NP Complement Research Articles

Tianzhu. 2024. 05. A study of Korean learners" use pattern of the Korean NP complement clauses: focusing on the contrast between spoken and written data produced by advanced Chinese learners

Tianzhu. 2024. 05. A study of Korean learners" use pattern of the Korean NP complement clauses: focusing on the contrast between spoken and written data produced by advanced Chinese learners

On the Internal Structure of Pronouns: From the Perspective of Noun Ellipsis

The widespread pattern of “noun-less” variants of DPs (e.g. two/these [nP/NumPØ] vs. two/these cars) might lead to the expectation that the definite determiner should be able to head DPs with a null complement. The best candidate for representing the structure [Ddef [nP/NumPØ]] are 3rd person personal pronouns (Elbourne, 2005; a.o), an analysis supported by evidence for NP-ellipsis (or N-anaphora) in pronouns. However, equating pronouns with THE+[nP/NumPØ] faces a number of issues: the different behavior of pronouns and other definite descriptions with respect to binding; the differences in syntactic and semantic features between pronouns and DPs headed by THE (e.g. gender); the one-to-many structure-form relationship between the single structure THE+[nP/NumPØ] and different series of pronominal forms (strong and weak forms); and, a gap in the attested combinations of THE and [NØ]. Our account addresses these issues. We propose that the D used in pronouns, which we label Dpron, has the semantics of THE, but THE and Dpron differ in their formal features. We posit that a null NP complement needs to be licensed by features on the determiner the NP merges with, and that Dpron bears such features. Thus, we capture the fact that typical THE does not surface in cases where there is no overt element in the complement of D (i.e. what we call total emptiness) via the absence of these features on THE. Additionally, to further explore the differences between strong and weak forms in Romanian, we present the results of a corpus study on these forms.

Bound Noun Pa in Korean

This paper addresses the syntatic aspect of a bound noun pa in Korean. Woo (2006) extensively discusses the bound noun pa in terms of syntax, semantics, and grammaticalization. Woo (2006) argues that there are two different syntactic structures of pa: a relative-clause structure with an ellipsis operation and a noun-complement-clause structure. However, the two structures appear to have empirical problems. Unlike normal relative clauses, pa cannot be separated into two different clauses, and the elided parts cannot have full pronunciation. The problem of the noun complement clause is that pa cannot be modified by adjectives. Given that pa can be replaced by a bound noun kes in general (Woo 2006), we may assume Kim’s (2016) N-to-n movement of kes. However, we find a difference between pa and kes in terms of an adjectival modification pattern. In this paper, I argue that pa directly merges in small n, and it takes an NP complement which is headed by a null noun. This analysis has more explanatory power than Woo (2006) in that it accounts for the related phenomena seamlessly, and its grammaticalized nature is directly reflected in the structure.

The Argument/Adjunct Distinction Does Not Condition Islandhood of PPs in English

I argue that the well-known islandhood of adjunct prepositional phrases does not substantially derive from their adjuncthood. Instead, islandhood of these domains derives from various factors that are orthogonal to the argument/adjunct distinction, including PP-internal structure, lexical properties of prepositions, and semanticopragmatic construal. To show this, I demonstrate that PP islandhood crosscuts the argument/adjunct distinction. In particular, (a) PPs with NP complements are generally not islands, (b) PPs with tensed clausal complements are generally (strong) islands, and (c) PPs with gerundive complements are generally (weak) islands. These generalizations hold whether or not the relevant PP has a prototypical adjunct function.

Argument realization and argument referencing in Soranî Kurdish

Soranî Kurdish can reference up to two arguments morphologically, a subject agreement marker and an incorporated object pronoun. One of the argument referencing morphs is verb-bound and occurs in a fixed position in the verb template (after the stem), while the other is a mobile morph that can occur either verb-internally (in second or last position) or verb externally. Either the subject agreement marker or the object incorporated pronoun can be verb bound or mobile morphs, depending on the tense and presence of an NP complement. Previous literature has analyzed mobile morphs as (VP) endoclitics. We argue that this is not the case as verb-external mobile morphs occur at the end of the last word of the least oblique NP complement and cannot attach to the last word of VP-internal PPs. We provide an edge-feature based analysis of verb-external mobile morphs and show that the same realizational rules account for the exponents of mobile morph features whether they occur verb-internally or verb-externally. We furthermore suggest that the dissociation between paradigm class (verb-bound or mobile morph) and syntactic status (subject or object; agreement marker vs. incorporated pronoun) challenges views that treat morphological structure as isomorphic to syntactic structure.

Expansion of verb-argument construction repertoires in L2 English writing

Abstract This paper investigates the use of English verb-argument constructions (VACs) in second language writing in light of usage-based constructionist approaches to language development. It employs a comprehensive list of VACs to analyze every sentence in 390 essays written by L2 learners of three levels, i.e., Low, Mid, and High, and examines the theoretical hypotheses that the repertoires of VACs expand along with L2 proficient profile and that individual VACs, albeit varying in their expansion patterns, compose a structured inventory based on constructional information. Results indicate that L2 learners of higher proficiency used significantly more types of VACs than those of lower proficiency. It is also found that significant expansions of individual VACs appeared at different L2 proficiency levels. For example, the use of [Verb + NP complement] construction significantly increased between Low and Mid, not between Mid and High, whereas the [Verb + Prepositional object] construction significantly expanded throughout the three proficiency levels. Finally, there were strong cluster effects in the expansion of VACs as small sets of VACs showed similar by-text co-occurrence patterns.

Complex numerals in English: constituents or not?

This article focuses on the controversy over whether complex numerals in English are constituents. Contra the traditional view (e.g. Hurford 1975; Greenberg 1990 [1978]), the cascading structure proposed in Ionin & Matushansky (2006, 2018) maintains that cross-linguistically a complex numeral does not form a constituent to the exclusion of the NP complement. The derivation of an additive complex numeral, e.g. twenty-two people, thus involves an underlying source form with a nominal conjunction, e.g. twenty people and two people. Based on the argumentation established in He (2015) and He et al. (2017) supporting complex numerals as constituents in Chinese and minority languages in southern China, this article first demonstrates that the non-constituency analysis is not viable for English, as the underlying forms of additive complex numerals may be ill-formed and also not semantically equivalent to the surface forms. We then offer evidence to support the constituency analysis from constituency tests and behavior of post-numeral and pre-numeral modifiers. Finally, we demonstrate that the extra mechanism of grafting, proposed by Meinunger (2015), is unnecessary for English complex numerals.

On the Syntax of Existential Sentences in Najdi Arabic

The existential sentence is a noncanonical sentence type that is used crosslinguistically to assert the (non)existence of one or more entities. It consists of a set of syntactic items that includes an expletive, pivot, and coda. Two different syntactic analyses have been identified in the literature for the existential construction. The first type of analysis, the standard analysis, treats the existential sentence as a nonraising counterpart of copular sentences. In this analysis, both existential and copular sentences are derived from a single underlying structure, which takes the pivot as a subject and the coda as a predicate. The other type of analysis, the nonstandard analysis, treats the existential sentence differently from the copular sentence. In this analysis, the copular verb takes the pivot NP as its complement, and the coda is treated as an adjunct. The purpose of this paper is to examine the syntactic status of the three syntactic items, namely, the expletive fiih, the pivot NP, and the coda XP, in the existential construction in the dialect of Najdi Arabic (NA). Using the nonstandard analysis, I propose that the existential pronoun fiih is an NP merged in the Spec, vP, the pivot is an NP complement selected by a copular verb, and the coda is an adjunct that serves as either an internal or external modifier. This work about NA existentials may fruitfully contribute to the ongoing discussion on the syntax of existential constructions. Examining existential constructions in various unrelated languages may help obtain a better understanding of this interesting syntactic phenomenon, thereby enabling a more plausible analysis.

중국어권 한국어 학습자 말뭉치에 나타난 동격관형절 사용 양상

중국어권 한국어 학습자 말뭉치에 나타난 동격관형절 사용 양상

Productivity, richness, and diversity of light verb constructions in the history of American English

AbstractThis study provides an empirical analysis of productivity in Light Verb Constructions (LVCs) in the history of American English. LVCs contain a semantically light verb likemakeortakethat may be paired with an abstract nominal object, as inmake an assumptionortake charge. Using a 406-million word corpus of texts written between 1810 and 2009, we track the frequency of LVCs and analyze the range of light verb + nominal object pairings. Using statistical measurements of biodiversity from the field of ecology, we evaluate the hypothesis that “the rich get richer” among light verbs: the most frequent verbs become more frequent and more diverse, occurring with an ever-growing variety of different NP complements. The results contribute to ongoing discussions in cross-linguistic, diachronic research on reasons for the growth of LVCs, the gradient nature of linguistic productivity, and the role of exemplars in the interaction between type and token frequencies during periods of linguistic change.

Kanuri DP Hypothesis: A Minimalist Approach

This paper examines the structure of Kanuri DP (structure) Hypothesis within the framework of Abney (1987) and Chomsky (1995) Minimalist Programme (MP). In conducting the research, the researcher uses his native speaker intuition and other three competent native speakers of Kanuri to validate the data of this study. The study identifies Kanuri determiners as post head modifier language. The study identifies also two types of demonstrative modifiers –near and far demonstratives. The near demonstratives agree with their head nouns while the far demonstratives take both singular and plural head nouns. The far demonstratives do not show any form of agreement morphology between the nouns and their demonstrative modifiers. The analysis of DP Hypothesis shows the NP complement moves to the specifier position in the surface syntax which give rise to complement-head (C-H) order. The study further analyzes possessives, demonstratives and quantifiers under the DP hypothesis. The outcome of the study reveals that possessive determiner ‘nde’ (our) is base generated at the possessive position, moves and fills the D position under the DP in Kanuri while the far demonstrative ‘tudu’ (that) is also base generated at the Dem. Position of the determiner phrase (DP) -hence the D position is strong head position moves and fills the D position and the noun ‘fato’ (house) moves to the specifier position of the determiner phrase (DP) in order to check agreement feature in Kanuri.

Which-hunting in Medieval England

AbstractIn many of the first English headedwhich-relatives,whichhas an NP complement. Using distributional tests grounded in contrasts revealed by research in formal semantics, we demonstrate that the presence of an NP complement forces a nonrestrictive interpretation of the relative, while ‘bare’which-relatives may be restrictive or nonrestrictive. We situate this finding in relation to both the formal semantics of relative clauses, and the history ofwh-relatives in English.

Integration of Verb Subcategorization Information in L2 English Sentence Processing by Korean Learners : An Eye-Tracking Study

The present study tested whether adult Korean learners of English are able to immediately integrate verb-specific structural information (i.e. subcategorization restrictions imposed by individual verbs) as they read sentences in English. Seventeen native speakers of English and 22 Korean learners of English participated in an eye-tracking experiment, in which they read English sentences that contained a wh-dependency between the head NP and the verb of a relative clause. The relative clause verbs consisted of three types that varied in terms of subcategorization properties: transitive verbs that take an NP complement more often than a PP complement, transitive verbs that take a PP complement more often than an NP complement, and unaccusative verbs that are strictly intransitive. The results suggest that whereas native speakers use verb subcategorization information in making initial parsing decisions regarding wh-dependency formation, Korean learners are only able to integrate the information in later stages of sentence processing. Possible accounts of this discrepancy in the time course of verb information integration are discussed.

No argument–adjunct asymmetry in reconstruction for Binding Condition C

The syntax literature has overwhelmingly adopted the view that Condition C reconstruction takes place in wh-chains for R-expressions contained within arguments, but not within adjuncts of fronted wh-phrases. At the same time, this empirical picture has been questioned by various authors. We undertake a series of grammaticality surveys using Amazon Mechanical Turk in an attempt to clarify the empirical picture regarding reconstruction for Binding Condition C. We find absolutely no evidence of an argument–adjunct distinction in reconstruction for Binding Condition C. Neither arguments nor adjuncts reconstruct for Condition C. We suggest that those speakers who report such a contrast (linguists, primarily) are following a pragmatic bias, and not Condition C. While we do not find reconstruction of dependents of fronted NPs for Binding Condition C, we do find reconstruction of fronted PPs. That is, the NP complement of a fronted P must reconstruct for Binding Condition C. The literature also finds reconstruction of NP complements of verbs and adjectives. This means that fronted Ns are special in not requiring reconstruction of their arguments and adjuncts. We suggest that, syntactically, arguments of Ns are treated as adjuncts: semantic arguments simply adjoin in the same manner as true adjuncts. Syntactic adjuncts can be left out of lower copies in chains, something that we suggest follows from a left-to-right syntactic derivation plus an economy condition on copying.

Nominal ellipsis and prepositional modifiers in Portuguese: a phase-theoretic approach

AbstractDefinite determiners in Portuguese are (pro)clitics. As such, they must attach to a full prosodic word at PF. This is achieved by an operation which “fuses” the determiner to the following lexical item. In anaphoric DPs with an elliptical noun modified by a prepositional phrase, fusion to a full preposition (P*) is not possible. This is accounted for by claiming that P*Ps are phases that are sent to Spell-Out as soon as they are formed (“early Spell-Out”); thus, they will not be accessible to fusion with the definite article at the phonological cycle of the higher phase and the derivation crashes because the definite article is not included in a prosodic word. PPs with the dummy prepositionde‘of’ can modify elliptical nouns since dummydeis arguably a morphological reflex of inherent Case assigned by the (elliptical) noun; thus, it does not constitute a phase together with its NP complement. The analysis is then extended to cases where the modifier of the elliptical noun is a clause.

A Study on the Syntax and Semantics of Korean Undeformed NP Complement Clauses

A Study on the Syntax and Semantics of Korean Undeformed NP Complement Clauses

Are phonological features of roots in syntax? Evidence from Guébie

<div class="page" title="Page 1"><div class="layoutArea"><div class="column"><p><span>Based on original field data, I demonstrate that in Guébie (Kru, Niger-Congo), third person pronouns </span><span>phonologically </span><span>resemble their antecedents. This system, along with other phonologically determined agreement systems, pose problems for our traditional Y-model of grammar, which assumes that phonological features are not present in the syntax (cf. DM, Marantz 1995), thus morphosyntactic processes like agreement should not be able to access phonological features. </span></p><p><span>Here I address the question of whether phonologically determined agreement systems can be modeled without requiring syntax to be sensitive to phonological features. To do this I argue that pronouns select for an NP complement (cf. Elbourne 2001), where the pronoun enters into an agree relation with its NP complement. When spelled out, the morphologically agreeing heads must be phonologically similar, and this overt agreement licenses ellipsis of the NP. </span></p></div></div></div>

The Ekegusii Determiner Phrase Analysis in the Minimalist Program

Among some of the recent syntactic developments, the noun phrase has been reanalyzed as a determiner phrase (DP). This study analyses the Ekegusii determiner phrase (DP) with an inquiry into the relationship between agreement of the INFL (sentence) and concord in the noun phrase (determiner phrase). It hypothesizes that the Ekegusii sentential Agreement has a symmetrical relationship with the Ekegusii Determiner Phrase internal concord and feature checking theory and full interpretation (FI) in the Minimalist Program is adequate in the analysis of the internal structure of the Ekegusii DP. In employing the Minimalist Program (MP), the study shall first seek to establish the domain of the NP in the Ekegusii DP and go ahead to do an investigation into the adequacy of the Minimalist Program in analyzing the Ekegusii DP. This study is also geared towards establishing the order of determiners in the DP between the D-head and the NP complement. The study concludes that the principles of feature checking and full interpretation in the minimalist program are mutually crucial in ensuring that Ekegusii constructions (DP and even the sentence) are grammatical (converge). This emphasizes the fact that the MP is adequate in Ekegusii DP analysis.

VP anaphors and Object Shift: What do VP anaphors reveal about the licensing conditions for Object Shift in Danish?

The article discusses the placement of the VP anaphor det ‘it’ as a complement of verbs selecting VP complements in Danish. With verbs that only allow a VP complement, the VP anaphor must be in SpecCP regardless of its information structure properties. If SpecCP is occupied by an operator, the anaphor can be in situ, but it cannot shift. With verbs that allow its VP complement to alternate with an NP complement, the VP anaphor can be in SpecCP, shifted or in situ according to the information structural properties of the anaphor. Only if SpecCP is occupied by an operator, must a topical anaphor be in situ. The article argues that a shifted pronominal in Danish must be categorially licensed by the verb and extends this analysis to shifting locatives. An Optimality Theory analysis is proposed that accounts for the observed facts.

The Function of the Post Verbal la in Dagbani

This paper investigates the function(s) of the post verbal particle la in Dagbani, a Gur language spoken in Northern Ghana. I contend that the particle marks neither imperfective aspect nor contrastive focus on NP objects and adjuncts, as suggested by earlier researchers. Here, I refine the existing analyses and put forth an alternative proposal in which the particle la marks presentational focus. I suggest that la could mark presentational focus on NP complements, adjuncts or the entire VP. I demonstrate that full NPs follow la, while object pronouns precede it, suggesting that object pronouns either undergo object shift or are syntactically bound to the verb. I also discuss ka and n, which have been proposed to have functions similar to la. More information on the interaction of these elements will be relevant for the understanding of the latter’s function. I further show that there is co-occurrence restrictions between ka/n and post verbal la, as has been claimed by earlier research. I show that although we can have la that co-occurs with the focus markers ka/n, that la is probably a deictic discourse particle and not the presentational focus marker. I propose that when the deictic la co-occurs with ka/n, it appears only clause finally. I conclude that the use or non-use of the post verbal la is due to discourse-pragmatic considerations.