Nationalist Organizations Research Articles

The Colonial African: Godwin Mbikusita-Lewanika and His Struggle For and Against Zambian Nationalism

Abstract Godwin Mbikusita-Lewanika, the founding president of Zambia’s first nationalist organisation, is now remembered as a staunch supporter of colonial rule. Such figures are not uncommon and are often termed “loyalists,” a term that is usually understood in the literature as a fixed category that either dwindled in the face of racial oppression or was a choice shaped and hardened by conflict. Lewanika, however, moved easily between different sides, reinventing himself as an anticolonial nationalist, trade unionist, colonial loyalist, and Lozi traditional monarchist as circumstances warranted. The tumult of the mid-twentieth century opened up new opportunities and Lewanika seized roles that were not previously available. Biographies of anticolonial nationalists often argue they turned to political action when their education and ambitions clashed with the highly-circumscribed roles available under colonialism. Lewanika’s life was the opposite. He carved out a prominent place for himself in the colonial order and then in independent Zambia.

The activities of the USSR State security agencies to ensure public safety in Lithuania during the interwar period

Importance. The events taking place in the territory of Lithuania in the interwar period are still controversial among politicians and historians today. Many “blank spots” of that time in this territory were closed for research for a long time, which gave rise to speculation and falsifications. The article examines the activities of state security agencies to ensure public security in the territory of Lithuania in the period from 1921 to 22.06.1941 using historical examples. The purpose of the study is to show the historical events taking place in Lithuania and the activities of the state security agencies to ensure public security in the interwar period in the republic.Materials and methods. The research is based on declassified archival documents of the State Archives of the Russian Federation and the Russian State Archives of Contemporary History. The materials of the People's Commissariat of Internal Affairs of the USSR – the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR (1934–1960), the 4th Special Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR (1931–1959) and on political repression and rehabilitation of the illegally repressed were studied.Results and Discussion. As a result of the October Revolution of 1917, Lithuania gained its independence. Starting from 1919, nationalist organizations were created in Lithuania, the task of which was to voluntarily assist the police in the fight against the Communists and to assist intelligence agencies in espionage against the USSR. With the entry of Lithuania into the USSR, the activities of nationalists intensified. Before the attack on the USSR, the state security agencies launched a preventive blow against the nationalist underground and their accomplices, which reduced their activity in the initial period of the Great Patriotic War.Conclusion. The liquidation of the leaders of the nationalist underground and their accomplices allowed the USSR state security agencies to prevent the destabilization of public order in Lithuania on the eve of the German attack on the Soviet Union.

Attention, shocks, and relevance judgements: the case of white nationalism in the U.S. South, 1980–2008

ABSTRACT Why do white nationalist organizations (WNOs) focus attention on the issues they do? I draw from social movement studies, organizational studies, and social psychology to explain why WNOs shift attention over time to one particular grievance domain: borders- and immigration-related issues. I propose a cognitive-environmental theory of attention shifts and argue that WNOs are more likely to shift attention to borders and immigration when there is a grievance-validating external shock that is likely to be interpreted as a threat. Using a unique dataset of digitized WNO literature between 1980 and 2008 and a combination of computational text analysis and panel models, I find that white nationalist organizations in this sample were more likely to shift attention to borders and immigration when there was a high number of non-right-wing terror threats or attacks in the U.S. in the previous year relative to the size of the organization’s non-Hispanic/Latinx community. I conclude with implications for work on attentional selection and the evolution of discursive fields.

일제강점기 엄항섭의 독립운동

This study focuses on youth organizational activities, especially during Eom Hang-seop's Japanese colonial era independence movement. Eom Hang-seop's youth organization activities continued from the Young Men's League in 1924 to the Korea Liberation Front Youths Mission Corps in 1939. It is no exaggeration to say that Eom Hang-seop's independence movement was mainly youth organization activities until he served as a member of the Provisional Government's State Council in the 1940s. Eom Hang-seop joined young people by participating in youth organizations or guiding them behind the scenes in China. In Shanghai, He participated directly as members of the youth organization, mainly at the youth movement level. During the period of the provisional government's move, he formed or guided anti-Japanese organizations centered on young people. Participating organizations also varied from left-right coalition organizations to nationalist organizations and youth organizations as separate partners of political parties. Eom Hang-seop was the driving force of the youth organization in China in name and reality.

Evolution of political traditions and mentality of Ukrainian society

The article analyzes the processes of formation and evolution of political traditions and mentality of Ukrainian society, their impact on public sentiment and political decision-making, which can be both supportive and legitimate foundation, as well as rejection and denial, and an obstacle to political and economic development. Due to the peculiarities of its historical development and geopolitical location, Ukraine has strong ties with European countries and shares similar values, and is geographically part of Europe. Ukrainian political traditions are based on support for democratic principles and freedoms, rejection of dictatorial authoritarian practices, the ability of Ukrainian society to self-organize and build effective horizontal ties, and individualism. Ukrainians, like Europeans, consider the dignity of the human person as a fundamental value, and violence as unacceptable and humiliating. During national revolutions and in times of war, Ukrainians bravely defend the Motherland, protecting their freedom even at the cost of their lives. These fundamental features of the Ukrainian political mentality contributed to the formation of the Ukrainian political nation, and in combination with Cossack military traditions, the experience of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army and a number of patriotic organizations, they influence the heroic military confrontation with Russia today. However, the long stay of Ukrainian lands as part of other state entities, the imposition of different models of seeing the world, values, beliefs, the extermination of the political elite and patriotic activists and their families, etc. also reflected in the political traditions, moods, preferences, patterns of behavioral reactions of Ukrainian society. Especially destructive was the influence of Russian state entities, the period of being part of the USSR, which shaped the consciousness of homo soveticus – a cog in a totalitarian state system with limited rights and opportunities.

Preparation and implementation of the “Greater Albania” project: historical and geopolitical aspects (1944-1980s)

The Kosovo issue is currently “settled” by the actual functioning of the Republic of Kosovo and by providing it with all the attributes of statehood during the Belgrade-Pristina negotiations (completeness of territory, border, customs, army, independent telecommunications and electricity system, international telephone number, etc.). When studying the Kosovo problem, it is logical to raise the question: why and how it was resolved in this particular way, what were the internal and external factors that ensured the stunning success of the separatist Pristina, which achieved an unprecedented permission for the Albanians, bypassing international and domestic law, for another national self-determination in the form creation of a second state? Often, when talking about the Kosovo confl ict, the hot phase of which occurred in 1998–1999, the main focus is on the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) and their Western and non-Western patrons. However, no paramilitary unit that is relatively small in number, extremely weak in military training, and has a sabotage and punitive nature, even with external support, is capable of achieving a goal of this level in such a short period of time. It would take decades to prepare for its implementation — and they were at the disposal of Albanian tribal leaders and socially signifi cant fi gures who managed to ensure their interests in this way (the issue was not caring for the Albanian people, only gaining infl uence and extracting specifi c material benefi ts). Albanian organizations of the interwar period (Kosovo Committee, 1918–1925) and the leaders of the bandits, who psychologically and emotionally consolidated the practice of terror against the Serbs of Kosmet, laid a “strong foundation”. However, post-war Albanian emigration played a key role in the Kosovo confl ict of the 1990s. Moreover, Albanian emigration is also not a random phenomenon; it has a consistent development and direct historical continuity from Albanian organizations since the end of the 19th century. The article analyzes the Albanian nationalist organizations created in Kosovo and Metohija at the fi nal stage of the Second World War, as well as the political organizations of the Albanian emigration of the post-war period, identifying the continuity of ideology and practice that laid a solid foundation and created the conditions for the emergence of the Kosovo Liberation Army and political movements that ensured the creation of the Republic of Kosovo.

КОНЦЕПЦИЯ КУЛЬТУРНОГО НАЦИОНАЛИЗМА И ЕЁ РЕАЛИЗАЦИЯ В ИРЛАНДИИ В XIX – НАЧАЛЕ XX ВВ.

In the article, the authors attempt to analyze one of the most important components of the Irish national movement of the 19th – early 20th centuries, cultural nationalism. Irish nationalism throughout its history has tended to variously highlight issues of political liberation or self-government, agrarian and religious issues. Priorities largely depended both on the prevailing ideas of the leaders of the movement in a particular period, and on the corresponding political and social atmosphere. An important role was also played by the commitment of the leaders of nationalist organizations to the methodology for implementing their programs, be it “physical” or “moral strength”. However, the total dictatorship of Britain in imposing English culture, language, traditions, education with severe pressure on Irish culture, demanded from nationalists the formation of the identity of the Irish nation, the renovation of the rich national heritage. With the change in the social state of society at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, cultural nationalism gained a huge audience, while updating new directions in culture. The revolution of 1916-1923, while solving the problem of winning independence, also included the problem of national self-identification.

Life in abundance: Diet, Black health and spirituality in the Nation of Islam, 1930–1975

This article aims to analyse the relationship between the Nation of Islam and dietary rules, as well as to show how its doctrinal component is linked to a quest for an African American redemption. Although this Black nationalist organization claims to remain within the fold of the Islamic religion, historical research conducted in the 1990s and 2000s has stressed that its message is characterized by peculiar beliefs and religious practices. The author’s analysis relies on writings that were produced by the Nation of Islam – mainly, the two volumes of How to Eat to Live, authored by Elijah Muhammad. These dietetic teachings appear to bond the movement to various new religious movements, mainly of Christian inspiration. It appears probable that this set of beliefs was influenced by the German naturopath Arnold Ehret (1866–1922), thus leading to a significant difference with Sunni Islam.

Діяльність націоналістичних організацій Харківщини та їх роль у допомозі остарбайтерам

The purpose of the article is to analyze the activities of the national organizations of Kharkiv region in the struggle for independent Ukraine both against the USSR and against Germany during the Second World War and to clarify their role in preventing the export of the Ukrainian Ostarbaiters to Germany. The research methodology is based on the use of the historiographical analysis method, the historical-systemic and problem-chronological method, the method of critical analysis. The scientific novelty of the research consists in the fact that for the first time the systematization and analysis of materials dedicated to the activities of the nationalist movement in the Kharkiv region was carried out in order to determine the role of national organizations in helping ostarbaiters. Conclusions. A special role in the development of the nationalist movement in the Kharkiv region during the World War ІІ belongs to the Derivative groups of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists. Kharkiv residents revived the activities of "Prosvita" and organized the "Kharkov Civic Committee". Their main task was the restoration of the independence of the Ukrainian state and the recognition of its legitimacy by the Soviet and German authorities. In Kharkiv, in order to achieve a similar goal, representatives of nationalist organizations tried to occupy positions in German authorities, especially in particular Kharkiv residents. Among the large number of lands captured by Germany, it was Ukraine that became the source of replenishing the labor force for the benefit of the Third Reich. Nationalist organizations contributed to preventing the deportation of the population of Kharkiv region to work in Germany. The activities in this direction of V. Dolenka and M. Gorban, who tried to solve it through their influence on the members of the "Kharkov Public Committee" and "Prosvita", who worked in the bodies of the occupying German authorities, should be highlighted.

The Catalan Digital Republic. A Theoretical Review

This theoretical review analyses digital nationalism in Catalonia. It describes the context of the confrontation between the pro- independence movement and the Spanish government. This confrontation is characterised by a paradigm dominated by negotiations, mobilisations, and repression, which eventually led to the 2017 independence referendum. The failure of the independence process led grassroots groups and major parties to develop original digital strategies. Whilst grassroots groups relied on digital tools to organise spectacular protests, the Junts per Catalunya (Together for Catalonia) party and the Consell de la República (Council of the Republic) organisation promoted the República Digital (Digital Republic) project. The study frames Catalan nationalism in relation to previous research on digital nationalism. It underlines how, in terms of actors involved and ideologies promoted, the Catalan secessionist project does not fit into models described by the academic literature about digital nationalism. Furthermore, this research analyses how the Digital Republic has been articulated by Catalan institutions and nationalist organisations in order to create a “virtual state”. Finally, the study discusses the Digital Republic as a strategy to avoid direct confrontation with the Spanish authorities and its attempt to create a “digital surrogate” to independence.

«…смело сжимая винтовку рукою, ударю с тобой по врагу». К вопросу о деятельности Евпаторийской подпольной организации в 1942–1944 гг.

Introduction. The article examines the activities of the Yevpatoria underground organization during the Great Patriotic War. In Russian historiography, the underground of the Crimea, especially the city of Yevpatoria, remains a little-studied topic so far. Materials and Methods. The article, based on previously unpublished sources from the funds of the State Archive of the Republic of Crimea (GARK), the archive of Sevastopol (AGS), the archive of Yevpatoria (MBU AGE), the Yevpatoria Museum of Local Lore (MBU ECM), debunks the myth of the insignificant contribution of the Yevpatorian patriots to the defeat of the German-Romanian occupiers of Crimea. The research was carried out on the basis of general scientific and special scientific methods. Using the comparative historical method, the author examines the establishment and activities of the Yevpatoria underground organization in 1942–1944 in the context of the key events of the Great Patriotic War. The methods of systemic and diachronic analysis make it possible to identify patterns and features of the activities of underground workers in Yevpatoria. The static method helps to investigate the size and composition of the Yevpatoria underground organization, to assess the damage it caused to the occupiers. The biographies of the leaders of the Yevpatoria underground are reconstructed using the biographical method: F. A. Pavlov, Ya. Tsypkin, M. D. Glushko, etc. The comparative method makes it possible to identify common and distinctive features in the strategy and tactics of the Yevpatorian underground fighters and the Crimean partisans. Analysis. The article examines the reasons for the creation of the Yevpatoria underground organization, analyzes its composition, forms and methods of anti-fascist struggle. Based on a wide range of documents introduced into scientific circulation for the first time, the author not only shows the selfless feat and assistance of the Yevpatoria underground workers of the Red Army in liberating the city from invaders, but also notes mistakes and miscalculations in the actions of the underground patriotic organization. Results. Based on the results of the study, a conclusion is drawn about militant activity of the Yevpatoria underground organization in 1942-1944. The role of F. A. Pavlov and the Crimean Regional Committee of the CPSU (b) in the creation and activities of this organization was analyzed, its structure was studied, which included eight groups, among which the divisions of F. A. Pavlov, E. P. Rusina and A. S. Chepurny stood out. The errors and miscalculations made by F. A. Pavlov, the coordinator of the Yevpatoria underground, are outlined, the contribution of the underground sabotage group “Explosion”, which together with the A. S. Chepurny division set a course for an anti-fascist uprising in Yevpatoria, is considered. The contacts of underground activists with the command of the 4th Ukrainian Front, the preparation and organization of the uprising on April 11-13, 1944 are analyzed.

Doing gender, doing nation! Marches, protests, and mass events as a space for reproducing gendered national roles in nationalistic organisations

The article aims to analyse the physical practising of gender by women in Polish nationalist organisations to reflect on what vision of the nation is reproduced by these embodied gender practices. Using information obtained from interviews and observations, I seek an answer to how the physical gender practices correspond to the logic of the gendered presence of women as members of a national community (Anthias & Yuval-Davis, 1989). One of the main conclusions of the analysis is that the physical body and the gender practices involved in it are a significant stronghold of reproducing the roles that the nation imposes on women. This is related to justifying cultural differences by referring to the biological differences between genders. What is particularly interesting, however, is the fact that the body and its physical capabilities provide space for gender transgressions beyond established norms.

Patriotic Organizations in the National Republics of the Siberian Federal District: Between National and Ethnic Identity

As a response to the special military operation, the discourse on the “colonial” nature of the Russian Federation and the prominent local identity among students in the national-territorial regions of the SFD, such as the Republics of Altai, Khakassia and Tuva, have amplified. This poses the question of the formation of a civic identity and patriotic feelings among young people as the basis for legitimizing political institutions and structures. Important mechanisms for the consolidation and mobilization of patriotic-minded youth are patriotic organizations. As a result of content analysis of the Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation’s information portal, social network pages of patriotic organizations (n = 121) and expert polls of leaders and members of organizations (n = 85), the authors have identified several categories of patriotic activities, which are aimed at the formation of a civic identity and patriotic feelings among young people in the mentioned regions. It was found that in all the regions studied, organizations of a military-patriotic and military-historical orientation, focused on forming a national identity, predominate. The ethnic component in the activity of patriotic organizations is more present in Khakassia and Tuva, however, in general share of patriotic organizations its representation is insignificant. The processes of standardization and unification of methods of work, formats of events and governing structures of these organizations, associated with the majority of youth patriotic organizations coming under the patronage of the federal movement “Yunarmia”, on the one hand, level out local and ethnic identities, and on the other hand, contribute to the formation of a statist model of patriotism among youth.

Biobibliographical Indexes of Researchers as a Source of Studying the Activities of the OUN-UPA and Determining the Legal Status of Their Participants

The purpose of the study is to compare the results of the activities of scientists and lawmakers regarding the recognition and definition of the national liberation movement and the legal status of its participants on the example of the activities of the OUN and the UPA. Research methodology: the principles of historicism, objectivity, systematics and comprehensiveness were applied, as well as – general methods of scientific research – analysis, synthesis, and comparison. Scientific novelty: for the first time, an attempt was made to show the conformity of the laws of Ukraine, in particular, “On the legal status and commemoration of fighters for the independence of Ukraine in the 20th century”, to the results of scientific research on the recognition and the definition of the Ukrainian liberation movement of the 1920–1950 years and the legal status of its participants. Conclusions. A complete inconsistency between the results of the scientists' scientific research was revealed, which is reflected in the personal indexes concluded in their honour, and the law of Ukraine “On the legal status and commemoration of the fighters for the independence of Ukraine in the 20th century” regarding recognition and definition of the Ukrainian liberation movement of the 1920–1950 years and of the legal status of its participants. Contrary to the research of scholars, local historians at the legislative level, members of the OUN, soldiers of the UPA and other nationalist organisations of the 1920s-1950s were recognised as fighters not for an independent sovereign and cathedral Ukrainian state, but for the independence of the Ukrainian SSR, against which they waged an uncompromising struggle. After all, in the second half of 1991, the Ukrainian SSR was officially renamed Ukraine, and the independent state – the Republic of Ukraine, according to the Constitution of Ukraine of 1996, was not created. This also explains the absence of a definition of the liberation struggle or resistance movement in the mentioned law of Ukraine. Keywords: personal indexes of researchers, national liberation struggle, OUN-UPA, sovereign Ukrainian state, the law of Ukraine “On the legal status and commemoration of the fighters for the independence of Ukraine in the 20th century”, the Republic of Ukraine.

Mozambique’s Neglected Nationalists in Exile: Retracing Coremo’s Relations with the Congolese Government and the FNLA

Even though the Mozambique Revolutionary Committee (Coremo) was Mozambique’s second largest liberation movement, historians have neglected its role in the struggle for Mozambican independence. This neglect has resulted in an imbalanced understanding of how Mozambicans fought to overthrow Portuguese colonial rule throughout the second half of the 20th century, including how Mozambican liberation movements navigated the precarious exile environment. By retracing and examining Coremo’s relations with Joseph Mobutu’s Congolese government and the National Front for the Liberation of Angola (FNLA), this article adds to the growing literature on competing anti-colonial movements during Mozambique’s liberation struggle. Coremo’s relationship with these two actors is intertwined with and was founded on the earlier relations that Paulo Gumane’s reconstituted National Democratic Union of Mozambique (Udenamo) had established with the FNLA and Cyrille Adoula’s Congolese government. Reconstructing the story of this relationship deepens our understanding of the different transnational and transregional strategies that smaller liberation movements like Coremo employed in exile. The story of Coremo’s relations with Kinshasa and the FNLA highlights the importance of and difficulties in establishing support structures in the context of competitive liberation politics. The history of these long-standing relations also adds to our understanding of the formation and development of working relationships between lusophone African liberation movements, which have traditionally focused on the Conference of Nationalist Organisations of the Portuguese Colonies, and brings to our attention the role of alternative African support hubs in southern Africa’s liberation struggle.

Determination of pedagogical conditions for the effectiveness of the use of search activity as a means of social hardening of youth

The article discusses the pedagogical conditions that determine the effectiveness of the use of search activity as a means of social hardening of youth. This process is characterized by the peculiarity of approaches, multi-aspect, its influence on the formation of life attitudes, trajectories of development of young citizens. Search work in this perspective is considered as an effective means to get involved in socially approved activities, expanding the range of formed readiness to solve life tasks, problems. In modern conditions, search activity is based on both the traditional experience of search and patriotic organizations, associations, and active, interactive forms and methods of work on the involvement of young people in civil-patriotic activities. The paper highlights the assessment of approaches to the formation of a meaningful component for the implementation of basic conditions. We attributed to them: the establishment of mutual assistance groups, the orientation of the multi-age community and its members to a personal model of nonviolent interaction, the training of search team leaders in the context of this model, building networking to expand social contacts and exchange life experiences based on dialogue and equality. The allocation of these conditions based on the results of monitoring work has shown its effectiveness and the possibility of applying in practice the work of children's and youth associations of a different orientation. The formed program for the inclusion of participants in the search work is considered by us as a local practice–oriented project built on the basis of modularity, in its structure it has a target, value–oriented, informative, technological and evaluative-effective blocks.

Defending the nation: The discourse on youth nationalist organizations in the Polish press

The article presents the results of press discourse analysis on selected youth organizations in the context of the celebrations of the centenary of Poland’s independence in 2018. It focuses on two nationalist organizations: the All-Polish Youth (APY) and the National Radical Camp (NRC), which most often appeared in 2018 press materials in the context of Poland’s Independence Day. The analysis covers eight press titles: five dailies and three weeklies. The article tries to answer the following research questions: how are these organizations presented in press discourse; who are their members; what characteristics are attributed to them; how are they assessed and from what perspective analysed discourse is conducted? A qualitative research method was used together with an analysis of the discursive strategies: nomination, predication and perspectivization. The results show that press titles fight for symbolic power over the readers in the same way (using the same discursive strategies), having the same aim (defending the nation), but using different arguments. This battle for power is between the press that is favourable to the ruling party or hostile to it.

Judicial and Disciplinary Practice of Ukrainian Nationalist Organizations (1920-1980s)

Judicial and Disciplinary Practice of Ukrainian Nationalist Organizations (1920-1980s)

The representation of women in ZANU and ZAPU propaganda during the Zimbabwe War of Liberation

ABSTRACT This article considers the ways in which women were presented in the propaganda of ZANU and ZAPU during the conflict in Rhodesia. In doing this it seeks to build upon existing studies of women, however with a greater focus upon the media output of the nationalist organisations than has previously been the case. In doing so, it shows how ZANU and ZAPU sought to use the experiences of women for their own purposes, as well as how they developed a particular form of public feminist thought, rooted outside that in the West. It also highlights the tensions which existed within the propaganda and ideology of the two groups, whereby women had to be both powerless victims and at the same time significant political and military agents. In doing this it shows how it was difficult for them to create a single narrative of women’s liberation during the Zimbabwe Liberation War.

How Can Jewish and Non-Jewish People Collaborate to Improve Healthcare in the US? Considering Community, Autonomy, and Solidarity.

The coronavirus 2019 (COVID) pandemic has highlighted the ways in which municipal, state, and Federal agencies in the USA have failed to address the inequities of present-day health systems. As alternative organizing centers outside these agencies, local communities are potentially situated to redress the inequities of present-day health systems in a collaborative manner that demonstrates solidarity by supplementing a purely scientific model of medicine and healthcare. In the mid-twentieth century, the Black Panthers, a revolutionary African American nationalist organization that focused on socialism and self-defense, introduced highly influential free clinics, which sought to bring expertise to the Black community on their own terms. This required bringing the benefits of biomedicine to those who customarily had not seen them. By extension, their approach raises questions regarding community- and expertise-centered approaches for the Jewish community: how is it engaged in healthcare for itself (in its diverse subcategories) and for others? Moreover, understanding how the Jewish community has been ill-served by present-day health-care systems might spur Jewish institutions to reimagine how healthcare should work.