North Atlantic Treaty Organization Allies Research Articles

The Impact of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons: The Crucial Role of the European NATO Allies

This article makes the argument that the role of the European NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization) allies, and especially the non-nuclear weapon states (NNWS) under the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT), may and should play a key role in the future of nuclear disarmament. Once the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) is signed and ratified by more or less 100 NNWS, mostly from the Global South, it will be up to the allied NNWS to make up their mind about their role vis-à-vis nuclear disarmament. Will they continue to behave as protégés by (and in some way also protectors of) the nuclear-armed states and break the disarmament process further, or will they shake off the nuclear “protection” in the interest of making progress toward a world without nuclear weapons? This article zooms in on the European NATO allies in particular. The TPNW can and will be used to put pressure on the European NATO allies to switch sides, and it can, on its turn, be used by the European NATO allies to stigmatize the nuclear-armed states in order to make progress in the direction of nuclear elimination. The article starts by reviewing the origins and objectives of the TPNW. In the next section, its impact will be scrutinized. We then turn to the current and possible future role of the European NATO allies.

Sharing the Burden and Dodging the Blame: NATO as a Western Instrument of Nuclear Advocacy

The West often indicate in discourse their desire to disarm. However, Western pro-nuclear disarmament rhetoric is often contested, since Western nuclear powers claim there are impeding factors to disarmament. These factors usually include the compromise of the security of their allies and generic ‘security reasons’. The argument is that concrete disarmament efforts are unfeasible and unrealistic because they do not consider the wide range of security concerns that nuclear weapons help mitigate. Oftentimes, the security of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) allies is invoked to justify the need for nuclear weapons. In that sense, I argue that the West instrumentalizes the NATO to rationalize and legitimize their nuclear weapons possession. They do so by 1) deflecting criticism related to nuclear policy to the organization; 2) passing the buck regarding the blame of maintaining nuclear weapons; 3) coercing NATO allies to adopt pro-nuclear policies; and 4) creating threats to justify these policies. Nuclear weapons symbolize material and reputational power and nuclear disarmament represents a severe loss of power for these States. The West creates a narrative wherein nuclear weapons are a ‘necessary evil’ to guarantee their own security and their allies.

Revisiting the Global Posture Review: A New U.S. Approach to European Defense and NATO in a Post-Ukraine War World

This article revisits the 2021 Global Posture Review’s determination for a status quo European force posture in the wake of the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Considering the poor Russian performance and attrition in the war, and the likely frozen conflict that will emerge, the article lays out the process by which the United States can draw down its permanent presence in Europe to refocus on the Pacific and restructure its relationship with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), all while maintaining alliance unity. The article has two main recommendations. The first is a time line for a reduced U.S. force posture in Europe from the present to 2035 while placing more emphasis on a European role in NATO leadership. The second is focused on how to maintain strategic flexibility while reassuring NATO allies of U.S. commitment. It then identifies and provides mitigations for the anticipated risks associated with the recommendations.

Neorealisme dan Motif Invasi Militer Rusia terhadap Ukraina Tahun 2022

This research analyses the motives behind Russia's military invasion of Ukraine's sovereign territory in 2022. The invasion is a continuation of Russia's invasion of Crimea in 2014, and is part of a long history of conflict in the Eastern European region. This qualitative research focuses on Russia's perspective and how the country sees the main reasons for the conflict, namely the formation of 'the near abroad' policy and its link to the expansion of the US-led NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization) alliance. Using the theory of structural realism, this study tries to provide preliminary assumptions of motives with the conditions of international structures and their impact on Russia. This assumption is then strengthened by the elaboration of opinions from related research subjects, which can confirm these assumptions.

NATO'S UNNEEDED EXPANSION FOLLOWING THE COLD WAR AND ITS IMPACT ON PAKISTAN

With the end of the WWII, the Western Allies and the Soviet Union's wartime coordination became dysfunctional. In 1949, the United States and its allies Canada, along with many Western European states established the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) to guarantee collective defense against the Soviet Union. With the fall of the Soviet Union, the world became unipolar when prior opponents were no longer remained to challenge Western supremacy. Hence, the political analysts started to believe that NATO was no longer required. But, for nearly three decades, The NATO Alliance avoided defining its long-term purpose, still welcoming for an eastward expansion. NATO has expanded five times since 1990.

Brief Comparative Analysis of Trauma Care Specialties in Europe and the United States.

Understanding the variation in training and nuances of trauma provider practice between the countries in Europe and the United States is a daunting task. This article briefly reviews the key specialties of trauma care in Europe including emergency medical services (EMS), emergency medicine, anesthesia, trauma surgery, and critical care. The authors hope to inform U.S. military clinicians and medical planners of the major differences in emergency and trauma care that exist across Europe. Emergency medicine exists as both a primary specialty and a subspecialty across Europe, with varying stages of development as a specialty in each country. There is heavy physician involvement in EMS in much of Europe, with anesthesiologists having additional EMS training typically providing prehospital critical care. Because of the historical predominance of blunt trauma in Europe, in many countries, trauma surgery is a subspecialty with initial orthopedic surgery training versus general surgery. Intensive care medicine has various training pathways across Europe, but there have been great advances in standardizing competency requirements across the European Union. Finally, the authors suggest some strategies to mitigate the potential negative consequences of joint medical teams and how to leverage some key differences to advance life-saving medical interoperability across the North Atlantic Treaty Organization alliance.

The art of partial commitment: the politics of military assistance to Ukraine

ABSTRACT What sort of military assistance has Ukraine received to date from North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) members since 2014? What has driven NATO allies’ decisions to provide military assistance to Ukraine? This essay addresses both questions. It offers a preliminary examination of how strategic, economic, and risk considerations might have shaped NATO members’ decisions regarding arms transfers to Ukraine, a country that remains outside of the Alliance but nevertheless is an Enhanced Opportunities Partner. Using both a qualitative analysis of post-2014 assistance and a purpose-built dataset combining military aid to Ukraine since late January 2022, we find that prior strategic preparation in the form of investments in military readiness and infrastructure is strongly associated with military aid to Ukraine. Economic considerations and prominent risk factors such as fossil fuel dependency thus far have not.

West Germany and NATO's Nuclear Force Posture in the Early 1960s (Part 1)

Abstract In the late 1950s and early 1960s, the member-states of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) debated whether a counterforce capability of hundreds of mobile medium-range ballistic missiles (MRBMs) under joint command in Europe was needed to reinforce U.S. extended nuclear deterrence. The conventional wisdom about this issue, echoing the official U.S. government position, has long been that deterrence was robust even without a joint missile force. According to this argument, U.S. policymakers tried to reassure NATO allies, particularly the West Germans, that sharing control of strategic nuclear weapons was unnecessary and unwise. The analysis presented here shows that the problem was not so straightforward. Many officials in NATO countries, particularly in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG), viewed the MRBM debate not so much as a problem of nuclear weapons control but as a question of extended deterrence credibility and strategic stability, posing an all-or-nothing challenge to NATO.

NATO defense demand, free riding, and the Russo-Ukrainian war in 2022

The article applies the economic theory of alliances to uncover military expenditure burden sharing in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) during 1991–2020, prior to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. In so doing, our analysis accounts for the relative locations of NATO allies through various spatial or economic weights applied to the allies’ defense spending. Such weights include NATO membership status, contiguity, US power projection, inverse distance between members’ capitals, economic trade, and contiguity to Russia. In the post-Cold War era, we uncover allies’ free riding on the aggregate military expenditure of other allies. Free riding also included reliance on the defense spending of NATO allies in proximity to Russia. Surprisingly, NATO allies reduced their defense spending as Russia increased its defense spending. The pattern of free riding and lack of response to heightened Russian defense spending likely encouraged the Russian invasion as NATO appeared divided.

GLOBALIZATION AND THE CHANGING CONCEPT OF NATO

North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) has been the most important and successful multilateral military cum political organization, pursuing the agenda of exporting democracy globally and ensuring the mutual defense of its allies. Historically, NATO was formed against the threat of communism emanating from USSR (Russia). The alliance did not use military option till the end of the cold war between the west and USSR, but post-cold war, it transformed and operated in Balkans, South Asia, Horn of Africa, and Middle East. The 9/11 incident further enhanced the military role of the organization and gave it ample reason to act internationally for ensuring the global security. America, being the leader of the alliance used it for fighting the so-called global war on terrorism and its adventures in Middle East. Nevertheless, in the last two decades the organization went through various changes and is now continuously in the state of transformation. The wave of populism which had influenced the very concept of globalization has posed serious challenges for the alliance. The Trump rhetoric of “America first”, BREXIT, challenges of migration, changing demography of Europe, assertion of Russia in global politics, confrontation between the NATO allies like Turkey and France, and rise of China are few factors which may affect the future of the so-called intergovernmental military alliance. This article concurrently discusses the new challenges for the NATO and sheds light on the possible options to the strategy of Biden administration to reverse the policies of its predecessor which have influenced the cooperation of different allies of NATO. In the end researcher has tried to put forth few recommendations which may help the policy makers to cope with the challenges NATO is facing. The study is qualitative and analytical in nature whereas primary as well as secondary sources are used for data collection.

Paradigm Shift in the US Foreign Policy towards NATO during Trump Administration

Committed to restore America to its former glory by advertising the slogan of “America First,” Trump’s leadership exhibited his antagonism to honour the international agreement and partnerships, among which NATO agreement holds the top priority. Former US President Donald Trump’s, labelling of North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) as obsolete did not only question the significance of NATO as an organisation, but also challenged the traditional values shared among the transatlantic partners as well as the liberal international order it promoted. The article aims to highlights the features of Trump’s personality which impacted the formulation of US foreign policy towards NATO using the theoretical tool of psychoanalysis (understanding Trump’s personality traits and analysing their impact on making of the US foreign policy during Trump’s administration). Although, Trump was not the first US President who accused NATO partners of their inadequacies. However, due to Trump’s aggressive style of conducting the US foreign policy, the NATO partners demonstrated a positive change by making up for their individual lacking in NATO alliance particularly with the issue of burden sharing.

NATO and evidence-based military and disaster medicine: case for Vigorous Warrior Live Exercise Series.

The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) is the premier and only security alliance uniting 30 countries and growing with many partner states in the provision of collective security and against threats posed by conflict and natural disasters. Security of countries and communities is increasingly threatened by a broad spectrum of unconventional types of war and disease threats - from hybrid and asymmetric to multi-domain and peer-to-peer/near-peer conflict. The NATO Centre of Excellence for Military Medicine (MILMED COE) is the centre of gravity for medical best practices and promotion of medical doctrine across the NATO alliance. Disaster medicine is multidisciplinary and in NATO, multinational, requiring best practices that are driven by data and evidence to prevent death on the battlefield and prepare for future conflicts. "Vigorous Warrior" is a live military and disaster medicine exercise series using both civilian and military actors across all sectors of health focused on health security and identifying lessons learned to ready the alliance for future threats. In this brief report, we make the case that the Vigorous Warrior exercise exposes gaps, highlights challenges and generates an evidence base to make NATO military medicine systems more robust, more efficient and in provision of best medical practices. We specifically argue that clinical data capture must be duplicated and continuous across the alliance to ensure evidence-based medicine stays current in NATO military medical doctrine.

La brecha de ciberseguridad en América Latina frente al contexto global de ciberamenazas

This research is based on the hypothesis that the governments of Latin America and the Caribbean are lagging behind in the construction of cyber defense capabilities to face the international context of cyber threats, with respect to the member countries of North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), both in the organizational plan, as in the individual. To prove this statement, the text is divided into six sections. The first part presents the global environment of cyber threats, the economic losses suffered by governments and companies according to reports from information security firms such as Kaspersky, Microsoft, Verizon and International Business Machines Corporation (IBM). The second part presents the internet securitization process, the immersion of cybersecurity in national security studies, and the definition of cyber capabilities and the delimitation of threats to the Nation-State from cyberspace are addressed. The third part shows the trajectory of NATO as an organization in the development of cyber capabilities in the last twenty years. In the fourth part, a set of National Cybersecurity Strategies (ENCS) of NATO countries and allies is analyzed from the individual level, from which their main elements are extracted and their general anatomy is outlined. In the sixth part, an approach to different regional or global cybersecurity environments is presented based on measurements of the Global Cybersecurity Index (GCI), of the International Telecommunications Union (ITU), and the National Cyber Security Index (NSCI) of the Estonian E-Governance Academy. The fifth section presents the context of cybersecurity in Latin America and the Caribbean, according to studies made by the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) and the Organization of American States (OAS), as well as private cybersecurity firms. In the sixth, two case studies of Mexico, from the 2019-2020, are briefly presented, which represent the lack of maturity of its ENCS and development of cyber capabilities, an aspect that it shares with most of the countries of Latin America and Caribbean. Finally, brief conclusions are presented on the aspects to be strengthened by the region.

AI's Impact on Multilateral Military Cooperation: Experience from NATO

AI-based military applications present both opportunities and challenges for multinational military cooperation. This contribution takes stock of the state of discussions around AI-based military applications within the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). While there have been a number of recent developments in national AI strategies and policies, discussions at the NATO level are still in early phases, and there is no agreed NATO policy in this area. Further multilateral work is needed if like-minded states such as NATO Allies and partners are to head off the serious risk that disagreements about these technologies might hamper effective multilateral military cooperation.

Aeromedical Evacuations Within the French Armed Forces: Analysis of 2,129 Patients.

The doctrine of medical support during French military operations is based on a triptych: forward medical stabilization, forward damage control surgery, and early strategic aeromedical evacuation (Strategic-AE). The aim of this study was to describe the last piece, the evacuation process of the French Strategic-AE. We conducted a retrospective cohort analysis using patient records from 2015 to 2017. All French service members requiring an air evacuation from a foreign country to a homeland medical facility were included. Data collected included age, medical diagnosis, priority categorization, boarding location, distance from Paris, type of plane and flight, medical team composition, timeline, and dispatch at arrival. We analyzed 2,129 patients evacuated from 71 countries, most from Africa (1,256), the Middle East (382), and South America (175). Most patients (1,958) were not severely injured, although some considered priority (103) or urgent (68). Diagnoses included disease (48.6%), nonbattle injuries (43%), battle stress (5.3%), and battle injuries (3%). 246 Strategic-AE used medical teams in flight, 136 of them in a dedicated Falcon aircraft. The main etiologies for those evacuations were battle injuries (24%), cardiovascular (15.4%), infections (8%), and neurologic (7.3%). The median time of management for urgent patients was about 16hours but longer for priority patients (26hours). Once in France, 1,146 patients were admitted to a surgery department and 96 to an intensive care unit. This is the first study to analyze the French Strategic-AE system, which is doctrinally unique when compared to its North Atlantic Treaty Organization allies. North Atlantic Treaty Organization allies favor care in the theatre in place of the French early Strategic-AE. However, in the event of a high intensity conflict, a combination of these two doctrines could be useful.

Systemic Crisis in the US-Turkish Relations Under the Presidency of D. Trump

Relations between the United States and Turkey, the two military-political allies of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), are experiencing an unprecedented crisis in their history. Its depth and scale is so significant that it affects the long-term foreign policy strategies of both countries, as well as the process of building a unified security architecture. In the study the author raises a question to what extent the current crisis in the US-Turkish relations is systemic? How high is the probability that it will turn out to be a long-term one? To answer this question, the study is divided into two parts.The first part analyzes the evolution of American approaches to Turkey in US foreign policy, the implementation of these approaches since the end of World War II till nowadays. On the basis of a system-historical approach, the author analyses the evolution the Turkey’s strategic positioning in the US foreign policy strategy and the transformation of political, economic and military relations between the two states since the moment of their institutionalization. The author distinguishes two stages of this evolution. During the first one, for the United States Turkey was one of the key countries that was blocking the Soviet expansion southward towards the Persian Gulf and the Suez Canal. The author notes that by the end of the bipolar confrontation, Turkey was de-facto losing its functional purpose in the logic of the Cold War. During the second stage, the US regards Turkey as one of the key NATO allies, whose geo-strategic location can be used for pursuing American national interests in the nearby regions. Author posits, that bilateral relations are gradually moving away from such a model of interaction. This happens because of the Turkish desire to diversify foreign relations and accumulation of contradictions between Washington and Ankara due to the divergence of their foreign policy strategies.The second part analyzes the contradictions in the American-Turkish relations under the presidency of Donald Trump on political, military and economic issues. The author comes to the conclusion that the crisis is indeed a systemic one. Firstly, the existing problems began to affect significant elements of the military-technical infrastructure of their relations. Secondly, it is difficult to resolve these problems without reformatting the interaction as between equivalent actors of international relations. Thirdly, the expert and political communities have not presented any kind of a new approach to rethink the allied status of American-Turkish relations.

Defending Cyprus in the Early Postcolonial Era: Makarios, NATO, USSR and the NAM (1964–1967)

ABSTRACTThis paper focuses on political developments regarding the Cyprus Conflict from 1964 to 1967 and argues that the ethnic conflict on the island was caused largely by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) pressures that neglected Cypriots’ socio-political will in shaping postcolonial Cyprus. Towards the end of the colonial era, British ‘divide and rule’ policies had severely damaged inter-ethnic relations in Cyprus. Afterwards, the NATO alliance designed Cyprus as a sui generis state with restricted sovereignty. The constitution did not function as a social contract for Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities since its infrastructure was imposed by the NATO states. With the inflammation of inter-ethnic violence, the NATO states attempted to absorb the Republic of Cyprus. Armed nationalist groups on the island, connected to NATO-sponsored circles in Greece and Turkey, diminished the confidence of the island’s communities that peaceful coexistence could be achieved. Cypriot President Makarios balanced NATO’s power by utilizing international support, particularly that granted by the Non-Aligned Movement. Politically and economically, his policies managed to enhance Cyprus’ independence. Makarios’ priority was preserving Cypriot integrity by withstanding NATO plans for partition. The main product of Makarios’ diplomatic efforts was significant international anti-NATO solidarity supporting Cypriot independence.

Public Opinion and the Fear of Terrorism

This essay analyses the role of public opinion in the formation of US and Turkish policy toward the conflict in Syria. The United States and Turkey were chosen because they are key players in the Syrian conflict. In both countries, public opinion played a role in the formation of foreign policy. As North Atlantic Treaty Organization allies, they could be expected to act along similar lines. Moreover, despite seemingly different contexts, public opinion in both the United States and Turkey was reluctant to support a more intense involvement in the Syrian conflict. However, there was a visible shift in public opinion after the involvement in Syria started to be framed as a fight against terrorism, mostly referring to the so-called Islamic State and, in Turkey’s case, Kurdish groups.

European Defence Community: origins of integration in the defence sphere

There is a tendency among non-historians to force «practioners» of the discipline to justify why the study of a particular episode of the past is so important and to articulate the lessons to be learned from the experience. The fate of international constitutions and treaties is particularly prone to demands of this kind. After all, «constitutional borrowing» has long been a common feature of international law and politics. This article will address one such Treaty from the past. But it does not aspire to preserving its historical integrity; rather to awaken interest in it in the first place. The European Defence Community (EDC) was an ambitious initiative in the first years of the 1950s. Leading European countries had different foreign policy agendas towards it. The EDC. could have been a crucial milestone on the long path towards European integration. European Defense Community (EDC), an abortive attempt by western European powers, with United States support, to counterbalance the overwhelming conventional military ascendancy of the Soviet Union in Europe by the formation of a supranational European army and, in the process, to subsume West German forces into a European force, avoiding the tendentious problem of West German rearmament. One can trace the U.S. influence from the very first stages of the EDC. negotiations. Even in the agreement of the EDC., the footprints of U.S. policies can be observed, bringing the NATO Alliance to the forefront. The EDC. is also interrelated with the Marshall Plan, which leads us to think that the EDC. was not solely a European dream as has been widely argued, but rather an instrument of U.S. foreign policy, which could be resorted to as and when needed. Influenced by the Korean War, the French politician Rene Pleven evolved a plan that later was put forward by the French foreign minister Robert Schuman at a meeting of the Council of Europe in 1951. Though the weaker members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) were keen, the Scandinavians were cool toward the idea, and opinion in France and Italy was divided. A treaty was actually concluded in Paris in 1952, but tension between eastern and western Europe lessened, and by 1954 the necessity for the EDC seemed also to diminish. However, the failure to ratify its agreement by the French Parliament in 1954 left this project of defence integration stillborn – but paved the way for another solution for the rearmament of Germany: the Western European Union (WEU), as a sub-group of NATO. Nevertheless, the dormant ideal, to contribute to a “European Army” later became one of the ultimate goals of the European Union.

NATO s New Energy Security Role in Azerbaijan: Balancing the Interest between West and Russia

Considering the contemporary developments in the international relations, the Azerbaijan ’ s relations with North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) are of great significance. Due to the rich oil and gas reserves and Azerbaijan ’ s geostrategic importance as an energy crossroad between Europe and Asia, the country has always been attractive for many actors after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Not only the neighboring countries Turkey, Iran and Central Asian countries, but also the United States, European Union (EU) and China. Therefore, Azerbaijan tries to gain the maximum from the geostrategic position, but at the same time the country must play carefully in the foreign policy creation. Azerbaijan is committed to the cooperation with the Western countries, particularly with NATO alliance and the EU, to downturn the Russian influence. Stronger cooperation with NATO could also mean stronger cooperation with the EU member states. On the other hand, the energy security is becoming an increasingly important issue in the domain of energy. One of the key tasks of the national security of Azerbaijan is ensuring the security of energy corridors and the transportation of the energy resources. The critical energy infrastructure in Azerbaijan is not only important to the country itself, but also to EU and NATO. How does access to and transit of energy sources from the Caspian Region influence NATO-Azerbaijani relationship? The energy supply map is much internationalized, and the protection of critical energy infrastructure goes beyond the national level. This requires from Azerbaijan to seek for regional cooperation and stable regional security, which could be assisted by NATO. The Alliance supported an active role for NATO in ensuring the security of energy supplies for the allies, but also they supported the assistance in the energy security for the partner states. Most EU member states are also members of NATO, and energy security may emerge as an issue handled in a joint initiative by these two organizations. This paper discusses the Azerbaijani critical energy infrastructure, and NATO ’ s possible role in the protection of the energy infrastructure. Also, the paper discussed NATO ’ s reasons for being involved in the energy security, and how NATO ’ s energy security evolved from Riga Summit Declaration in 2006 to Warsaw Summit Communiqu. in 2016. More importantly, this paper will answer to what extent the changes in NATO ’ s security policy affects Azerbaijan.