Native Labor Research Articles

Cela - ein Entwicklungszentrum im Hochland von Angola

Of all European countries Portugal suffers proportiona tely the greatest population loss through emigration. By means of large scale development schemes, financed by the state, an attempt is made to direct this emigration partly into Portugal's overseas provinces, especially to Angola. At Cela (350 Km. south-east of Luanda at an altitude of 1,300 m. within the zone of the marginal range) in an agricultural development area, 298 holdings for settlers have so far been created to that end. In this paper an out line is given of its physical background, and organisation, structure and further planning of the settlement association are shown. One of its features is that the employment of native labour .is not permitted either in the small holdings (of about 20 ha) or in the large family farms (approxima tely 100 ha). Cela is an example of a succesful settlement of white farmers in a tropical seasonally humid highland. This pro ject carried out with substantial means and directed by foremost experts also provides a good case for studying general and specific problems of opening up of virgin land and development assistance.

International Library of African Music

With the end of 1958, the Library has now successfully completed its first experimental five year period. This was made possible through the generosity of various donors including the Nuffield Foundation, the Copper Mines of Northern Rhodesia, the Diamond Mines of Southern Africa, the Witwatersrand Native Labour Association, The Union Miniere du Haut Katanga, several Corporate Members including the Gold Mines of the Transvaal and Orange Free State, the South African Department of Arts and Science, Municipalities and other Industries and a number of Ordinary Members.

Nyasaland

T? the air-traveller, shooting out of the cloud-cover that may have 1 obscured much of the earth on a long journey from the nort4 there comes a breath-taking alld entrancing view. Below is outspread the piercing kingfisher-blue of the Lake stretching 360 miles down the provinces of Nyasaland. T}le whole country is revealed, lit up with brilliant sunlight and colour: its mounts, so individual in character, their fantastic shapes of green and lion-tawny gold, chased with deep blue shadows, as if some cosmic artist had painted them fresh and exquisite that very morning; the ribbon of the Shire River, trailing from the Lake among rocky passages to the western plain beneath the escarpment of the highlands, a flashing milTor of sky and cloud alld land; the earth roads streaking from the paSm-fnnged Lakeshore, between yellow hyparhenia grasses, towards the townships of 2;omba and Blatyre; the clusters of native huts and hamlets with their haphazard gardens of rustling maize-stalks and dark green fruit trees: the whole a teeming panorama of gay, carefree, local African life. Here are the welcoming diversity and charm of Nyasaland in the breezier season which follows the harvest in Capricorn May. Here is a land that seldom fails to endear itself to any inhabitant, or visitor, a country like the lalldscape backgrounds of Italian Renaissance pictures transposed to a tropical cle. At the beginning of the century much of southern Nyasaland was still dense with primeval forest, full of running water and wild anals, with a few scattered tnbal units hunting the gaune alld making short-tenn clearings for pulses and grains, and occasionally warriIlg with their neighbours on the border-lands and riverwrossings. Then, irl the wake of Dr. Livingstone and the missionaries, came the traders and planters. Land was cleared for commercial crops, tobacco and rubber, tea and coffee. Native labour throtlged towards these ventures, or was cajoled thither, tribesfolk swarming like locusts over the hills, hewing, burning and reburning the forest-cover for mnize and millet, and then for sale-crops that exhausted the soil. Europeans and Afncans between them skinned the succulent vegetation-cover from the thin soil-caxpet of Nyasaland, baring it to the effects of sudden downpour and torrid drought. The process is still going on year by year. In the place of the natural lardscape there sprawled a disasTay of cc)mmercial clearings and native squatting, a landscape of arbitrary extraction, shockingly wasteful as well as untidy and ugly. Soil-erosion and desiccation were inevitable consequences. Exhaustion was due to the higgledy-piggledy habits of African settlement, to the rapidity

Forced Labor in the Guatemalan Indigo Works

OLONIAL production of Guatemalan indigo, localized in C the southeastern province of San Salvador, suffered from a chroniic shortage of laborers for the back-breaking work of harvestinig the indigoferous plant, jiquilite, and the pestiferous tasks of processing the weed in the fetid dye-extraction vats (obrajes de aiiil). For a century or more the Spanish governinent prohibited the employment of Indians; but neither free labor nor Negro slaves satisfied the demands of the producers. Faced with increasing competition from Asiatic indigo, in the eighteenth century the Guatemalan growers finally persuaded the crown to permit the conscription of workers in the Indian villages. After a thorough investigation of abuses in the previous methods of hirino native laborers, in 1784 the colonial governmenit adopted the plan described in the accompanying document. The reglamento was drafted by Jose Ortiz, an oidor appointed by the governor to investigate the complaints of the cabildos of San Miguel and San Salvador and the newly-established Inidigo Growers' Society.1 The objectives of the new system, according to Ortiz, were to arrest the decline in the output of indigo-a vital export to a colony producing little gold and silver-and to enid the scandalous idleness of the natives. The new rules required the alcalde mayor of San Salvador and the two directors of the Society to draw up an annual register of growers and, having prepared a similar roster of Indianis (indios de trabajo), to assign laborers in accordance with the growers' needs and the available labor force. The labor register could not comprise more than a fourth of the able-bodied Indians in each village. Confirmed by the governor, the assignments of laborers (repartimientos) had to be enforced by the local justices. Mission friars were specifically warned olOt to seek exemptions for inscribed workers on the pretext that they had milpas to tend. (But the friars were entitled to assignments of laborers if they were producing indigo.) Corporal

Some Recent Research on Fertility in Africa and Asia

Africa between the Sahara and the Union long rivaled China as an area of demographic ignorance. Estimates of present and future populations were alike conjectural. Knowledge is still limited but progress in the past decade has been rapid. Government planning has necessitated greater emphasis on statistical activities while advances in techniques of sampling and enumeration have permitted the collection of data within an African setting. There have been a few more ethnological field studies that were concerned with demographic processes and interrelations. Population pressure in native reserves migrant labor detribalization and other problems that are demographic in whole or in part have attracted the attention of territorial governments and international organizations. The question of the fertility of the indigenous population and changes in that fertility in response to social change and economic transformation begins to be seen as a critical factor in the long-run population prospects of the continent. The cumulating information is highly specific however and conclusions diverge widely. (excerpt)

Simpson’s The Encomienda in New Spain And Recent Encomienda Studies

IN 1929 LESLIE BYRD SIMPSON brought out his fine study The Encornenda in New Spain: Forced Native Labor in the Spanish Colonies,1 which represented pioneering and well-deservedly became a landmark in the study of the encomienda system. His 1950 revision and refinement of this work, The Encomienda in New Spain: the Beginning of Spanish Mexico,2 is so extensive that he has in many respects produced a new work in both organization and concept. This revision truly represents the progress of encomienda studies in the years which have elapsed between the appearance of the two volumes and will stand as one of the definitive works on the encomienda. As Simpson states, since his initial version appeared so much fundamental research on Spanish colonial institutions had been done, and knowledge and understanding of the encomienda had so expanded, that revision became essential. Simpson himself contributed much to this expanding knowledge of colonial institutions in connection with economic and demographic developments as well as directly in connection with the encomienda itself, thereby enrichening and maturing the content of his new volume.3 His approach in this revision consequently represents new demographic and economic lines of attack in the study of the encomienda. An advance of this type has been made possible through continuing research by the company of

Patterns and Problems of Land Tenure in the Lesser Antilles: Antigua, B.W.I.

T ^IHERE is a growing controversy over the systems of land tenure and tenancy in the Lesser Antilles. On one side, an impoverished peasantry groping for the security which they feel only land can give them, are demanding radical land reform. They insist upon a more equitable distribution of land, a liberalization of tenancy practices, and greater peasant participation in the production of commercial crops. On the other side, the estate group, fighting to retain the efficiency so important to the survival of a decadent plantation agriculture, point out that the commercial economy of the area is doomed unless production is kept to large, efficient units. The estate group agree to nominal reform, but they insist that only land which is not being effectively utilized be reallocated to the peasants.1 This controversy over land tenure and land reform has been an important factor in the background of discontent which has characterized the Antilles in the last few decades. Like other regions of plantation agriculture, the clash between the large (and often absentee) land-holders and the native labor element threatens to disrupt the entire socio-economic structure of the area. In this respect, the problems of land tenure in the Antilles is significant not only for the region itself, but it is also an indicator of the forces at work wherever plantation agriculture exists in the tropics. The purpose of this study is to outline the general patterns of land tenure and its associated problems in an important unit of the Lesser Antilles, namely, Antigua.

Self-Development in Native Housing in East London, Cape Province

Opening ParagraphEast London is a rapidly growing port with a population of about 85,000 persons of all races, situated on the south-east coast of Africa. It is the city nearest to the largest Native Reserve in the Union, the Transkei, and hence uniquely situated in respect of its Native labour supply. It was a centre for the urban sociological studies of Professor Monica Wilson in her 1936 acculturation research, and more recently for a series of socio-economic studies by the author as an employee of the Municipality in 1949-50. An historical study of African settlement in the City, and of the relationship of Africans to the European controlled municipal council is presented here.

Industrial Efficiency and the Urban African. A Study of Conditions in Southern Rhodesia

Opening ParagraphThe report of the Commission of Enquiry set up to investigate the protection of secondary industries in Southern Rhodesia, published in 1946, produced statistical evidence to show that output per head was considerably lower than in any other Commonwealth country. The figures quoted refer to 1938, but there is little evidence of any marked advance in African productivity since that date. Only in isolated instances is native labour today working to the full satisfaction of its European management and, as a general rule, Government officials and industrial or commercial employers are unanimous in their condemnation of African inefficiency. Many of these opinions are founded upon race prejudice or ignorance of industrial history, but there is, nevertheless, ample evidence in the form of high absentee rates, rapid labour turnover and an almost complete failure of normal incentives to produce increased productivity, to indicate that something is radically wrong in the industrial field.

The Tobacco Industry of Southern Rhodesia

OUTHERN Rhodesia, which until WVorld War II was a relatively insignificant producer of fluecured tobacco, now ranks among the world's leading tobacco exporters. Before the war, although a vast potential of suitable farmland and cheap native labor gave scope for expansion, the tobacco industry was handicapped by high transportation costs. Of late, however, the dollar shortage of the sterling area, together with sterling devaluation, has given a marked fillip to the industry. Since 1945, when tobacco surpassed gold as the premier export of Southern Rhodesia, production has more than doubled, and in 1950, despite an increase in base-metal output, tobacco accounted for more than twofifths of the Colony's exports. As a result, the tobacco industry, which in many aspects contrasts sharply with that of the United States, has become the mainstay of the country's economy, and the distribution of tobacco cultivation, which is closely controlled by physical and economic factors and reveals marked regional characteristics, has undergone significant changes.

The changing nature of pneumonia.

Article1 November 1950THE CHANGING NATURE OF PNEUMONIAHOBART A. REIMANN, M.D., F.A.C.P.HOBART A. REIMANN, M.D., F.A.C.P.Search for more papers by this authorAuthor, Article, and Disclosure Informationhttps://doi.org/10.7326/0003-4819-33-5-1246 SectionsAboutPDF ToolsAdd to favoritesDownload CitationsTrack CitationsPermissions ShareFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail ExcerptThe cure of many bacterial pneumonias with sulfonamide compounds and with antibiotics has led to an impression that the nature of pneumonia in general has changed greatly in the past decade. The new forms of therapy, especially of pneumococcal pneumonia, shorten the duration of disease, eliminate the causative agent from the sputum, and thereby lessen the incidence and duration of the carrier state. By so doing, it was hoped the spread of infection to others would be retarded and the incidence of pneumonia would decline. While the mortality rate has been reduced, it is by no means so sure that...Bibliography1. IsraelMitterlingFlippin HLRCHF: Pneumonia at the Philadelphia General Hospital, 1936-1946, New England J. Med. 238: 205-212 (Feb. 12) 1948. CrossrefMedlineGoogle Scholar2. deAndinodeBeradinis AMCT: Am. J. M. Sc. To be published. Google Scholar3. Watson MH: Two decades of lobar pneumonia: a study of the incidence and mortality rate of lobar pneumonia as seen in the Wellington Hospital during the past twenty years, New Zealand M. J. 48: 371 (Aug.) 1949. MedlineGoogle Scholar4. Thompson RT: Pneumococcus types, mortality, bacteremia and purulent complications in primary pneumococcus pneumonia at the Cincinnati General Hospital, 1936-1949 (Abst.), J. Lab. and Clin. Med. 34: 1757-1758 (Dec.) 1949. Google Scholar5. Ordman D: The incidence and control of pneumonia in the native labourers of the Witwatersrand Goldfields with special reference to the tropical natives, Proc. Transvaal Mine Officers Assn. 28: 75-83 (Mar.) 1949. Google Scholar6. Naglervan RooyenSturdy FPCEJH: An influenza virus epidemic at Victoria Island, N.W.T., Canada, Canad. J. Pub. Health 40: 457-465 (Nov.) 1949. MedlineGoogle Scholar7. DowlingRotman-KavkaHusseyHirsh HFGHHHL: Treatment of pneumococcic pneumonia with oral and intramuscular penicillin, Am. J. M. Sc. 213: 413-417, 1947. CrossrefMedlineGoogle Scholar8. Personal communication to the author. Google Scholar9. Anderson T: Pneumonia—a survey—past and present, Edinburgh M. J. 55: 705-720 (Dec) 1948. MedlineGoogle Scholar10. Reimann HA: An acute infection of the respiratory tract with atypical pneumonia. A disease entity probably caused by a filtrable virus, J. A. M. A. 111: 2377-2384 (Dec. 24) 1938. CrossrefGoogle Scholar11. Reimann HA: The viral pneumonias and pneumonias of probable viral origin, Medicine 26: 167-219 (May) 1947. CrossrefMedlineGoogle Scholar12. Francis T: Virus pneumonia, Canad. J. Pub. Health 35: 49-54 (Feb.) 1944. Google Scholar13. Reimann HA: Severe, sporadic "viral" pneumonias. Diagnostic and therapeutic problems, J. A. M. A. 144: 81-85 (Sept. 9) 1950. CrossrefMedlineGoogle Scholar This content is PDF only. To continue reading please click on the PDF icon. Author, Article, and Disclosure InformationAffiliations: Philadelphia, Pennsylvania*Presented at the Thirty-First Annual Session of the American College of Physicians, Boston, Mass., April 17, 1950.From the Jefferson Medical College and Hospital, Philadelphia. PreviousarticleNextarticle Advertisement FiguresReferencesRelatedDetails Metrics Cited byPneumococcus and the Brooklyn connectionCurrent Problems of the PneumoniasHOBART A. REIMANN, M.D., F.A.C.P.Die InfektionskrankheitenPOSTGRADUATE CONTINUATION COURSE Fitzsimons Army Hospital and University of Colorado School of MedicineCurrent Problems in The Management of PneumoniaThe Changing Nature of Pneumonia 1 November 1950Volume 33, Issue 5Page: 1246-1253KeywordsAntibioticsBacterial pneumoniaDeath ratesPneumoniaSputumSulfonamide ePublished: 1 December 2008 Issue Published: 1 November 1950 PDF downloadLoading ...

Gelfand, Michael, M.D., M.R.C.P. Schistosomiasis in South Central Africa

This is a comprehensive presentation of schistosomiasis in a cross section of the indigenous population of South Central Africa, primarily the area around Salisbury, Southern Rhodesia, but also including native laborers of Northern Rhodesia, Portuguese Africa and Nyasaland, who come to Southern Rhodesia every year in search of work. The study provides minimum necessary information on the biology and epidemiology of the two etiologic agents, Schistosoma haematobium and S. mansoni, and is concerned for the most part with the pathology of these diseases and their symptomatology. It is based on several hundred cases studied by the author over a ten-year period on the medical wards, in the mortuary and in the public health laboratory at Salisbury. These infections are highly prevalent in the area, much more common as revealed by autopsy section than examination of feces and urine would indicate.Contrary to current views, Doctor Gelfand has found that S. mansoni is easier to detect than is S. haematobium unless careful post-mortem study is conducted.

Studies on a West African strain of plasmodium falciparum The efficacy of paludrine (proguanil) as a prophylactic agent

1. 1. The investigations recorded relate to a strain of P. falciparum obtained in November, 1947, from a native of Lagos, Nigeria, West Africa. 2. 2. Twenty non-immune individuals (four groups of five in each group) were subjected to repeated infections with this strain of parasite over a period of 6 weeks. During this time Group I received paludrine mg. 100 daily; Group II, mg. 50 daily; Group III, mg. 100 twice weekly; and Group IV, mg. 300 once weekly. None of the members of these four groups developed an overt malarial attack during the period of drug administration or subsequently. 3. 3. Two persons taking respectively quinine hydrochloride grain 5 and grain 10 daily were infected in a similar manner as those in Groups I to IV. The infection was effectively suppressed in both cases whilst the drug was being taken, but both developed overt attacks of malaria 7 and 12 days respectively after it was discontinued. 4. 4. Although paludrine acted as a true causal prophylactic of the Lagos strain of P. falciparum in each of the regimes under trial, it is considered that non-immune persons residing in or visiting West Africa should be advised to take not less than mg. 100 of the drug daily for the prophylaxis of malaria. For semi-immune subjects, such as native labour forces and locally recruited Government employees, a weekly dose of paludrine mg. 300 is recommended.

Native Words Learned by American Soldiers in India and Burma in World War II

5 ^ tORLD WAR II sent 4oo,ooo or more American soldiers to India and V v Burma in connection with two vital military operations. One was flying supplies to China via the Hump. The other, a twin operation, was driving the Japs out of Upper Burma in a diEcult military campaign and at the same time building and operating the Ledo Road, which was later renamed the Stilwell Road. Contact between these Americans and the natives of India and Burma amounted to considerably more than that involved in haggling over the price of an ivory elephant or a teakwood box. For one thing, a whole army of natives labored for the American army in building brick and bamboo buildings, constructing drainage ditches, unloading ships, trucks, and railu-ay waggons, and countless other tasks. Gangs or crews of such native labor were usually placed in charge of American enlisted men who were able to handle them very well with a scanty vocabulary of Hindustani. Another important fact was that a river of Indian goods flowed by reverse lend-lease from Indian factories, warehouses, and retail sources to Americans, both in rear echelons and on the Sghting front. Procurement of these goods called for countless contacts between American supply troops and Moslem and Hindu manufacturers and merchants. A third fact was that nearly all American oEcers had their own native bearers and servants, and enlisted men would often group together to hire bearers. American soldiers, always notably democratic in mixing with foreign populations, came to know their bearers extremely well. In addition to these contacts there were those which Americans had with the Chinese army which was secretly trained by General Joseph Stilwell at Ramgarh, India, and which fought side by side with American troops at the head of the road against the retreating Japs. The result of these varied contacts was the acquisition by the Americans of a group of Indian, Anglo Indian, Burmese, and Chinese words which became a standard part of their daily vocabulary for many months. The return to civilian life in America relegated this small vocabulary to disuse, except for an occasional involuntary teek hai or atcha, to be sure, but the best known and most used words are worth recording before they pass

Sir Granville Orde Browne, K.C.M.G

SIR GRANVILLE ST. JOHN ORDE BROWNE, who died on May 12, was a pioneer in work for the improvement of labour conditions in the British Colonies, particularly in Africa. Born in 1883, he first went to Africa as an artilleryofficer in the Zulu War of 1906. In 1909 he joined the administrative service in Kenya ; his observations made among some of the minor tribes (Chuka, Embu, Mwimbe, Emberre) were published in 1925 in his book “The Vanishing Tribes of Kenya”. Recalled to the colours in 1914, he served throughout the East African campaign, and his experience with native carriers aroused the interest in native labour which dominated the rest of his life.

The Migration of Native Laborers in South Africa

The Migration of Native Laborers in South Africa

Scottish Industrialism and the Catholic

Some fifty years ago at an investigation into Glasgow housing sponsored by a committee of the Church of Scotland, Bruce Glaiser, secretary of the Glasgow branch of the Socialist League, invited to explain why Irish immigrants did not rise so easily as native labourers to be craftsmen, replied: “I do not believe that it is vice that is against the Irishmen, but rather virtue. The improvidence of the Irish springs rather from virtues; while the success of Scotchmen is on account of their canny disposition and desire to make money ... I think that, as a whole, as social beings they are quite equal to the Scotch; I do not think the ambition to take a position side by side with Scotchmen is a very high one.”Whether the Catholic has revolted instinctively or not against the bleakness of Scottish industrialism in the past century, the fact remains that he has not made his presence effectively felt among the forces that attempt to control and guide it. For this, the circumstances that have conditioned his existence in Scotland are largely responsible.

The Captaincy of the Second Portuguese Voyage to Brazil, 1501–1502

On the 8th of March, 1500, a fleet of thirteen ships and caravels departed from Lisbon under the command of Pedro Alvares Cabral. Two of the caravels were destined for East Africa and the others for Calicut, on the Malabar coast of India, where they were sent to obtain cargoes of spices and other Eastern commodities, to establish friendly relations with its ruler, and to leave a factory for future trade. Vasco da Gama with his fleet had preceded; Cabral followed to reap the reward. The route was carefully selected to secure the safest and best passage to the Cape of Good Hope. The ships of the fleet were clumsy so that the course must be taken with the most favorable winds. They sailed somewhat to the west of south from the Cape Verde Islands and the coast of Brazil was reached, probably for the first time. After remaining here for about a week taking on supplies of water and wood, the main fleet continued to India. Before doing so, possession of this discovery was taken for the Crown, though it was not then known whether it was mainland or an island. A small supply ship was sent back to Lisbon carrying letters for the King, among them one by Pedro Vaz de Caminha telling of the sojourn and describing the natives, and another by the king’s astrologer, Master John. Both of these letters still exist. The date of the arrival of the supply ship in Portugal is not known but it was probably early in July, 1500. The news of the discovery was of great interest to the King and to the Portuguese people, but their chief concern was with the success of the India fleet, and Caminha’s letter reported that little of value was found in the new land during Cabral’s stay. The discovery made by Cabral was considered of sufficient importance, however, to warrant sending a second fleet for further investigation. The King and the cosmographers wished to know whether it was mainland, as they undoubtedly suspected, and if so its extent. If such were the case, they desired to claim the land for Portugal under the Bull of May 4, 1493 and the Treaty of Tordesillas, signed June 4, 1494. If it were an island, the Spice Islands farther to the west might be reached as Columbus had claimed. The merchants were interested in its commercial value particularly for obtaining pearls and dye wood and in its possibilities for the cultivation of sugar cane. In the latter of these Bartolomeo Marchioni, a wealthy Florentine, who had long resided in Lisbon and operated sugar plantations in Madeira and elsewhere, could anticipate profits, if the land were fertile and native labor adequate. The New Christians or converted Jews evidently also saw in this new land the possibility of escape from persecution in Portugal and a chance for wealth from the products which might be found there.

The Captaincy of the Second Portuguese Voyage to Brazil, 1501–1502

On the 8th of March, 1500, a fleet of thirteen ships and caravels departed from Lisbon under the command of Pedro Alvares Cabral. Two of the caravels were destined for East Africa and the others for Calicut, on the Malabar coast of India, where they were sent to obtain cargoes of spices and other Eastern commodities, to establish friendly relations with its ruler, and to leave a factory for future trade. Vasco da Gama with his fleet had preceded; Cabral followed to reap the reward. The route was carefully selected to secure the safest and best passage to the Cape of Good Hope. The ships of the fleet were clumsy so that the course must be taken with the most favorable winds. They sailed somewhat to the west of south from the Cape Verde Islands and the coast of Brazil was reached, probably for the first time. After remaining here for about a week taking on supplies of water and wood, the main fleet continued to India. Before doing so, possession of this discovery was taken for the Crown, though it was not then known whether it was mainland or an island. A small supply ship was sent back to Lisbon carrying letters for the King, among them one by Pedro Vaz de Caminha telling of the sojourn and describing the natives, and another by the king’s astrologer, Master John. Both of these letters still exist. The date of the arrival of the supply ship in Portugal is not known but it was probably early in July, 1500. The news of the discovery was of great interest to the King and to the Portuguese people, but their chief concern was with the success of the India fleet, and Caminha’s letter reported that little of value was found in the new land during Cabral’s stay. The discovery made by Cabral was considered of sufficient importance, however, to warrant sending a second fleet for further investigation. The King and the cosmographers wished to know whether it was mainland, as they undoubtedly suspected, and if so its extent. If such were the case, they desired to claim the land for Portugal under the Bull of May 4, 1493 and the Treaty of Tordesillas, signed June 4, 1494. If it were an island, the Spice Islands farther to the west might be reached as Columbus had claimed. The merchants were interested in its commercial value particularly for obtaining pearls and dye wood and in its possibilities for the cultivation of sugar cane. In the latter of these Bartolomeo Marchioni, a wealthy Florentine, who had long resided in Lisbon and operated sugar plantations in Madeira and elsewhere, could anticipate profits, if the land were fertile and native labor adequate. The New Christians or converted Jews evidently also saw in this new land the possibility of escape from persecution in Portugal and a chance for wealth from the products which might be found there.

Native Farm Labor in South Africa

Native Farm Labor in South Africa