North Korea's Foreign Policy Research Articles

Critical discourse analysis of North Korea's foreign policy in Kim Jong Un's speech in 2022

The purpose of this article is to explore the discourse on the direction of North Korea's foreign policy under the leadership of Kim Jong Un. This article uses the concept of critical discourse analysis to analyze North Korea's foreign policy through Kim Jong Un's speech in 2022. For data collection, validation and linguistic investigation using the NVivo 12 Plus application. The data sources used are literature reviews through e-books, news, journals and Google Scholar. The results of the data processing show interesting findings, where in his speech in 2022, Kim Jong Un renewed his Law to threaten military action by South Korea and the United States. In addition, make North Korea's nuclear arsenal the most powerful and absolute and the "most powerful strategic weapon in the world". By developing the National Security discourse presented in 2022, the North Korean government can protect the country, people and sovereignty from enemy influence and make North Korea a country with world-recognized military defense. This National Security Discourse then becomes the main focus of Kim's foreign policy instrument in 2022.The purpose of this article is to explore the discourse on the direction of North Korea's foreign policy under the leadership of Kim Jong Un. This article uses the concept of critical discourse analysis to analyze North Korea's foreign policy through Kim Jong Un's speech in 2022. For data collection, validation and linguistic investigation using the NVivo 12 Plus application. The data sources used are literature reviews through e-books, news, journals and Google Scholar. The results of the data processing show interesting findings, where in his speech in 2022, Kim Jong Un renewed his Law to threaten military action by South Korea and the United States. In addition, make North Korea's nuclear arsenal the most powerful and absolute and the "most powerful strategic weapon in the world". By developing the National Security discourse presented in 2022, the North Korean government can protect the country, people and sovereignty from enemy influence and make North Korea a country with world-recognized military defense. This National Security Discourse then becomes the main focus of Kim's foreign policy instrument in 2022.

PENGARUH IDIOSINKRATIK KIM JONG UN TERHADAP KEBIJAKAN LUAR NEGERI KOREA UTARA STUDI KASUS MENINGKATNYA ESKALASI KONFLIK DI SEMENANJUNG KOREA (2013)

ABSTRACT This study discusses about Kim Jong Un’s idiosyncratic impact in North Korea's foreign policy related to the escalation of the conflict in the Korean Peninsula in 2013. The background of this research is the change of North Korea’s foreign policy in the leadership era of Kim Jong Un which decided to re-confrontation with South Korea. Those became the main platform issues examined in this research, which is why North Korea under the leadership era of Kim Jong Un decided to re-confrontation with South Korea in 2013. Those problem will be analyzed and explaned by using idiosyncratic theory, authoritarian leadership and decision making as the basic argument. Based on the theoretical approach that given, it can be deduced that the escalation of the conflict in the Korean Peninsula in 2013 was effected by idiosyncratic of Kim Jong Un that describes the characteristics of Kim Jong Un is dictatorial. Thus, the holder of the power taken by Kim Jong Un so that can be affect the decision making of Kim Jong Un and produce a confrontational North Korea’s policy. Key words: Foreign Policy, Idiosyncratic, Authoritarian Leadership, Decision Making

Kim Jong Un's Leadership and North Korea's Foreign Policy Change

Kim Jong Un's Leadership and North Korea's Foreign Policy Change

North Korea's Foreign Policy: Linkage between Soviet Policy and Ideology

North Korea's Foreign Policy: Linkage between Soviet Policy and Ideology

The Anatomy of North Korea's Foreign Policy Formulation

IntroductionNorth Korea itself is a puzzle. At the end of the Cold War, it was widely believed that North Korea would collapse, considering the loss of its economic patron and ideological backbone in the collapse of the Soviet Union. However, this logic seems to be fading out. Despite its economic setbacks, North Korea has successfully developed its missile and nuclear capability and thus increased the survivability of its regime without suffering military attacks. On the contrary, even though the United States has invented two negotiating frameworks, the Four-Party Talks in the 1990s (China, the two Koreas, and the United States) and the Six-Party Talks (Russia, China, the two Koreas, Japan, and the United States) in the 2000s, the U.S. diplomatic efforts to denuclearize the Korean Peninsula and to include North Korea into the international community have been unsuccessful.A certain question arises: Why are negotiations with North Korea, currently the Six-Party Talks, often ineffective? Indeed, neither the bilateral agreement, the 1994 Agreed Framework formed by the United States and North Korea, nor the multilateral declaration, the Joint Statement of the Fourth Round of the Six-Party Talks in September 2005, have been able to deter North Korea from developing and possessing its nuclear capability. In order to understand these phenomena, it is imperative to understand the nature of North Korean foreign policy.In this paper, I argue that North Korean foreign policy can be explained by neoclassical realism, which regards distribution of power in the international system as an independent variable, domestic perception of the system and domestic incentives as intervening variables, and foreign policy decision-making as a dependent variable.1 From the neoclassical realism perspective, foreign policy decision-makers can be constrained by both international and domestic politics, and their perceptions with regard to international anarchy, including whether they have assured its security, are influenced by such domestic factors as states' political structures and ideologies.2 In the case of North Korea, the international distribution of power is interpreted by its domestic political system, based on the national ideology (Juche) and the supreme leader (Suryong) political institution, and I argue that this perception has predominantly determined its foreign policy objectives and decision-making.The Distribution of Power in the International System and Northeast AsiaThe current distribution of power in the international system does not favor North Korea. Indeed, since the end of the Cold War, North Korea has faced grave security threats from inside and outside the state. Domestically, as the surge of democratization in Eastern Europe from the early 1990s illustrates, North Korea faced a potential social uprising from inside at the end of the Cold War. It has also been facing the possibility of economic collapse due to decreasing economic assistance from the former Soviet Union, unexpected political events due to the death of Kim Ilsung, and social instability due to the catastrophic famine that struck during the mid- to late-1990s, all of which have contributed to decreasing the overall national strength. Internationally, the collapse of the Soviet Union meant the disappearance of the Soviet nuclear umbrella, and North Korea's security has become much more vulnerable vis-a-vis hostile states in the region, especially the United States, than during the Cold War.In fact, the United States and its allies have become capable of expanding their alliance functions since the 1990s. This is well illustrated by the modernization and realignments of the U.S.-ROK alliance3 and the redefinition of the U.S.-Japan alliance role, which has developed its function and scope since the 1996 Japan-U.S. Joint Declaration on Security,4 which now includes not only the defense of Japan but also regional and global contingencies. …

Pyongyang Sees the Nuke Impasse

In order to better understand and explain North Korea's foreign policy strategies and tactics on the controversy surrounding the nuclear program, this chapter examines the perceptions held by Pyongyang about the neighbouring counties including the United States, Japan, and South Korea. These perceptions are formulated in accordance with North Korea's perception about itself that is generally constructed based on the principle of Juche (self-reliance) and the political and security environment surrounding the Korean peninsula as perceived by Pyongyang itself. North Korea is an unconventional country if one looks from outside but it is not irrational in that it has pursued its own national interest rather effectively for which security is first and foremost. This chapter provides an explanation of North Korean conducts from the perspective of North Korea's own mind-set.

Rethinking North Korea

The conventional wisdom in explaining North Korean foreign policy focuses on elites, ideology and attitudes, and domestic variables. This view tends to see the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) as an atavistic state whose ideology and political regime are heading for the ashheap of history, and scholars argue that North Korea has been a pariah state with a cult of personality surrounding the late Kim Il Sung, and an aberrant and unpredictable foreign policy. This essay argues that, contrary to popular belief, North Korea's foreign policy is neither irrational nor impenetrable to systematic explanation. Using a framework derived from neorealism, I argue that North Korea's foreign policy, when separated from the misperceptions that surround it, is neither surprising nor aberrant. Two principal questions undergird this study. First, how well does the conventional wisdom explain North Korean foreign policy, and second, can an analysis derived from neorealist theory explain North Korea better than the conventional wisdom? I attempt to show that not only can neorealism explain North Korea's foreign policy and the long-peace on the Korean Peninsula, but also that neorealism can subsume many of the decision-making explanations. The article consists of three sections. The first reviews the dominant approach to the study of North Korea in which I select five widely accepted facts about North Korea, and discuss methodological concerns regarding their use. The second section shows that these stylized views are both logically and empirically untenable, and presents an alternative viewpoint based on structural approaches to international relations. The final section considers the effect that nuclear weapons might have on North Korea's actions,

Issues of Arms Control between the Two Koreas

Research Article| April 01 1992 Issues of Arms Control between the Two Koreas Tong Whan Park Tong Whan Park Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar Asian Survey (1992) 32 (4): 350–365. https://doi.org/10.2307/2645151 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Twitter LinkedIn Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Tong Whan Park; Issues of Arms Control between the Two Koreas. Asian Survey 1 April 1992; 32 (4): 350–365. doi: https://doi.org/10.2307/2645151 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search nav search search input Search input auto suggest search filter All ContentAsian Survey Search This content is only available via PDF. Copyright 1992 The Regents of the University of California Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

Pyongyang's Foreign Policy: Continuity and Change

This article examines the possible courses of North Korea's foreign policy in the 1990s. Pyongyang's traditional and current foreign policy is shown to pursue related goals of legitimacy, security, and development. In examining the operational environment of Pyongyang's foreign policy decisions in the next decade, the author emphasizes that changes in the Soviet Union, the People's Republic of China, and South Korea may force North Korea to soften its hardline foreign policy. Similarly domestic pressures, particularly from a weakening economy and a changing military balance on the peninsula, also suggest that North Korea will move toward supporting meaningful inter-Korean dialogue. Finally changes in the North Korean decision-making elite should also encourage a readjustment of foreign policy priorities. The author suggests there will be incremental change in North Korea's foreign policy in the 1990s, rather than the continuity of previous decades.

South Korea and the Communist Countries

Research Article| November 01 1980 South Korea and the Communist Countries Ahn Byung-joon Ahn Byung-joon Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar Far Eastern Survey (1951) 20 (11): 1098–1107. https://doi.org/10.2307/2643912 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn MailTo Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Ahn Byung-joon; South Korea and the Communist Countries. Far Eastern Survey 30 May 1951; 20 (11): 1098–1107. doi: https://doi.org/10.2307/2643912 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentAsian Survey Search This content is only available via PDF. Copyright 1980 The Regents of the University of California Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.