Non-citizen Status Research Articles

Дискриминация русскоязычного этноса в Латвии по признаку гражданства: политико-правовые аспекты

Abstract 
 Throughout the entire post-Soviet period in Latvia, there has been a problem of finding the Russian-speaking population in the status of non-citizens with limited rights, including political ones. Currently, restrictions have also extended to Russian citizens with a residence permit in Latvia. The study is based on the case study method. Statistical data on the ethnic composition of the country's population are analyzed. Regulatory acts indicating restrictive mechanisms against non-citizens, as amended in 2022 and 2023, are being considered. Using the method of comparative studies, national legislation and legal regulations of the European Union (international standards) in the field of protection of human and civil rights and freedoms are compared. The results of the study show that the entire Russian–speaking population of Latvia is discriminated against, especially the most vulnerable - pensioners, for whom the new rules for obtaining a residence permit are a problem. This may threaten them with the loss of social security, up to and including forced expulsion from the country. The Russian-speaking population in Latvia cannot influence their own position in the country due to the lack of political rights. Throughout the entire period of independence, the Latvian government has been using this group of the population in its own political agenda, ensuring the legitimacy of its own power and decisions. Such internal political processes contribute to the division of society along ethnic lines and the development of discriminatory attitudes. The theoretical significance of the study lies in the systematization of the mechanism of discrimination against a certain group of the population. In turn, the practical significance lies, on the one hand, in drawing the attention of human rights organizations to the problem of discrimination, and on the other hand, it clearly shows the essence of the mechanism of discrimination and ways to improve it in states in the post-Soviet space. Consequently, the results of the study can be applied to the development of mechanisms for the protection of compatriots in other states where discrimination trends are at an early stage.

Clinical outcomes of patients with newly diagnosed acute myeloid leukemia receiving treatment in a safety-net hospital system.

7035 Background: Standard induction therapy for acute myeloid leukemia (AML) results in 5-year overall survival (OS) rates of 30-45%. Further risk stratification and novel therapeutic options have improved 5-year OS rates to 75-80% in certain subgroups. Despite these advances, many patients lack proper socioeconomic resources, leading to limited access to new therapies, clinical trials, and hematopoietic cell transplantation (HCT), which remains the only curative therapy for AML. Many of these patients receive care within publicly funded ‘safety net’ institutions designed to serve all individuals, regardless of ability to pay, insurance status, or immigration status. Outcomes of historically underserved patients with AML treated within a large county hospital system remain unknown. Methods: This retrospective cohort analysis evaluated clinical outcomes of patients aged ≥18 years with newly diagnosed AML (ND-AML) treated in the Harris County Health System, Houston, TX, from January 2005 to July 2019. Results: One hundred ninety-two patients with ND-AML were included (de novo AML [n = 140], secondary AML [n = 45], and therapy-related AML [n = 7]). Median age was 52 years (range: 19-89) at diagnosis, and 102 (52.3%) were male. Most patients identified as Hispanic (n = 110). Sixty-two percent of patients were uninsured or indigent, receiving care under the county’s financial assistance programs. The majority had adverse risk 84 (44.3%), while 78 were intermediate (40.6%), and 26 favorable risk (13.5%). Standard induction therapy was administered in 172 (88%) of patients. Cytarabine and Anthracycline (7+3) based regimens were most commonly used (72.8%). 192 patients were evaluable for response. 139 (72.4%) achieved composite complete remission (CR/CRi) and 41 (21.4%) had primary refractory disease. For those who achieved CR after first or second induction, the median duration of CR was 16.7 months. with 25 (13.7%) ultimately receiving HCT. Common reasons for not receiving HCT included lack of insurance (19.2%) or non-citizen status (23.1%) (n = 77). 82 of the 139 patients who achieved CR relapsed. After a median follow up of 16 months, five-year OS rates were 20.7% from our entire cohort of patients. Conclusions: In this cohort of patients treated in a safety-net system, median OS and EFS were lower than reported outcomes in the past decade. In addition, only 13.7% received HCT, one of the only curative treatments for AML. Some barriers included inability to refer to transplant center due to lack of financial support or immigration status. Addressing socioeconomic and institutional barriers to AML therapy and HCT will advance care for disadvantaged patients, thereby improving outcomes of patients AML.

Fragile Connections: Finnish Settlers and U.S. Power in Cuba, c. 1904–1959

ABSTRACT In the early twentieth century, around forty Finnish families settled in Cuba as part of a larger settler migration from North America and Northern Europe. The Finns mostly settled in two American farming colonies, one near Itabo (Matanzas province), the other in Omaja (Oriente). The prominently working-class Finns usually came to Cuba from the U.S., where they had lived as labourers. In Cuba, they hoped to establish themselves as export-oriented farmers, shipping fruits and vegetables to U.S. markets. Through diverse sources, including newspapers, correspondence, and consular records, this article explores the experiences of Finnish settlers in Cuba from the early years of their settlement (1904–1908, when the Finnish population peaked) to the departure of the last elderly settlers after the revolution of 1959. The article argues that while the Finnish experience in Cuba largely paralleled that of other settlers from North America, the Finns’ dearth of social and economic capital, as well as their citizenship status (most were not U.S. citizens), exacerbated their troubles as farmers and settlers. Together with U.S. protectionism, low start-up capital frustrated their attempts at farming, while their noncitizen status impeded their mobility in the 1920s, when the U.S. introduced restrictive immigration laws.

Stuck in the Middle: Crimmigration and the Asian American Community

“Crimmigration,” coined in 2006 by Professor Juliet Stumpf, refers to the merging ofcriminal and immigration law in the United States, particularly after 1980. Crimmigrationincludes both immigration-related punishments for non-American citizens convicted of crimesand immigration enforcement’s growing resemblance to criminal law enforcement. This paperexplores the historical development of crimmigration through laws such as the 1996Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act and Illegal Immigration Reform and ImmigrantResponsibility Act, as well as the massive expansion in ICE detention in recent decades. Itargues that Asian Americans have been disproportionately impacted by crimmigration due totheir historical marginalization at the intersection of non-citizen status, poverty, and violence.“Stuck in the middle” of the criminalization of immigration and unjust punishment ofimmigrants with criminal convictions, Asian American communities are uniquely impacted by acrimmigration system that marginalizes those seen as foreign and “other.”

HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT AND THE CONCEPT OF THE NATURALIZATION TERM

The situation of non-citizens is a unique phenomenon in European countries. Non-citizen status is the temporary status of former USSR citizens that arose under certain historical and political circumstances. The issue of integration of non-citizens is focused on the unification of the society. Consequently, it became topical for the Latvian government and society as a whole, starting with the restoration of Latvia's independence, and remains relevant today. This scientific study deals with the topical issue of the historical development of the naturalization process in Latvia from 1991 to 2000. And changes in naturalization policy from 2000 to 2021.

Crimmigrating Narratives: Examining Third-Party Observations of US Detained Immigration Court.

Examining what we call "crimmigrating narratives," we show that US immigration court criminalizes non-citizens, cements forms of social control, and dispenses punishment in a non-punitive legal setting. Building on theories of crimmigration and a sociology of narrative, we code, categorize, and describe third-party observations of detained immigration court hearings conducted in Fort Snelling, Minnesota, from July 2018 to June 2019. We identify and investigate structural factors of three key crimmigrating narratives in the courtroom: one based on threats (stories of the non-citizen's criminal history and perceived danger to society), a second involving deservingness (stories of the non-citizen's social ties, hardship, and belonging in the United States), and a third pertaining to their status as "impossible subjects" (stories rendering non-citizens "illegal," categorically excludable, and contradictory to the law). Findings demonstrate that the courts' prioritization of these three narratives disconnects detainees from their own socially organized experience and prevents them from fully engaging in the immigration court process. In closing, we discuss the potential implications of crimmigrating narratives for the US immigration legal system and non-citizen status.

Immigrant Legal Status Disparities in Health Among First- and One-point-five-Generation Latinx Immigrants in California

Restrictive US immigration laws and law enforcement undermine immigrant health by generating fear and stress, disrupting families and communities, and eroding social and economic wellbeing. The inequality and stress created by immigration law and law enforcement may also generate disparities in health among immigrants with different legal statuses. However, existing research does not find consistent evidence of immigrant legal status disparities in health, possibly because it does not disaggregate immigrants by generation, defined by age at migration. Immigration and life course theory suggest that the health consequences of non-citizen status may be greater among 1.5-generation immigrants, who grew up in the same society that denies them formal membership, than among the 1st generation, who immigrated as adolescents or adults. In this study, we examine whether there are legal status disparities in health within and between the 1st generation and the 1.5 generation of 23,288 Latinx immigrant adults interviewed in the 2005–2017 waves of the California Health Interview Survey. We find evidence of legal status disparities in heart disease within the 1st generation and for high blood pressure and diabetes within the 1.5 generation. Non-citizens have higher rates of poor self-rated health and distress within both generations. Socioeconomic disadvantage and limited access to care largely account for the worse health of legally disadvantaged 1st- and 1.5-generation Latinx adults in California.

Book Reviews

Book Reviews

Migrant workers and LGBT activism: A comparative study of Filipino and Indonesian domestic workers in Hong Kong

Situating LGBT activism in a gendered, Asian migratory context, this study asks why and how LGBT migrant workers are able to organize themselves and come out publicly as lesbians, bisexual women, or transgender people in Hong Kong. Which factors are enablers for this phenomenon? A comparison of two migrant groups, namely, the Filipinos and Indonesians, who reside in the same city, will shed light on both the commonalities and diversities of their understanding of LGBT rights as well as their approaches for engaging in the LGBT movement. The study examines the different immersed contexts of the two migrant groups rather than homogenizing “migrant domestic worker” as a universal description of these women. The study adopts an intersectional approach to examine how multiple subject positions, including gender, race, class, and non-citizen status, affect migrant domestic workers who have a same-sex relationship in the host city as well as their practices and activism. Besides, it also adopts an inter-Asia approach to shed light on the flows of knowledge as well as inequalities among Hong Kong, the Philippines, and Indonesia and provide insights into how LGBT activism in Asia is culturally hybrid and diasporic. Qualitative research methods, including participant observation and in-depth interviews, were conducted from 2016 to 2018. I attended LGBT parades and events and conducted in-depth interviews with three Filipinos, two Indonesians, and two Hong Kong people. I also used data from my earlier field work in 2010 to 2012.

К вопросу о конституционном статусе лиц, не являющихся гражданами Российской Федерации

Introduction. The constitutional and legal status of persons who are not citizens of Russia is directly related to their political, social, personal and economic rights and freedoms. This raises the problem of correctly determining the status of persons who do not have Russian citizenship due to the fact that the legislation contains many provisions covering the totality of legal relations related to the status of a foreign citizen and a stateless person, where the personal and social rights of a person do not depend on his / her citizenship of another state. Theoretical analysis. The article examines the content of the constitutional status of non-citizens on the territory of Russia. It follows from the content of the first chapter of the Constitution of the Russian Federation that the concept of personality includes any person who is both a citizen and a foreign citizen, or a stateless person, therefore, the rights and obligations established in relation to a person apply to non-citizens. Empirical analysis. The analysis of many rights guaranteed by the Constitution of the Russian Federation revealed that they are not related to citizenship and apply to all people, therefore, non-citizens should have the ability, enshrined at the constitutional level, to protect their rights in case of their violation by contacting state bodies and local self-government bodies. Results. Non-citizens enjoy the rights and bear obligations on the equal basis with the citizens of the Russian Federation, taking into account the peculiarities and restrictions established by federal laws and international treaties. There is a promising opportunity to improve Russian legislation by identifying an independent term of “non-citizens”, which will unite foreign citizens and stateless persons in order to implement comprehensive legal regulation for this category of persons.

On the concept and classifications of foreign citizens and stateless persons

The article is devoted to the analysis of the concept and classification of foreign citizens and stateless persons in Ukraine. Legal acts in this field, theoretical concepts and provisions of international acts, foreign practice of legislative regulation are studied. This analysis was conducted in order to improve the legal regulation of the legal status of non-citizens of Ukraine and to ensure the protection of those who need it, in particular through administrative and legal instruments. On the basis of the conducted research theoretical and legal problems and gaps and inconsistencies with the legislation of Ukraine are revealed; developed proposals for its improvement. It is proposed to include into the legislation of Ukraine the general concept of “non-citizen of Ukraine” as a general notion for foreign citizens and stateless persons. The criterion to distinguish persons from this category is the fact that a person has the citizenship of Ukraine. At the same time, the legal status of all non-citizens is characterized by the absence of the same scope of rights and obligations for all these persons, defined by the Constitution of Ukraine only for its citizens – “citizens” rights and responsibilities.
 The article also proposes to improve the classification of non-citizens (foreigners and stateless persons). In particular, it is proposed to single out the following types of non-citizens according to the criterion of stay on the territory of Ukraine: 1. Persons temporarily staying in Ukraine.2. Persons temporarily residing in Ukraine, in particular, who arrived in Ukraine:2.1. for employment;2.2. to participate in the implementation of international technical assistance projects;2.3. for religious purposes or to participate in the activities of public (non-governmental) organizations of foreign states;2.4. for work in branches or representative offices of foreign business entities;2.5. for cultural, scientific, educational activities,2.6. in order to participate in volunteer activities;2.7. for the purpose of training;2.8. in order to control the activities of a legal entity registered in Ukraine;2.9. to reunite the family.3. Persons permanently residing in Ukraine.

Sentencing ‘Crimmigrants’: How Migration Law Creates a Different Criminal Law for Non-citizens

It was once a criminal offence for a ‘prohibited immigrant’ to be found within Australia. Today, the mandatory detention regime sees the issue of whether a non-citizen may enter or remain in Australia as one solely within the ambit of administrative law. Yet non-citizen status continues to have consequences in criminal courts. This article examines the question of ‘what does criminal justice look like for non-citizens’ from two angles: the effect of character-based deportation upon the criminal sentencing process; and the differential punishment of non-citizens. It is argued that the sentencing of non-citizens in Australia is produced across an unstable boundary between immigration law and crime, creating a different, and diminished, criminal law for non-citizens.

Noncitizens’ Rights

In this reflective essay, I argue that it is timely to think of noncitizens’ rights rather than migrants’ rights per se. Using insights gained from my research on expatriates in Brunei and Malaysia, I show how expatriates become institutionalized as perpetual noncitizens and therefore systematically excluded from the assemblage of rights afforded to “recognized” residents. In other words, like their relatively underprivileged migrant counterparts, expatriates are also subjected to differentiated rights tied to their noncitizen status. Linking this insight to my reading of recent scholarship on “forced transnationalism” and “hierarchies of deservingness,” I discuss how these conceptual tools could be useful in advancing a research agenda on noncitizens’ rights. Finally, I reflect on the role universities can play in supporting and advancing this agenda.

Racial Capitalism, Slavery, Labour Regimes and Exploitation in the Canadian Seasonal Agricultural Workers Program

This paper will attempt to critically examine Canada’s Seasonal Agricultural Workers Program (SAWP) with an intent of connecting four themes: the Canadian agricultural industry, indentured servitude, the labour regime in Canada, and the racialization of the SAWP. It has been argued that the workers from the Caribbean who participate in the Temporary Agricultural Workers Program are should consider themselves fortunate to be given such an opportunity. I argue that this assertion is problematic because it overlooks the hardship the workers face in Canada as a result of their non-citizen status. I also examine the fact that many of the workers enlisted in the SAWP are forced to migrate for a living wage due to poor economic conditions in their countries of origin, and that these conditions are a direct consequence of unequal trade policies and structural adjustment programs. Finally, I demonstrate Canada’s complicity in benefiting from these programs.

Citizenship and Surveys: Group Conflict and Nationality-of-Interviewer Effects in Arab Public Opinion Data

More research than ever before uses public opinion data to investigate society and politics in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). Ethnic identities are widely theorized to mediate many of the political attitudes and behaviors that MENA surveys commonly seek to measure, but, to date, no research has systematically investigated how the observable ethnic category(s) of the interviewer may influence participation and answers given in Middle East surveys. Here we measure the impact of one highly salient and outwardly observable ascriptive attribute of interviewers—nationality—using data from an original survey experiment conducted in the Arab Gulf state of Qatar. Applying the total survey error (TSE) framework and utilizing an innovative nonparametric matching technique, we estimate treatment effects on both nonresponse error and measurement error. We find that Qatari nationals are more likely to begin and finish a survey, and respond to questions, when interviewed by a fellow national. Qataris also edit their answers to sensitive questions relating to the unequal status of citizens and noncitizens, reporting views that are more exclusionary and less positive toward out-group members, when the interviewer is a conational. The findings have direct implications for consumers and producers of a growing number of surveys conducted inside and outside the Arab world, where migration and conflict have made respondent-interviewer mismatches along national and other ethnic dimensions more salient and more common.

Rates and patterns of uninsured cancer survivors before and after implementation of the Affordable Care Act, 2000-2017.

e18105 Background: Cancer survivors experience difficulties in maintaining healthcare coverage, however the reasons and risk factors for lack of insurance are poorly defined. We sought to assess self-reported reasons for not having insurance and to assess demographic and socioeconomic factors associated with non-insurance among cancer survivors, before and after implementation of the Affordable Care Act (ACA) in 2014. Methods: We used the National Health Interview Survey to identify adult participants (18-64 years) reporting a cancer diagnosis between 2000-2017. Multivariable logistic regression was used to define the association between demographic and socioeconomic variables and odds being uninsured. The prevalence of the most common self-reported reasons for not having insurance (unemployment, employment-related reason, family-related) were estimated, with AORs for each of the reasons defined by multivariable logistic regression. Results: Among 17,806 survey participants, 10.3% reported not having health insurance. Individuals surveyed in 2000-2013 had higher odds of not having insurance as compared to those surveyed in 2014-2017 (10.6% vs. 6.2%, AOR 1.75, 95% CI 1.49-2.08). Variables associated with higher odds of non-insurance throughout the entire study interval included younger age, annual family income below the poverty threshold, black race, Hispanic ethnicity, non-citizen status and current smoking (p < 0.001 for all). After implementation of the ACA, increasing interval from cancer diagnosis and black race were no longer associated with not having insurance. The most commonly cited reason for not having insurance were cost followed by unemployment, both of which decreased after ACA implementation (cost: 49.6% vs. 37.6%, AOR 0.62, 95% CI 0.46-0.85; unemployment: 37.1% vs. 28.5%, AOR 0.62, 95% CI 0.45-0.87). Conclusions: The proportion of uninsured cancer survivors decreased after implementation of the ACA, however certain subgroups remain at greater risk of being uninsured. Cost remains the primary barrier to obtaining insurance, although more than half of cancer survivors reported other barriers to coverage. Given the growing number of cancer survivors in conjunction with rising health costs, efforts addressing barriers to insurance coverage are needed for this population.

Self-reported Reasons and Patterns of Noninsurance Among Cancer Survivors Before and After Implementation of the Affordable Care Act, 2000-2017

Cancer survivors experience difficulties in maintaining health care coverage, but the reasons and risk factors for lack of insurance are poorly defined. To assess self-reported reasons for not having insurance and demographic and socioeconomic factors associated with uninsured status among cancer survivors, before and after implementation of the Affordable Care Act (ACA) in 2014. This survey study analyzes National Health Interview Survey (NHIS) data from January 1, 2000, through December 31, 2017. Included were adult participants (age, 18-64 years) reporting a cancer diagnosis; however, those with a diagnosis of nonmelanoma skin cancer were excluded. Insurance status. Multivariable logistic regression was used to define the association between demographic and socioeconomic variables and odds of being uninsured. The prevalence of the most common self-reported reasons for not having insurance (cost, unemployment, employment-related reason, family-related reason) were estimated, with adjusted odds ratios (aORs) for each of the reasons defined by multivariable logistic regression. Among 17 806 survey participants, the mean (SD) age was 50.9 (10.8) years, and 6121 (34.4%) were men. A total of 1842 participants (10.3%) reported not having health insurance. Individuals surveyed in 2000 to 2013 had higher odds of not having insurance than those surveyed in 2014 to 2017 (10.6% vs 6.2%; aOR 1.75; 95% CI 1.49-2.08). Variables associated with higher odds of uninsured status included younger age (14.2% for age younger than mean vs 6.5% for age older than mean; aOR, 1.84; 95%, CI, 1.62-2.10), annual family income below the poverty threshold (21.4% vs 8.0%; aOR, 1.97; 95%, CI, 1.69-2.30), Hispanic ethnicity (18.8% vs 9.0%; aOR, 1.87; 95% CI, 1.51-2.33), noncitizen status (24.3% vs 9.2%; aOR, 2.38; 95% CI, 1.69-3.34), and current smoking (18.6% vs. 6.7%; aOR, 2.65; 95% CI, 2.32-3.02). Before the ACA, increasing interval from cancer diagnosis was associated with not having insurance (12.3% for ≥6 years vs 8.9% for 0-5 years; aOR, 1.47; 95% CI 1.26-1.70) as was black race (13.9% for black patients vs 10.4% for nonblack patients; AOR, 1.29; 95% CI, 1.04-1.61), but after the ACA, they no longer were (6.8% for ≥6 years vs 5.6% for 0-5 years; aOR, 1.12; 95% CI, 0.82-1.54; and 6.9% for black patients vs 6.2% for nonblack patients; aOR, 0.81; 95% CI, 0.46-1.43). The most commonly cited reason for not having insurance was cost, followed by unemployment, both of which decreased after ACA implementation (cost, 49.6% vs 37.6%, aOR [pre-ACA vs post-ACA], 0.62; 95% CI, 0.46-0.85; unemployment, 37.1% vs 28.5%; aOR 0.62; 95% CI, 0.45-0.87). The proportion of uninsured cancer survivors decreased after implementation of the ACA, but certain subgroups remained at greater risk of being uninsured. Cost was identified as the primary barrier to obtaining insurance, although more than half of cancer survivors reported other barriers to coverage.

Differential inclusion of non-citizens in a universalistic welfare state

The regulation of legal statuses and differentiation of non-citizens’ rights within the states has become a significant site in the management of migration, yet the actual operations of differential inclusion remain an underexamined issue in the migration research. This article provides an empirically grounded analysis of the differential inclusion of non-citizens and demonstrates the legal hierarchies between non-citizens’ entitlements using Finland as a case study. I argue that in addition to the regulation of residence and the access to labour markets, the unequal access to the welfare system represents a significant sphere of differentiation in the immigration process. Non-citizens’ social entitlements differ depending on the nationality, the type of legal status and the form of employment, affecting their position in the labour markets and in the society. The article highlights the role of immigration law in manipulating the residence status of non-citizens, consequently invalidating the universalism of rights and a residence-based welfare system. Immigration controls, rather than representing a neutral framework of regulation of immigration, function as an institution, which produces conditional subjects and asymmetrical social relations in the sphere of universal citizenship.

The re-emergence of wardship: Aboriginal Australians and the promise of citizenship

In this paper, I suggest that the category of ‘ward,’ a designation used for Aboriginal Australians in the 1950s and 1960s, has re-emerged in contemporary Northern Territory (NT) life. Wardship represents an in-between status, neither citizens nor non-citizens, but rather an anticipatory citizenship formation constructed by the Australian state. The ward is a not-yet citizen, and the deeds, acts, and discourses that define the ward's capacities to act as a political subject can maintain their anticipatory nature even as people ‘achieve’ formal citizenship. Wardship can be layered on top of citizen and non-citizen status alike. Rather than accounting for the grey areas between ‘citizen’ and ‘non-citizen,’ therefore, wards exist beyond this theoretical continuum, demanding a more nuanced accounting of political subjectivities and people's relationships to the state.I trace the emergence of the category ‘ward’ in the 1950s and 1960s in Australia and its re-emergence for Aboriginal Australians impacted by the 2007 Northern Territory Emergency Response legislation. The promise of citizenship offered by the status of ‘ward’ is built upon expectations about family life, economic activity, and appropriate behaviour. These assumptions underscore an implicit bargain between individuals and the state, that neoliberalised self-discipline will lead to both formal citizenship rights and a sense of belonging. Built-in impediments, however, ensure that this bargain is difficult, if not impossible, to fulfil.

‘I am really expecting people to judge me by my skills’: ethnicity and identity of international students

There is an increasing volume of international students enrolled in the vocational education and training sector in many countries. However, questions of ethnicity and identity in VET have not been explicitly examined in relation to this group. This paper offers some valuable insights into the complex and varying ways in which ethnicity is interrelated to the issues of identity of international students who have non-citizen status in the host country. It draws on a four-year qualitative study funded by the Australian Research Council that includes 105 interviews with international students and fieldwork in VET institutes across three states of Australia: New South Wales, Queensland and Victoria. The research highlights forms of injustice including non-recognition of skills due to skin colour, disadvantage with regard to employment opportunities, being positioned as deficient in the classroom and workplace, unjust stereotypes and violation of rights. The research also reports international students’ specific strategies in exercising both individual and collective agency to seek a ‘space’ for comfort, mutual support and communal strength and to confront injustices. The paper concludes with some practical recommendations for institutions to support international students’ agency and build an inclusive environment for international students in VET.