North-Eastern Neo-Aramaic Research Articles

Free Indirect Discourse in Neo-Aramaic Narrative Folktales

Abstract Free indirect discourse (FID) is a literary, or narrative device which allows access to the thoughts and feelings of a protagonist, from his or her own perspective. FID is formally viewed as lying on the scale between indirect discourse (ID) and direct discourse (DD). It is non-embedded, consisting of a blend of features, few intrinsic to ID, while the rest are associated with DD. The paper aims to discuss the nature of the FID phenomenon in North Eastern Neo-Aramaic, based on folktales told in the Jewish Neo-Aramaic dialect of Zakho, while paying close attention to the wider context, and more specifically, to the discourse type surrounding FID.

Narrative verbal forms in North-Eastern Neo-Aramaic dialects

Abstract I examine various types of verbal forms used in narratives of the North-Eastern Neo-Aramaic (NENA) dialects. They have in common the feature of dependence on the preceding discourse. These dependent narrative forms can be classified into ‘underspecified forms’ and ‘subordinate forms’. The underspecified forms include habitual forms and perfect forms, both of which lack the full specification of an event in their prototypical grammatical meaning. The specification of the event depends on the narrative context. The subordinate narrative forms have developed by a process of insubordination whereby their use has been extended from syntactically subordinate clauses to main clauses that are semantically dependent on the preceding discourse. One factor that may have motivated this insubordination process in the case of the narrative subjunctive qaṭəl form is the conservative continuity of the morphological shape of the narrative qāṭēl form, which was a feature of earlier Aramaic narrative style.

The Girl in the Ape’s House: A folktale in a North-Eastern Neo-Aramaic variety of Urmiya, Russia

Abstract The article discusses dialectal and folkloristic features of an oral narrative in a North-Eastern Neo-Aramaic (NENA) variety recently recorded in the Southern Russian village of Urmiya. The dialect of the tale belongs to the NENA varieties originating in the easternmost regions of Turkey, which is corroborated by the tale’s speaker, who named its places of origin as Lewən, Albaq, and Gawar. These dialects remain largely undescribed and are highly endangered. The plot of the story is not known from hitherto published Neo-Aramaic field texts. Even though it resembles some of the folktales recorded in Iran and India, the story contains a unique combination of narrative motifs.

Parts of speech and the placement of Targets in the corpus of languages in northwestern Iran

AbstractThis study applies a corpus-based quantitative approach to the word order typology and linguistic theories about word order in several genetically unrelated language varieties in northwestern Iran, such as Mukri Kurdish, Northeastern Kurdish and Armenian (Indo-European), Jewish Neo-Aramaic (Semitic), and Azeri Turkic (Turkish). Despite the difference in the default position of the direct object, the existing corpora of published and personal field data of narrative free speech demonstrate that these languages share the clause-final position of Targets predominantly (e.g., physical and metaphorical goals, recipients, addressees, and resultant-states) in their word order. Yet, Targets are more flexible in Mukri Kurdish, Northeastern Neo-Aramaic, and Azeri Turkic, whereas they are less flexible in Armenian and Northeastern Kurdish. Among various factors relevant to the placement of Targets, morphosyntactic features such as parts of speech exhibit constraints and clear preferences in the pre- and postverbal placement of Targets.

Neo-Aramaic as a source of hitherto unattested Aramaic words and meanings

Abstract The spectrum of Neo-Aramaic languages and dialects, spoken in an arch of language-islets that stretch from south-western Syria to south-western Iran, exhibits rich lexical repositories inherited from early layers of the Aramaic language. Within this wealthy lexical legacy, some genuine Aramaic lexical items are not attested in any of the literary Aramaic sources, hence it is only by virtue of these modern lexical manifestations that the existence of the ancient Aramaic antecedents of these words can be inferred or reconstructed. Such historical lacunae concern also meanings that must be of considerable antiquity, yet these meanings, pertaining to well-known Aramaic words, have no evidence in literary Aramaic, having surfaced only in the modern era. This article discusses ten selected cases of pre-modern Aramaic words and meanings that were discovered by etymological and comparative examination of their modern reflexes in North-Eastern Neo-Aramaic (NENA), Western Neo-Aramaic and Ṭuroyo.

The Morphology of Adjectives in the Neo-Aramaic Dialects of ʿAqra

Abstract The present article presents a synchronic description of the morphology of adjectives in the highly endangered Neo-Aramaic dialects of ʿAqra in the Kurdistan region of Iraq. It discusses the morphology of adjectives in these dialects as used in the sixties of the last century. In particular, the article highlights adjectival patterns, inflectional features, and the adaptation of loanwords from Kurdish, Arabic, and Turkish. The article contributes to the description of the grammar of some 150 North-Eastern Neo-Aramaic (NENA) dialects in the Kurdistan region that are gradually falling into disuse, due to internal disputes, wars, economic crises, and globalisation.

Remarks on the Historical Development and Syntax of the Copula in North-Eastern Neo-Aramaic Dialects

Abstract This paper examines some aspects of the morphology and syntax of the copula in the North-Eastern Neo-Aramaic (NENA) dialects. The first part proposes a possible pathway for the diachronic development of the morphology of the copula, with particular attention to the innovative inflection of the 3rd person. It is argued that this originated in deictic constructions that were reanalysed as deictic copulas. The second part offers a functional explanation for the position of the copula before or after the predicate. It is argued that many constructions that place the copula before the predicate should be interpreted as thetic sentences, whereas those that place the copula after the predicate should be interpreted as categorical sentences. The thetic structures are likely to have developed by the replication of the pattern of copula constructions in Kurdish.

Paronomastic Infinitives in North-Eastern Neo-Aramaic: A Typological Approach

Abstract In the present article we aim to describe the distribution and functions of preposed and postposed paronomastic infinitives in literary and spoken varieties of North-Eastern Neo-Aramaic (NENA). In the first part, the syntax and the function(s) of constructions involving a paronomastic infinitive will be described from a typological point of view. Syntactic and functional variation of NENA paronomastic infinitives largely corresponds to what is found in other Semitic languages, as well as in many languages belonging to other families. In the second part of the article we will address the rendering of Biblical Hebrew and Classical Syriac paronomastic infinitives in NENA Bible translations and offer a survey of various constructions found in spoken varieties and in the language of early Christian Neo-Aramaic poetry.

Folk Etymology in the North-Eastern Neo-Aramaic Dialects

Abstract Although folk etymology is a common linguistic phenomenon, it has hitherto hardly been touched upon in lexicological and other works related to varieties of Neo-Aramaic. The present article concerns twelve cases of folk etymology selected from some of the dialects of North-Eastern Neo-Aramaic (NENA), the largest and most variegated division of modern Aramaic. Among these are three folk-etymological interpretations that did not induce structural or other changes, as well as nine cases of folk-etymological processes that reshaped NENA lexical items.

Further Jewish Neo-Aramaic Innovations

Abstract The present article presents new findings related to Jewish Neo-Aramaic (JNA) innovations in the framework of North-Eastern Neo-Aramaic (NENA). The dialectal spectrum of JNA is so wide and variegated, that some geographically distant JNA varieties are markedly different from each other on all levels of language structure. Despite this great heterogeneity, the JNA dialects share supra-regional features that bind these varieties together to the exclusion of all, or the vast majority of, the Christian NENA (C.NENA) dialects. There appear to be no grounds, however, for a genetic classification of NENA into two principal branches, JNA and C.NENA. Distinct Jewish versus Christian NENA isoglosses have, rather, most plausibly emerged by gradual diffusion of innovations throughout NENA-speaking communities of the same confession (Jewish or Christian), while skipping geographically adjacent, but religiously distinct, NENA-speaking communities.

Akkadian substrate words and meanings surfacing in Neo-Aramaic

Abstract The present article concerns twelve cases of Akkadian lexical influences on Aramaic that are not manifest until the modern period. These are added to several cases already discussed in scholarly works, and include ten substrate words and two loan translations, all in North-Eastern Neo-Aramaic (NENA), and in one case of loan translation apparently also in Western Neo-Aramaic (assuming a westward diffusion of the innovation involved). As most Akkadian lexical influences which surface in Neo-Aramaic are confined to NENA, it seems that the main reasons for the lack of their attestation in pre-modern Aramaic is the strictly vernacular nature of the remote progenitor of NENA, and the fact that the history of this dialect group is not attested.

LEFT DISLOCATION IN NORTH-EASTERN NEO-ARAMAIC DIALECTS

The North-Eastern Neo-Aramaic (NENA) dialects, which are the focus of this paper, were spoken across a wide area encompassing northern Iraq, north-west Iran, south-eastern Turkey, Armenia and Georgia. In these spoken dialects a distinction should be made between two major types of Left Dislocation (LD) structures. In one type the initial item is prosodically and grammatically integrated with what follows. The initial item is prosodically integrated in that it is not separated from what follows by an intonation group boundary. The initial item is resumed in the clause by a pronominal affix, as opposed to an independent pronoun or a full nominal. Such initial items have all the semantic and functional properties of normal grammatical subjects. These are referred to as LD1 structures. A distinct type of construction is where the initial item is less integrated prosodically and/or structurally with what follows. This is referred to as an LD2 structure. This includes cases where the initial item is separated from what follows by an intonation group boundary. Another strategy for disjoining the initial item from the rest of the clause is the resumption of the initial item by an independent pronoun. Moreover, an additional structure in which the initial element is less integrated into the clause than LD1 constructions is where the resumptive element is a full nominal rather than a pronoun. An initial item in a LD2 structure is restricted to nominals that are topical, i.e. they function as the informational pivot or starting point of the following clause and typically their referent is identifiable from the context. The initial item of an LD1 structure, however, can have a variety of other types of status, including narrow focus. In this respect they correspond functionally to clause-initial subjects. When a clause-initial item has topical status, whether it be subject, an LD1 item or an LD2 item, the basic function of the construction is to express the onset of a discourse section and, if it occurs within the body of the discourse, a disjunction of some kind from what precedes. This includes not only topic shift, but also other types of discourse shifts, such as foreground to background or change in the level of description. In some cases, an LD1 construction is more normal than a construction with the grammatical subject in initial position, and indeed in some cases it is obligatory. This has given rise to diachronic change whereby the original grammatical subject of the construction has been re-analysed as having a different syntactic status.

A > e Raising in the Jilu Dialect of Neo-Aramaic

The Jilu dialect of North-Eastern Neo-Aramaic (NENA) stands apart from other dialects in a number of ways, in its vocabulary, in its morphology, and in its phonology. One of these divergences is the fact that in many words where other dialects have the vowel a, in Jilu we find e. In this article we will develop an account of the origins of this phenomenon. We will describe the motivation for the change and place it in the context of similar developments in other languages.

Reciprocal NP-Strategies in Jewish Dialects of Near Eastern Neo-Aramaic in Light of Parallel Semitic Constructions

This article focuses on the origin of the forms of various NP-strategies for expressing reciprocity in the Jewish dialects of North Eastern Neo-Aramaic (nena). The discussion concerning the origin of these forms is of special interest when considering their historical relationship with their regional ancestors from Late Aramaic (Syriac, Jewish Babylonian Aramaic, and Mandaic). This discussion is conducted in light of what has been previously discussed concerning similar constructions among the Semitic languages and cross-linguistically. This article also elaborates on the relationship between reciprocal constructions and sociative- comitative- collective expressions.

Differential object marking in Neo-Aramaic

Many languages differentiate between different types of objects, com- monly marking definite or highly animate objects. Crosslinguistically, two strate- gies for differentiating such objects are attested. One is differential object flagging (DOF), whereby an object is flagged by a case-marker or adposition. Another is differential object agreement (DOA), whereby the verb agrees with the object. A third strategy is to combine DOF and DOA, as happens in some North-Eastern Neo-Aramaic (NENA) dialects. This paper will focus on one such case, the Telkepe dialect, spoken in the town of Telkepe in northern Iraq. Definiteness is the main factor behind both object agreement and flagging in Telkepe: animacy does not seem to play a role. However, not all definite objects are marked as such. Objects that are generic or semantically integrated with the verb, even if activated in the previous discourse, tend not to be marked. Definite objects that are in focus also lack marking: differential object marking correlates with topic-hood, not only with the primary but also the secondary topic. These conditions for DOM are simi- lar to Nikolaeva's (2001) findings for Ostyak. The situation in Telkepe is compared with the situation in other NENA dialects and with DOM in earlier stages of the Aramaic language. The regional parallels are also discussed, as are the possibili- ties of contact influence between Aramaic and Arabic dialects.

The typology of morphological ergativity in Neo-Aramaic

Morphological ergativity is attested in all Neo-Aramaic dialects of the North-Eastern Neo-Aramaic (NENA) group, which comprises over a hundred different dialects spoken by Jewish and Christian communities originating in the border areas of Turkey/Iraq/Iran. Historically, Aramaic (Semitic) is nominative-accusative, and ergativity developed through contact with ergative Iranian languages, especially Kurdish, which is spoken by the Muslim population of the region. Ergativity developed in the perfective aspect only, and is marked by verb-agreement rather than Case. We divide NENA dialects into three types according to their degree of ergativity, reflected by differences in the distribution of the ergative marking of intransitive verbs. In dialects exhibiting the highest degree of ergativity, which we call Split-S, the ergative marker is restricted to transitive and unergative verbs, and is not found with unaccusative verbs. In a second type of dialect, which we call Dynamic-Stative, the ergative marker is also optionally found with unaccusative verbs. Dialects exhibiting the lowest degree of ergativity, Extended-Ergative, mark all intransitive subjects as ergative. This is surprising from the perspective of theories of ergativity, since it contradicts Marantz's Generalization, and suggests that ergative Case is not inherent but structural, and, specifically, that it is assigned by v and not by T. We show that the parametric variation between the different dialects reduces to the distribution of v. v is obligatory in Extended-Erg dialects, and assigns ergative Case to its argument if it has one, or to the internal argument otherwise. In Dynamic-Stative dialects, the presence of v is optional. In Split-S dialects – v is obligatorily missing; this is nevertheless compatible with verbs having an external argument, since ergative languages allow the merge of the external argument as an adjunct.

Some Lexicographic and Etymological Notes on 'A Jewish Neo-Aramaic Dictionary'

Abstract The present article refers to several selected lexical oddities which appear in Yona Sabar's A Jewish Neo-Aramaic Dictionary. The article seeks to clarify the etymologies of these lexical items, to refine their definitions whenever necessary, and to offer extensive comparative data related to cognates and missing links in various other Neo-Aramaic varieties, in particular North-Eastern Neo-Aramaic (NENA) dialects. All lexical items in question are proven to be inherited from pre-modern Aramaic, and five of them appear to be part of the inventory of Akkadian loanwords in NENA and other Aramaic languages. Mere recourse to Classical Aramaic is inadequate for uncovering the origins of most of these lexical items due to far-reaching semantic, phonological and morphological changes that have distanced them from their precursors. In most cases, therefore, a comparative inter-dialectal study is crucial for securing well-founded etyma for these puzzling words. Each etymological discussion specifies the diachronic processes involved in the development of the lexical item under consideration.

Trans-Zab Jewish Neo-Aramaic

AbstractThe present article seeks to describe a major group of Jewish North-Eastern Neo-Aramaic (NENA) dialects located across the Great Zab river in the eastern and south-eastern parts of the dialectological map of NENA, hence the term “Trans-Zab Jewish Neo-Aramaic” (“Trans-Zab”, for short) chosen for this dialect group. A large set of phonological, morphophonological, morphological and lexical innovations, shared by all members of this group, is presented. Each of the Trans-Zab features is compared with contrastive parallel features in other, selected NENA varieties. Finally, an internal classification of Trans-Zab into three subdivisions is proposed, based on a comparison of three respective paradigms of the positive present copula.

The North-Eastern Neo-Aramaic Dialects

Aramaic still survives as a spoken language among some Christian and Jewish communities in the Middle East. The dialects can be divided into various groups. The most diverse group is that known as North Eastern Neo-Aramaic. Dialects of this group are spoken by Christian and Jewish communities. Many of these communities, however, have now been displaced and the younger generations no longer speak the dialects. The description of these dialects is of immense importance for Semitic philology. The dialects exhibit linguistic developments that are not only interesting in their own right but also present illuminating parallels to developments in earlier Semitic.

On the Etymology of Some Enigmatic Words in North-Eastern Neo-Aramaic

AbstractThe present article seeks to clarify the etymologies of several selected North-Eastern Neo-Aramaic (NENA) lexical oddities of unknown or uncertain origin. All lexical items in question are proven to be of Aramaic provenance, yet mere recourse to Classical Aramaic is inadequate for uncovering the origins of these puzzling words due to far-reaching diachronic changes that have distanced them from their precursors. Missing links, based on interdialectal studies within NENA, are therefore crucial for securing well-founded etyma for these lexical enigmas. In addition to adducing missing links found in cognate dialects, each etymological discussion specifies the diachronic processes involved in the development of the lexical item under consideration.