Neandertal Site Research Articles

Constraining the age of the Pleistocene sedimentary infill of Cueva Mayor (Atapuerca, N Spain) through a multi-technique dating approach

Establishing chronologies of archaeological sites by using a single dating method may not always reliably constrain the age of a deposit or a fossil, as potential biases may naturally arise, particularly in complex sedimentary settings such as caves. In this study, we performed a multi-technique dating approach that targets different materials in two caves from the Cueva Mayor-Cueva del Silo karst system, Sierra de Atapuerca, Spain. Two new fossil teeth from lithostratigraphic unit LU4 (GE-I pit) at Galería de las Estatuas have been dated by combined U-series/ESR and Amino Acid Racemisation (AAR) methods. The former provides ages of 117 ± 13 and 87 ± 9 ka that agree with previous dating studies of this Neandertal site, confirming the assignment of level LU4 to Marine Isotope Stage (MIS) 5. In contrast, AAR analyses produce very scattered ages, pointing to significant post-burial chemical modifications in dentine. A first set of ages is presented for the Cata Litario pit at Sala de los Cíclopes, a palaeontological site formed exclusively of cave bear fossils belonging to the Middle Pleistocene species Ursus deningeri. We provide U-series/ESR and AAR ages for two bear teeth from lithostratigraphic unit LU5, and extended-range luminescence ages for the sediment deposits that host, and immediately underlie and overlie, the bear accumulation. Depositional ages of the sediment were obtained using single-grain thermally-transferred optically stimulated luminescence (TT-OSL) dating of individual quartz grains and post-infrared-infrared stimulated luminescence (pIR-IR) dating of K-feldspars. Several speleothems, both in situ and reworked fragments embedded in the different lithostratigraphic units, have additionally been dated by U-series to constrain the timing of the sequence formation. The results indicate that the sediment originally entered the cave between MIS-12 and MIS-10 (444 ± 28 ka to 367 ± 32 ka). Nevertheless, the AAR and U-series/ESR fossil ages, as well as some of the speleothem fragment ages from LUs 5 and 6 are significantly younger. Leaving aside methodologically questionable results for one of the bear tooth samples, the most reliable AAR and U-Series/ESR ages range from 287 ± 23 ka to 256 ± 24, while the speleothem fragments indicate several formation episodes between 444 ± 19 and 284 ± 8 ka. The apparent difference between the U-Series/ESR ages on the fossils and the luminescence ages on the host sediment are not likely to be wholly explained by uncertainties on uranium uptake modelling or gamma dose rate evaluation, and thus is most likely related to taphonomic processes or a complex site formation history.The presence of fossils and eroded speleothem clasts of younger age within these levels is consistent with either an event of prior erosion, transport and resedimentation of LUs 4, 5 and 6, and/or a complex post-depositional mixing history for the stratigraphic sequence at Cata Litario. This study highlights the importance of using different dating methods to reconstruct reliable chronological frameworks, and to understand the geological factors that can affect the dated materials. This includes the accumulation and taphonomic histories of fossils, post-depositional mixing or reworking processes affecting sediments during the residence time within the karst system.

Comparative anatomy and 3D geometric morphometrics of the El Sidrón atlases (C1)

The first cervical vertebra (atlas, C1) is an important element of the vertebral column because it connects the cranial base with the cervical column, thus helping to maintain head posture and contributing to neck mobility. However, few atlases are preserved in the fossil record because of the fragility of this vertebra. Consequently, only eight well-preserved atlases from adult Neandertals have been recovered and described. Here, we present nine new atlas remains from the El Sidrón Neandertal site (Asturias, Spain), two of which (SD-1643 and SD-1605/1595) are sufficiently well preserved to allow for a detailed comparative and three-dimensional geometric morphometric analysis. We compared standard linear measurements of SD-1643 and SD-1605/1595 with those of other Neandertal atlases and carried out three-dimensional geometric morphometric analyses to compare size and shape of SD-1643 and SD-1605/1595 with those of 28 Pan (Pan troglodytes and Pan paniscus), a broad comparative sample of 55 anatomically modern humans from African and European populations, and other fossil hominins (Neandertals, Homo antecessor, Paranthropus boisei). The El Sidrón atlas fossils show typical features of the Neandertal atlas morphology, such as caudal projection of the anterior tubercle, gracility of both the posterior tubercle and the tuberosity for the insertion of the transverse ligament, and an anteroposteriorly elongated neural canal. Furthermore, when compared with atlases from the other taxa, Neandertals exhibit species-specific features of atlas morphology including a relatively lower lateral mass height, relatively narrower transverse foramina, and flatter and more horizontally oriented articular facets. Some of these features fit with previous suggestions of shorter overall length of the cervical spine and potential differences in craniocervical posture and mobility. Our results may support a different spinopelvic alignment in this species, as the atlas morphology suggests reduced cervical lordosis.

Analyses of the neandertal patellae from El Sidrón (Asturias, Spain) with implications for the evolution of body form in Homo

The evolution of the body form in Homo and its potential morphological connection to the arrangement of different skeletal systems is of major interest in human evolution. Patella morphology as part of the knee is potentially influenced by body form. Here, we describe for the first time the patellae remains recovered at El Sidrón Neandertal site and analyze them in a comparative evolutionary framework. We aim to clarify whether morphometric features frequently observed in Neandertal and modern human patellae are retained from a primitive anatomical arrangement or whether they represent derived features (apomorphies). For this purpose, we combine analyses of discrete features, classic anthropological measurements, and 3D geometric morphometrics based on generalized Procrustes analysis, mean size and shape comparisons, and principal components analysis. We found a size increment of the patella in hominin evolution, with large species showing a larger patella. Modern humans and Neandertals exhibit overall larger patellae, with maximum values observed in the latter, likely as a consequence of their broader body shape. Also, some Neandertals display a thicker patella, which has been linked to larger quadriceps muscles. However, Neandertals retain a primitive morphology in their patellar articular surfaces, with similar-sized lateral and medial articular facets, leading to a more symmetrical internal face. This feature is inherited from a primitive Homo ancestor and suggests a different configuration of the knee in Neandertals. Conversely, Homo sapiens exhibits an autoapomorphic patellar anatomy with expanded lateral articular facets. We propose that these distinct configurations of the patella within Homo may be a consequence of different body forms rather than specific functional adaptations of the knee. Thus, the slender body form of modern humans may entail a medial reorientation of the tibial tuberosity (patellar ligament), allowing lateral surface expansion. These anatomical evolutionary variations may involve subtle secondary differences in bipedalism within Homo.

Neandertals on the beach: Use of marine resources at Grotta dei Moscerini (Latium, Italy).

Excavated in 1949, Grotta dei Moscerini, dated MIS 5 to early MIS 4, is one of two Italian Neandertal sites with a large assemblage of retouched shells (n = 171) from 21 layers. The other occurrence is from the broadly contemporaneous layer L of Grotta del Cavallo in southern Italy (n = 126). Eight other Mousterian sites in Italy and one in Greece also have shell tools but in a very small number. The shell tools are made on valves of the smooth clam Callista chione. The general idea that the valves of Callista chione were collected by Neandertals on the beach after the death of the mollusk is incomplete. At Moscerini 23.9% of the specimens were gathered directly from the sea floor as live animals by skin diving Neandertals. Archaeological data from sites in Italy, France and Spain confirm that shell fishing and fresh water fishing was a common activity of Neandertals, as indicated by anatomical studies recently published by E. Trinkaus. Lithic analysis provides data to show the relation between stone tools and shell tools. Several layers contain pumices derived from volcanic eruptions in the Ischia Island or the Campi Flegrei (prior to the Campanian Ignimbrite mega-eruption). Their rounded edges indicate that they were transported by sea currents to the beach at the base of the Moscerini sequence. Their presence in the occupation layers above the beach is discussed. The most plausible hypothesis is that they were collected by Neandertals. Incontrovertible evidence that Neandertals collected pumices is provided by a cave in Liguria. Use of pumices as abraders is well documented in the Upper Paleolithic. We prove that the exploitation of submerged aquatic resources and the collection of pumices common in the Upper Paleolithic were part of Neandertal behavior well before the arrival of modern humans in Western Europe.

Explorative Spatial Analysis of Neandertal Sites using Terrain Analysis and Stochastic Environmental Modelling

In this paper we present a unique spatial dataset of Neandertal sites in Europe. Information on topographic locations with human fossils was collected in the course of our own work and from a comprehensive literature review. The fossils are classified into Pre-Neandertals, Early Neandertals and Classic Neandertals. Based on this dataset, we explored the environmentally constrained site-selection criteria of Neandertals. The site locations are described by topographic indices giving information on climatic, strategic and water-related criteria on which Neandertals may have based their site selection. We applied two different explorative statistical approaches for the three Neandertal fossil classes, deriving robust and consistent results for Early and Classic Neandertals. However, because of the nature and size of the response variables showing a certain heterogeneity and due to landscape dynamics, which might have occurred in the observed periods, we focus on the overall trends that the data show. The study reveals that Early and Classic Neandertals not only show specific spatial distributions but are also characterized by different environmental preferences. Both models reproduce the particular site preferences for Early and Classic Neandertals, which demonstrate a higher relevance of climatic issues for the Early Neandertals and a pronounced strategic component for the Classic Neandertals. Additionally, the methodology allows for a spatial prognosis of occurrence probabilities for Neandertal sites. External validation using a spatial artefact dataset for the German Middle Paleolithic shows generally good agreement.

Identifying the reworking and stratigraphic provenance of bones by exploring multivariate geochemical relationships with the ‘Perio-spot’ technique

Erosional processes often rework materials of different ages into the same sedimentary facies, producing time-averaged deposits. Such reworking is common at archaeological sites, and researchers must consider the resulting time-averaging effects when using natural stratigraphy to situate artifacts and remains in time. At Scladina Cave, a Neandertal site in Belgium, we developed a method for identifying reworked facies and the stratigraphic provenance of mammal bones based on their post-mortem trace element characteristics and crystallinity. We collected sixty-two faunal remains from throughout the site's sedimentary sequence and analyzed them for trace element concentrations and crystallinity with laser ablation inductively coupled plasma mass spectrometry and Raman spectroscopy. Our novel approach, the ‘Perio-spot’ technique, quantifies the trace element characteristics and crystallinity from the most diagenetically altered part of a bone with high spatial resolution. Trace element concentrations, rare earth element patterns, and crystallinity of ‘Perio-spots' correlate throughout the Scladina sedimentary sequence. Based on stratigraphic trends in bone chemistry and crystallinity, we subdivide the Scladina sequence into two successive periods of early diagenesis, a period of later diagenesis, and a transitional period between the early and later diagenesis periods. The period boundaries also correspond to major climatic fluctuations identified in the site's stratigraphy by other means (e.g., palynology and heavy mineralogy). The stratigraphic provenance of nine cave bear femora support the confinement of reworking to within each of the diagenetic periods; the provenance of two indeterminate faunal remains that visually resemble the taphonomic alteration of the Scladina Neandertal (taphonomic proxies) suggest that the individual may be significantly older than previously hypothesized. Evaluating the temporal integrity of exhumed assemblages and the original sedimentary context of bones with our method is thus a valuable addition to archaeological analyses, especially beyond the temporal range of radiocarbon dating or in contexts with very low preservation potential of organic materials.

Right-handed fossil humans.

Fossil hominids often processed material held between their upper and lower teeth. Pulling with one hand and cutting with the other, they occasionally left impact cut marks on the lip (labial) surface of their incisors and canines. From these actions, it possible to determine the dominant hand used. The frequency of these oblique striations in an array of fossil hominins documents the typically modern pattern of 9 right- to 1 left-hander. This ratio among living Homo sapiens differs from that among chimpanzees and bonobos and more distant primate relatives. Together, all studies of living people affirm that dominant right-handedness is a uniquely modern human trait. The same pattern extends deep into our past. Thus far, the majority of inferred right-handed fossils come from Europe, but a single maxilla from a Homo habilis, OH-65, shows a predominance of right oblique scratches, thus extending right-handedness into the early Pleistocene of Africa. Other studies show right-handedness in more recent African, Chinese, and Levantine fossils, but the sample compiled for non-European fossil specimens remains small. Fossil specimens from Sima del los Huesos and a variety of European Neandertal sites are predominately right-handed. We argue the 9:1 handedness ratio in Neandertals and the earlier inhabitants of Europe constitutes evidence for a modern pattern of handedness well before the appearance of modern Homo sapiens.

On the relationship between climate and Neandertal fire use during the Last Glacial in south-west France

Abstract Both environmental and cultural factors dictate how, when and where hunter-gatherers use fire in the landscape, as well as how well evidence for any one fire will preserve in the archaeological record. Variability in the production and preservation of anthropogenic fire traces can potentially skew our perception of fire use in the past. With this in mind, the research presented in this article weighs in on the debate concerning Neandertal fire use and fire making, specifically, the assertion that Neandertals were unable to produce fire for themselves (Sandgathe et al., 2011a, 2011b). This hypothesis is based on the inferred correlation between climatic deterioration, concurrent lowering of lightning-ignited fire frequencies, and reduced signals for fire use in layers presumably deposited during the Lower Pleniglacial (Marine Isotope Stage 4) at the Middle Palaeolithic sites of Roc de Marsal and Pech de l’Aze IV (Aquitaine Basin, southwestern France), the logic being that if Neandertals could produce fire at will, fire use signals would remain largely consistent throughout the deposits despite there being limited access to natural fires in the landscape during this colder period. This review challenges these assertions at multiple scales by looking at regional lightning and fire regime dynamics, comparing the fire signals observed at Roc de Marsal and Pech de l’Aze IV to those of other sites nearby and around France, and exploring the various environmental and cultural factors likely influencing these signals. Ultimately, the data suggests that estimated reductions in lightning frequencies and fire regime during the Lower Pleniglacial (and colder stadial periods, in general) were not adequate to severely limit Neandertal access to natural fire, while possible artefactual evidence for Neandertal fire making challenges the assumption that they were at all reliant on lightning-ignited fire. Moreover, at the nearby Neandertal site of Combe Grenal, the majority of the layers exhibiting evidence of fire use have cold climatic signals, suggesting the fire use trends observed at Roc de Marsal and Pech de l’Aze IV are potentially local expressions of changes in regional site use patterns, possibly brought on by increased reliance on highly mobile, migratory reindeer prey species and reductions in local woodfuel availability during cold periods. Other factors potentially reducing the archaeological visibility of cold climate fire use are discussed.

Evidence for Neandertal jewelry: modified white-tailed eagle claws at Krapina.

We describe eight, mostly complete white-tailed eagle (Haliaëtus [Haliaeetus] albicilla) talons from the Krapina Neandertal site in present-day Croatia, dating to approximately 130 kyrs ago. Four talons bear multiple, edge-smoothed cut marks; eight show polishing facets and/or abrasion. Three of the largest talons have small notches at roughly the same place along the plantar surface, interrupting the proximal margin of the talon blade. These features suggest they were part of a jewelry assemblage, --- the manipulations a consequence of mounting the talons in a necklace or bracelet. An associated phalanx articulates with one of the talons and has numerous cut marks, some of which are smoothed. These white-tailed eagle bones, discovered more than 100 years ago, all derive from a single level at Krapina and represent more talons than found in the entire European Mousterian period. Presence of eight talons indicates that the Krapina Neandertals acquired and curated eagle talons for some kind of symbolic purpose. Some have argued that Neandertals lacked symbolic ability or copied this behavior from modern humans. These remains clearly show that the Krapina Neandertals made jewelry well before the appearance of modern humans in Europe, extending ornament production and symbolic activity early into the European Mousterian.

Temporal lobe sulcal pattern and the bony impressions in the middle cranial fossa: the case of the el Sidrón (Spain) neandertal sample.

Correspondence between temporal lobe sulcal pattern and bony impressions on the middle cranial fossae (MCF) was analyzed. MCF bone remains (SD-359, SD-315, and SD-1219) from the El Sidrón (Spain) neandertal site are analyzed in this context. Direct comparison of the soft and hard tissues from the same individual was studied by means of: 1) dissection of two human heads; 2) optic (white light) surface scans; 3) computed tomography and magnetic resonance of the same head. The inferior temporal sulcus and gyrus are the features most strongly influencing MCF bone surface. The Superior temporal sulcus and middle temporal and fusiform gyri also leave imprints. Temporal lobe form differs between Homo sapiens and neandertals. A wider and larger post-arcuate fossa (posterior limit of Brodmann area 20 and the anterior portion of area 37) is present in modern humans as compared to neandertals. However other traits of the MCF surface are similar in these two large-brained human groups. A conspicuous variation is appreciated in the more vertical location of the inferior temporal gyrus in H. sapiens. In parallel, structures of the lower surface of the temporal lobe are more sagittally orientated. Grooves accommodating the fusiform and the lower temporal sulci become grossly parallel to the temporal squama. These differences can be understood within the context of a supero-lateral deployment of the lobe in H. sapiens, a pattern previously identified (Bastir et al., Nat Commun 2 (2011) 588-595). Regarding dural sinus pattern, a higher incidence of petrosquamous sinus is detected in neandertal samples.

Les Néandertaliens d’El Sidrón (Asturies, Espagne). Actualisation d’un nouvel échantillon

This paper synthesizes and updates the information coming from the El Sidrón (Asturias, Northern Spain) neandertal site. Since 2000, a new sample of Homo neanderthalensis dated to at least 49,000years old is being systematically recovered at the El Sidrón cave site. The bone assemblage is located in a secondary position, and certainly derives from a close location. The sample is almost exclusively composed of human remains. There is a moderate number of Middle Paleolithic stone tools (n≈415) and very few macro-faunal remains. All skeletal parts are preserved, including some rare bones such as the hyoid bone. Teeth are abundant (n=213), cranial and postcranial remains are also well represented, but fragmentary, with a special presence of foot and hand bones. A minimum number of thirteen individuals has been identified, comprising different developmental stages from infancy to adulthood: one infant, two juveniles, three adolescents, and seven adults. Paleobiology of the El Sidrón humans fits the pattern found in other neandertal samples: a high incidence of dental hypoplasia and interproximal grooves, yet no serious traumatic lesions are present. Moreover, unambiguous evidence of human-induced modifications (cannibalism) was found on the human remains: cut marks, percussion pitting, conchoidal scars and adhering flakes. Individuals seem to have been treated differentially. Morphologically, the El Sidrón humans show a large number of neandertal lineage-derived features even though certain traits place the sample at the limits of neandertal variation. Integrating the El Sidrón human mandibles and occipital bones into the larger neandertal sample reveals a possible geographic patterning, with southern Neandertals showing broader faces with increased lower facial heights. Ancient DNA analyses have been carried out, developing an anti-contamination protocol of excavation for minimizing the risk of modern human DNA contamination. As a result both mitochondrial and nuclear DNA have been extracted from dental and osteological remains. Curiously, mtDNA comparative analyses suggest a population affinity of Iberian Peninsula Neandertals with Central European Neandertals. Nuclear DNA analyses have permitted the identification of some functional genes such as the melanocortin 1 receptor (MC1R), which regulates hair and skin pigmentation; the FOXP2, a gene involved in the development of language; and the gene involved in the ABO blood group system. Nowadays the large El Sidrón sample is the most significant neandertal sample from the Iberian Peninsula, and augments the European evolutionary lineage fossil record, supporting ecogeographical variability across neandertal populations.

Reply to Sandgathe et al.: Neandertal use of fire

Sandgathe et al. (1) agree that fire was not a requisite technology for hominin expansion into northern latitudes, but they suggest that habitual use of fire appeared later than stated in our paper (2), only near the end of the Late Pleistocene. They stress that, despite the growing number of Neandertal sites with solid evidence for fire use, there is also a large number of sites without such evidence (1). Based primarily on their extrapolation of data from two recently excavated Middle Paleolithic sites in the Dordogne (France), they argue that the sequences from many Neandertal sites associated with cold environments do not have evidence for fire throughout them (1). They assume that this challenges whether Neandertals were obligate fire users and proficient at making fire.

Did Neandertals Think Like Us?

June 2010 F or the past two decades archaeologist Joao Zilhao of the University of Bristol in England has been studying our closest cousins, the Neandertals, who occupied Eurasia for more than 200,000 years before mysteriously disappearing some 28,000 years ago. Experts in this field have long debated just how similar Neandertal cognition was to our own. Occupying center stage in this controversy are a handful of Neandertal sites that contain cultural remains indicative of symbol use—including jewelry—a defining element of modern human behavior. Zilhao and others argue that Neandertals invented these symbolic traditions on their own, before anatomically modern humans arrived in Europe around 40,000 years ago. Critics, however, believe the items originated with moderns. But this past January, in a paper published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences USA, Zilhao and his colleagues reported on finds that could settle the dispute: pigment-stained seashells from two sites in Spain dated to nearly 50,000 years ago—10,000 years before anatomically modern humans made their way to Europe. Zilhao recently discussed the implications of his team’s new discoveries with Scientific American staff editor Kate Wong. An edited version of their conversation follows. SCIENTIFIC AMERICAN: Paleoanthropologists have been arguing about Neandertal behavior for decades. Why all the fuss?

Comparative morphology and morphometric assessment of the Neandertal occipital remains from the El Sidrón site (Asturias, Spain: years 2000–2008)

This paper analyses the occipital remains recovered from the El Sidrón (Asturias, Spain) Neandertal site between the years of 2000–2008. The sample is represented by three specimens, SD-1219, SD-1149, and SD-370a. Descriptive morphology, linear measurements, 3D geometric morphometrics, and virtual anthropological methods were employed to address the morphological, morphometric, and phylogenetic affinities of these fossils. The fossils display Neandertal autapomorphies (e.g., bilaterally protruding transverse occipital torus, suprainiac fossa). SD-1219 also preserves a strongly projecting juxtamastoid eminence and shows occipital bunning. In linear distances, the El Sidrón occipitals are similar to each other and close to the Neandertal mean. The centroid size of SD-1219 is slightly larger than the Neandertal average. All of the evidence taken together points to the hypothesis that SD-1219 belongs to a smaller Neandertal male. Linear measurements and the vault thickness of SD-1149 also suggest a robust male individual. The gracility of SD-370a points towards an immature individual. Virtual anthropological methods were used to reconstruct a 3D model of the SD-1219 occipital for geometric morphometrics, which reveals that SD-1219 shows relatively broad and low occipital plane proportions. Within the European Pleistocene lineage sample, this fossil falls geometrically closer to primitive rather than to derived morphologies because of its increased width, and a lower, anterior position of inion relative to the biasterionic axis. These results may imply that cranial sphericity could be an important feature of intraspecific Neandertal variability. Our findings open the way for further studies of intraspecific variation in Neandertal populations, in which the El Sidrón sample may play a significant role.

New Neandertal remains from Cova Negra (Valencia, Spain)

New Neandertal fossils from the Mousterian site of Cova Negra in the Valencia region of Spain are described, and a comprehensive study of the entire human fossil sample is provided. The new specimens significantly augment the sample of human remains from this site and make Cova Negra one of the richest human paleontological sites on the Iberian Peninsula. The new specimens include cranial and postcranial elements from immature individuals and provide an opportunity to study the ontogenetic appearance of adult Neandertal characteristics in this Pleistocene population. Children younger than 10 years of age constitute four of the seven minimum number of individuals in the sample, and this relative abundance of children at Cova Negra is similar that in to other Neandertal sites in Europe and southwest Asia. The recognition of diagnostic Neandertal features in several of the specimens, as well as their western European context and late Pleistocene age, suggests that all the human remains from Cova Negra represent Neandertals. The archaeological evidence from Cova Negra indicates sporadic, short-term occupations of the site, suggesting a high degree of mobility among Neandertals.

Cannibalism and violence

International Journal of OsteoarchaeologyVolume 10, Issue 1 p. 1-3 EditorialFree Access Cannibalism and violence Simon Hillson, Simon Hillson Institute of Archaeology, University College London, London, UKSearch for more papers by this author Simon Hillson, Simon Hillson Institute of Archaeology, University College London, London, UKSearch for more papers by this author First published: 02 February 2000 https://doi.org/10.1002/(SICI)1099-1212(200001/02)10:1<1::AID-OA501>3.0.CO;2-WCitations: 3AboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL No abstract is available for this article. References Arens, W. (1979) The Man-Eating Myth. Anthropology and Anthropophagy. Oxford University Press: Oxford. Lloyd Parry, R. (1999) Apocalypse now. The Independent, 25 March: Thursday, Review 1 McKie, R. (1998) The people eaters. New Scientist, 157: 43– 46. Pickering, T.R., White, T.D. and Toth, N. (1999) Stone tool cut marks on Stw 53, and early hominid from Sterkfontein, South Africa. Journal of Human Evolution, 36: A17. Preston, D. (1998) Cannibals of the canyon. The New Yorker, November 30: 76– 89. Russell, M.D. (1987a) Mortuary practices at the Krapina Neandertal site. American Journal of Physical Anthropology, 72: 381– 397. Russell, M.D. (1987b) Bone breakage in the Krapina hominid collection. American Journal of Physical Anthropology, 72: 373– 379. Trinkaus, E. (1985) Cannibalism and burial at Krapina. Journal of Human Evolution, 14: 203– 216. Turner, C.G. II and Morris, N.T. (1970) A massacre at Hopi. American Antiquity, 35: 320– 331. Turner, C.G. II and Turner, J.A. (1992) On Peter Y. Bullock's ‘A reappraisal of Anasazi cannibalism’. Kiva, 58: 189– 201. Turner, C.G. II and Turner, J.A. (1995) Cannibalism in the prehistoric American Southwest: occurrence, taphonomy, explanation, and suggestions for standardized world definition. Anthropological Science, 103: 1– 22. Turner, C.G. II and Turner, J.A. (1999) Man Corn. Cannibalism and Violence in the Prehistoric American Southwest. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press. Turner, C.G. II (1983) Taphonomic reconstructions of human violence and cannibalism based on mass burials in the American Southwest. In: Carnivores, Human Scavengers and Predators: a Question of Bone Technology (edited by G.M. LeMaine and A.S. MacEachern). Calgary: Archaeological Association of the University of Calgary, 219– 240. Turner, C.G. II (1992) Southwestern U.S. Anasazi cannibalism. Review of Anthropology, 13: 7– 13. Turner, C.G. II (1993) Cannibalism in Chaco Canyon: the charnel pit excavated in 1926 at Small House Ruin by Frank H.H. Roberts, Jr. American Journal of Physical Anthropology, 91: 421– 439. Villa, P., Courtin, J., Helmer, D. and Shipman, P. (1987) Cannibalisme dans la grotte d Fontebregoua. 223: 40– 52. Villa, P. (1992) Cannibalism in prehistoric Europe. 1: 93– 104. White, T.D. (1986) Cutmarks on the Bodo cranium: a case of prehistoric defleshing. American Journal of Physical Anthropology, 69: 503– 509. White, T.D. (1992) Prehistoric Cannibalism at Mancos 5MTUMR-2346. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Citing Literature Volume10, Issue1Special Issue: Cannibalism and ViolenceJanuary/February 2000Pages 1-3 ReferencesRelatedInformation

Mortuary practices at the Krapina Neandertal site.

It has often been reported that the Krapina Neandertal remains bear incised linear striations which appear to be cutmarks. Here, the plausibility of the striations as cutmarks is tested by comparing them to Mousterian butchery marks on large fauna and to cutmarks on modern human skeletons known to have been defleshed with stone tools. The anatomical location, gross appearance, and frequency of occurrence of the striations on the Krapina material do not resemble Mousterian butchery marks on reindeer. The Krapina striations do closely match authenticated cutmarks on 22 modern human skeletons defleshed with stone tools after partial decomposition, preparatory to secondary burial. Data are presented supporting the hypothesis that the striations on the Krapina Neandertal remains are consistent with postmortem processing of corpses with stone tools, probably in preparation for burial of cleaned bones.