Nationalist Muslim Research Articles

Education among Indian Muslims. Jamia Millia Islamia's journal Payām-e taʿlīm

AbstractThe rapid changes caused by high imperialism and modernisation induced an orientation towards the future among the Indian Muslims: where was the community and the nation heading? What did the young generation need, in terms of both character and knowledge, to master the future and to shape it in such a way as to bring justice and civilisation, honour and prosperity to the country?This article aims to investigate how such important, lofty questions on education were translated into everyday pedagogical practices by looking at Payām-e taʿlīm, a journal for children that was brought out by the Jamia Millia Islamia, the nationalist Muslim university and school in Delhi, from 1926 onwards. Payām provided stories, knowledge, and ideas to students of Jamia's own primary and secondary schools, but which was also successfully aimed at a wider geographical spread.

Islam and politics: A latent class analysis of Indonesian Muslims based on political attitudes and psychological determinants

This study explored the diversity of Muslim political attitudes by conducting a latent class analysis in the rarely investigated context of Indonesia—the largest Muslim country in the world. We surveyed a total of 1208 Indonesian Muslim participants from eight out of 33 Indonesian provinces. The latent class analysis revealed that there are six clusters of Muslim Individuals based on their political attitudes: Fundamentalist Muslim, Nationalist Muslim, Apolitical Muslim, Hijrah Muslim, Moderate Muslim, and Progressive Muslim. Moreover, we also found several meaningful differences in psychological correlates (right-wing authoritarianism, social dominance orientation, and need for cognitive closure) across the six clusters. Taken together, this study sheds some light upon the diversity of Muslim political attitudes and the psychological tendencies that correspond with such attitudes.

Nationalist Muslim Opposition to the Partition of India: Madani, Azad, and Khan

Nationalist Muslim Opposition to the Partition of India: Madani, Azad, and Khan

K.K. Aziz’s Historiography: A Review on “The Making of Pakistan” in Perspective of Nationalist Muslims and Muslim Nationalism

K.K. Aziz’s Historiography: A Review on “The Making of Pakistan” in Perspective of Nationalist Muslims and Muslim Nationalism

The Nationalist Outlook of the Muslim Press during Civil Disobedience Movement in the Madras Presidency, 1930-1934

The Nationalist Muslim Press had silently recorded a prospective campaign of Civil Disobedience Movement in the Madras Presidency. They published continuously from 1930 to 1934 to reveal a cleavage of opinion regards Gandhi’s endeavors. The newspapers like the Quami Report, The Alma-e, the Rahbar-i-Deccan, The Azad Hind, the Al-Ameen and the Navajavan were the pioneer papers published in urdu language against the British in virulent manner. The Muslim press reported frequently on Salt Satyagraha, boycott programmes, constructive programmes, Simon commission report and three Round Table Conferences between 1930 and 1934. But, the tone of the Muslim Press had drastically changed after the implementation of the Government of India Act of 1935.

Indian Nationalism: The British Bureaucratic Control Over the Nationalist Muslim Press and Political Literature in Madras Presidency, 1914 – 1923

In the present paper, an attempt has been made to delineate the influences of Nationalist Muslim Press and Political literature, which helped the spread of Indian nationalism in the Madras Presidency between 1914 and 1923. The active propaganda of the Muslim Press and political literature in favour of the national movement and government's rigid stand against the Muslim press marked a turning point in the history of the press in the Madras Presidency. P.C.Bomford's, Histories of Khilafat and Non Co-Operation Movements in the Madras Presidency, Gail Minault's, The Khilafat Movement: Religious Symbolism and Political Mobilization in India and Gerald N.Barrier's Banned: Controversial Literature and Political control in British India have devoted few pages to the contributions of the nationalist Muslim press and political literature in the National Movement. The present study is based chiefly on the proscribed Urdu literature published from 1914 to 1923 as well as the C.I.D. files, Police Dept. records, Madras Native Newspaper Reports, Fortnightly Reports and Confidential files and Government Orders preserved in the National Archives of New Delhi and the Tamilnadu Archives, Chennai, The present paper reflects the true nature of the British aggressive policies and their colonial exploitation and popular protest of Muslim Press against the Government in the Madras Presidency during the period under question.

Pemikiran Politik Islam Di Indonesia: Dari Formalistik Menuju Ke Substantif

Political thinking about the relationship religion and countries have a problem with the most attractive to moslem community, the relationship between islam and state in indonesia in be indonesian history is a story antagonistic and suspicion each other.Not intimate relationship is mainly, but not wholly , caused by the views on the founder of the country most of it muslims about was about to be taken kemanakah country newly independent.One of the most important items in a difference of opinion on wased this country inclined to islam , or nationalist muslim religion not determinant certain system for muslims.Political islam in indonesia can not be separated from the dynamics of thought and the renewal of a movement .Among in general divided into two groups .The first group were convinced that the islamic state of as a model of government will guarantee the teachings of islam implemented in the community .The second group refuse formalism religion in state affairs , the opposite of them focused on the importance of grow and to create and integrity of the religious society of the people.

What’s the matter with being Indonesian? A social representation approach to unravelling Indonesian national identity / ¿Qué significa ser indonesio? Una perspectiva de la representación social para desentrañar la identidad nacional indonesia

Due to its diverse nature, being an Indonesian is sometimes confusing as it entails overlapping national, ethnic and religious identity. By using a social representation approach, online survey research involving 114 Indonesians was carried out to explore these questions: How do Indonesians negotiate their ethnic, religious and national identity? What identity markers should one possess to claim being an Indonesian? And lastly, who is the nationalist? Research findings suggest that national and ethnic identity as well as ethnic and religious identity were consensual, while the relation between religious and national identity was emancipated. It is also found that being a Muslim and possessing a stronger sense of ethnic identity would increase the likelihood of being a prouder Indonesian, while being a female, living abroad for 5–10 years, being a nationalist Muslim and embracing transnational Islamic movements reduced the probability of having a stronger sense of national identity.

The Nation Turbaned? The Construction of Nationalist Muslim Identities in Senegal

The Nation Turbaned? The Construction of Nationalist Muslim Identities in Senegal

The Nation Turbaned? the Construction of Nationalist Muslim Identities in Senegal

Every four years a celebration of the cotton harvest is held in the regional town of Tambacounda (Eastern Senegal).' It receives considerable attention throughout the country and is widely covered by the press. The festivities are sponsored and organised by the state-owned cotton company Sociiet de Developpement des Fibres Textiles (SODEFITEX). During the festival held in April 1992, the presidential couple was present to witness a long march headed by 50 carts, pulled by donkeys. Each cart contained a quantity of cotton that symbolised the record production of 50,000 tons of cotton that year. A large carriage that carried a class who had taken a course in one of the national languages of Senegal followed the march. The most prominent part in the festivities was played by the so-called 'king and queen of cotton', i.e. the most productive couple of cotton producers that year. Both were dressed in white and seated in an enormous cotton capsule, surrounded by professional praise-singers (griots) who honoured the hard-working couple in typical Senegalese fashion. No less majestic was the reward, handed over personally by the president to the 'king of cotton': a (spon

L'apport de quelques sources russes officielles à l'historiographie du djadidisme chez les Tatars de la Volga (Aux Archives centrales d'État du Tatarstan)

Rafiq Mouhammetchine, The contribution of Russian official source material to the historiography of jadidism among the Volga Tatars (Turkestan Central State Archives). The author, a disciple of the aforementioned one, attempts at analysing the perception Russian observers had of Tatar jadidism, mainly on the basis of a report laid down in 191 1 by A. V. Goriachkin at the request of an examining magistrate in Kazan. The sources under scrutiny reveal the conceptual and terminological looseness of that official literature, which testifies to the paucity of information in Russian ministries — concerned as they were with fighting agaiast Ottoman influence — on the social and cultural processes then developing among the Muslim community on their own territories. It was only due to the outburst of the World War and the revival of an autonomous nationalist Muslim press that observers in St. Petersburg became aware of the deep ideological changes that had been taking place among the Muslims of Russia from the start of the century; the latter were progressively forsaking Islamic communitarism in favour of ethnic nationalism.

Nationalist Muslims in British India: The Case of Hakim Ajmal Khan

Islamic political rhetoric has had a wide variety of meanings in twentieth-century South Asia. This variety has often been obscured by observers who assume Islamic political symbols to have a single set of meanings as well as by contemporary political figures who attribute to earlier figures their own particular views. In Pakistan today, for example, all national heroes of the past are assumed to have used Islamic symbols exactly as does the current regime. In a recent contest—in which so far no winner has emerged—prizes were offered for portraits depicting Muhammad 'Ali Jinnah, the urbane, westernized lawyer, in Islamic dress. Such re-interpretation can force resort to explanations of expedience to reconcile apparent inconsistencies, arguing, for example, that political figures spoke differently to different audiences. What else could one make of a Jinnah if he is clothed as a fundamentalist? But desire for legitimacy—here as everywhere—outweighs accurate history.

Negotiating the Lucknow Pact

Despite the bitter legacy of clashes between India's Hindus and Muslims since the 1880's, the alienation of Muslims from the Indian National Congress, which was reflected in die rise of the Muslim League, was reversed as the result of a number of political developments between 1910 and 1916 and through the efforts of leading personalities on both sides, most notably Jinnah, Wazir Hasan, Gokhale and Mrs. Annie Besant. Nationalist Muslims, some of whom were already prominent in Congress, increasingly captured control of key positions in the Muslim League, and linked hands with Congress' goal of secularism and its claims to represent all Indians. A series of developments and meetings led to the compromise of the Lucknow Pact. This prepared the way for Hindu-Muslim cooperation in agitational politics, 1919–22. Simultaneously, however, the negotiations for the Pact alienated important groups, notably Hindu groups in the Punjab and Bengal, and encouraged Hindu and Muslim communalists to build up communal organisations asserting and working for the separate interests of tJieir respective communities. This helped to prepare the way for the communal clashes in the 1920's.