The analysis of Inuit social organization and mythology continues to be hindered by representations of Inuit that inform both anthropological and popular consciousness. In an ongoing attempt to locate those Western representations, and particularly those generated by missionaries, this paper examines formation of particular symbolic associations promulgated by missionaries as part of a wider discourse on Inuit. If Western representations can be revealed, specificity of Inuit cultural formations can emerge within their own context. In contrast to prevailing anthropological discourse, which suggests that much of our understanding of cultural productions around world is generated through creation of Other, 1 would like to argue that in Inuit studies problem is that Inuit have been seen as too much like Us and that we must exoticize Inuit to begin to approach a reasonable understanding of their culture. This concern arises Out of three axes that have appeared in recent literature. The first is Ann Fienup-Riordan's discussion of representation of Alaskan Inupiat and Yup'ik in West (1990), and more specifically in Western films (1995). She points out that films about Inuit conflate all occupants of Arctic littoral into an image more appropriate to Eastern Arctic--snow houses, small nomadic family groups, dog teams, and seal and polar bear hunting. These images fail to recognize that Inupiat and Yup'ik of Alaska lived in much richer ecological zones, occupied semipermanent villages with large bone and sod huts, and had a complex ceremonial life focusing on whale hunting. While critical of application of images of Eastern Arctic Inuit to Alaskan context, she fails to consider that image of Eastern Arctic Inuit is also stereotypical and may be limited in its application. Nevertheless, image remains very powerful within Western imagination, even though, for examp le, Inuit of North Baffin Island wintered in sod huts (qarmat) that provided permanent base camps and used famous igloo as a temporary hunting shelter, or in spring and fall. The second axis comes from a reading of contemporary literature on representations of Indians, especially Daniel Francis's work, The Imaginary Indian (1992). Francis shows ambivalence of Western image as it fluctuated between noble savage and unpredictable wild man. In any case, Indian usually appears as taciturn, dour, proud, and (in paintings and photographs) scowling and serious. The Inuit, on other hand, appear in Western iconography as the happy, smiling people, always jolly and gay in face of terrible ecological adversity. As an example, examine Figure 1 published in Anglican Churchman of March 1960. The accompanying caption read: The Eskimos are a happy people and they love to sing and dance. Here they take advantage of a lull in unloading supply ship Rupertsland which arrives once a year when ice has gone out of Bay. Supplies for whole year must be brought in during summer. If anything is forgotten it must either come by air or be delayed until following summer. Eskimo babies join dance. They bounce around on their mothers' backs and enjoy fun. (GSA, P7530-334) This image has not been historically stable. The early encounters with Inuit were fraught with conflict and violence: Martin Frobisher retreated with an Inuit arrow in his buttocks and Inuit successfully repulsed first attempt by Moravian missionaries in Labrador (Graburn 1969; Oswalt 1979). The earliest depictions of Inuit made them as bloodthirsty as Indians but this was soon to disappear in period characterized by search for Northwest Passage (and more specifically search for Franklin expedition), and whaling period. Combined with their geographical and economic marginalization, Inuit have never represented a threat to Western colonial expansion and have been treated very differently through government policy and Western charity. …