The nuclear weapons ban treaty and the non-proliferation regime

ABSTRACTThe Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW), adopted by the United Nations General Assembly in July 2017, has been met with mixed reactions. While supporters have described the Treaty as a watershed in the struggle for disarmament, others have expressed fervent opposition. One of the most serious charges levelled at the TPNW is that it will undermine the long-standing nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), by many regarded as a cornerstone of the international security architecture. Critics have contended that the new agreement risks eroding the system of safeguards designed to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons, derailing disarmament efforts within the NPT framework, and aggravating political division between nuclear and non-nuclear powers. Investigating the legal and political cogency of these arguments, we argue that not only may the TPNW be reconciled with existing legal instruments, the new Treaty supports and reinforces key norms and institutions on which the nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament regime is based. Furthermore, any technical challenges that might arise in the future may be addressed at meetings of states party; the drafters envisioned a dynamic process of institutional adaptations and expansion. The main challenge facing advocates of the Treaty is political: convincing the nuclear-armed states to disarm.

Abhor, imagine, abolish.

Reviews the book, Abolition of Nuclear Weapons as a Moral Imperative by John Kultgen (2015). This book is a moving tribute to Kultgen's sustained commitment to a vital, ambitious, long-term goal—the complete and effective world-wide abolition of nuclear weapons. As a philosopher, Kultgen (professor emeritus of philosophy at the University of Missouri) discusses, in accessible language, the philosophical aspects of nuclear weapons; as a teacher, he shows how there is no short cut to the transformation of human culture; and as an activist, he reports frankly on the brief ups and longer downs of public attention to a matter from which most people, most of the time, look away. The present review essay includes further references on psychological aspects of nuclear weapons issues. Finally, the essay proposes that humanity can achieve its goal of abolition but only after breaking its shell of psychic numbing. At that stage, we would be able to harness our collective imagination and create a peaceful culture, including a nuclear-weapon-free world. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2017 APA, all rights reserved)

Why a Nuclear Weapons Ban is Unethical (For Now)

The Humanitarian Impacts of Nuclear Weapons Initiative and ongoing tension between NATO and Russia have put the morality of nuclear weapons back under the spotlight. The new strategic environment suggests an opportunity to revisit principles of nuclear ethics, including the connection with security and the responsibility to pursue arms control and disarmament. Heather Williams argues that for NATO, that means balancing the need for nuclear assurances with a commitment to disarmament and engaging with the Humanitarian Impacts Initiative, perhaps by having a NATO nuclear possessor host the next conference. For the Humanitarian Impacts Initiative, meanwhile, it means abandoning pursuit of a nuclear-weapons ban and re-focusing on survivor testimonies as part of nuclear education and consequence-management scenarios. A nuclear-weapons ban at this time, though well intentioned, would ignore states’ security concerns and has the potential to undermine other disarmament efforts.

The Armageddon Letters: Kennedy/Khrushchev/Castro in the Cuban Missile Crisis - by Blight, James G. and Lang, Janet M.

The Armageddon Letters: Kennedy/Khrushchev/Castro in the Cuban Missile Crisis - by Blight, James G. and Lang, Janet M.

Comprehensive Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons: An Emerging International Norm?

ABSTRACTThere have been calls for the abolition of nuclear weapons from the day they were invented. Over the last fifteen years, some indications can be found that such calls have been getting louder, among them Barack Obama's famous 2009 speech in Prague. In this article, we investigate if support for a comprehensive norm that would prohibit development, possession, and use of nuclear weapons is really growing. To assess the current status of that norm, we use the model of a “norm life cycle,” developed by Martha Finnemore and Kathryn Sikkink. We then analyze 6,545 diplomatic statements from the review process of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons as well as from the UN General Assembly First Committee on Disarmament and International Security, covering the years 2000 to 2013. The evidence shows that a comprehensive prohibition can be considered an emerging international norm that finds growing support among states without nuclear weapons and nuclear weapon states alike. Only a core group of states invoke the norm consistently, however. This leads us to conclude that the “tipping point” of the life cycle, at which adherence to a new norm starts to spread rapidly, has yet to be reached.

Is “zero” the right target for disarmament?

The United States and Russia have obligated themselves to pursuing complete nuclear disarmament. But despite the two countries’ treaty obligations, it’s reasonable to wonder if Russia and the United States will ever accept the constraints on power that total disarmament implies. Here, Wael Al Assad of Jordan, Li Bin of China (2015), and Sinan Ulgen of Turkey (2015) debate whether complete abolition of nuclear weapons is an appropriate goal for the disarmament movement—or whether disarmament might proceed faster if its aim were reducing stockpiles to the point that they represented only a minimum possible deterrent.

Is “zero” the right target for disarmament?

The United States and Russia have obligated themselves to pursuing complete nuclear disarmament. But despite the two countries’ treaty obligations, it’s reasonable to wonder if Russia and the United States will ever accept the constraints on power that total disarmament implies. Here, Wael Al Assad of Jordan (2015), Li Bin of China, and Sinan Ulgen of Turkey (2015) debate whether complete abolition of nuclear weapons is an appropriate goal for the disarmament movement—or whether disarmament might proceed faster if its aim were reducing stockpiles to the point that they represented only a minimum possible deterrent.