National United Front Research Articles

“七七事变”后刘震寰的抗日主张与抗日活动述论

The “July 7th Incident” broke out, and the whole nation’s War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression began. Liu Zhenhuan, who had been dormant for more than ten years due to the “Yang and Liu Rebellion” in 1925, devoted himself to the anti-Japanese movement based on the crisis of national survival and patriotic sentiments, and was influenced by the Anti-Japanese National United Front of the Communist Party of China. During this period, Liu Zhenhuan, on the one hand, through speeches, radio broadcasts, and published articles, promoted China’s victory in the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, friendship and cooperation with the Soviet Union, and the establishment of a joint front against aggression among China, the Soviet Union, Britain and the United States, to strengthen the people’s confidence in the war; on the other hand, using his position as a consultant to the Yunnan Provincial Government, president of the Kunming Branch of the China-Soviet Cultural Association, and chairman of the board of directors of Yuexiu Middle School, he cultivated and strengthened revolutionary forces, promoted friendly cooperation between China and the Soviet Union, and united overseas Chinese to participate in the motherland’s anti-Japanese war. Liu Zhenhuan’s persisting in the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression until victory, the confidence to win the War of Resistance and the practice of devoting himself to the War of Resistance are worthy of affirmation and praise. On the whole, Liu Zhenhuan’s anti-Japanese propositions and activities are in line with the trend of the times and are progressive. However, due to personal cognition and the current situation, it has certain limitations. Liu Zhenhuan’s practice during the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression showed that when the Chinese nation faced peril, many old warlords put aside their past personal and group grievances and adhered to national justice and integrity. This is an important gene for the continued survival of the Chinese nation.

The History of Chinese-Korean Baduk in Jilin Province

This study explored the development process of Jilin Chinese-Korean Baduk by collecting data on Jilin Chinese-Korean Baduk scattered sporadically around publications such as Jilin Newspaper and Yanbian TV Radio Broadcasting Station to systematically establish the history of Jilin Chinese-Korean Baduk. Through this, the history of Chinese-Korean Baduk in Jilin Province was divided into four stages, and the characteristics and significance of each stage are summarized as follows. First, with the establishment of the People's Republic of China in 1949, a clear definition and district division of the Chinese-Korean people was created, and the Chinese-Korean people of this period learned from the sight of the Japanese playing Baduk before liberation. From this time on, it showed the beginning of Jilin Province Chinese-Korean Baduk. Second, in 1978 Chinese-Korean Baduk started and the peak was the 1984 China-Japan Super Competition. Due to the influence of China-Japan Super Competition, there was also a Baduk class in Jilin Province that taught Baduk to Chinese-Korean for the first time. Baduk competition was also held for Chinese-Korean. Third, the leap period began after the establishment of diplomatic relations between Korea and China in 1992. Many Koreans came to china and among them, there was a Baduk director who taught Baduk, and the language of the Chinese-Korean was similar to that of Korea, so they naturally trained a lot of Chinese-Korean Baduk players. In addition, several Baduk exchanges were conducted by connecting the Korean Baduk community and the Jilin Chinese-Korean Baduk Association. In addition, the Korean director, who teaches Baduk, has a history of sending international students to Korea's Yoo Chang-hyuk and Yang Jae-ho's Baduk Dojo. During this period, the Yanbian Chinese-Korean Autonomous Baduk Association were founded and the Chinese-Korean School in Jilin Province officially promoted Chinese-Korean Baduk. The first official Chinese-Korean Baduk competition hosted by the Yanbian Korean Baduk Autonomous named "Yanbian Chinese-Korean Baduk championship" was held from 1988 to 1995, and the school selected Baduk as a regular subject for first and second graders after school. Fourth, the decline lasted from 2010 to the present. From 2010 to 2020, about 10% of Chinese-Korean living in Jilin Province are living in other cities or foreign countries in China, especially Korea, and the trend is gradually expanding. The decline in the Chinese-Korean population is the biggest reason for the development of Chinese-Korean Baduk. In addition, the Communist Party's “minority national united front” policy also weakens the characteristics of Chinese-Korean.

Study of Chiang Kai-shek's Foreign Policy during the Anti-Japanese War

Around 1903' s, China faced the huge threat of Japan's full-scale invasion of China and the serious struggle against Japanese aggression. The "two-pronged" policy of unremitting struggle against Japan and seeking international assistance has become the focus of Nanjing National Government headed by Chiang Kai-shek. The Soviet Union had made great efforts to aid China, but because of Chiang Kai-shek's anti-Soviet policy and Britain and France's war in Europe, Chiang Kai-shek only hoped for the support of the United States. In 1938, after the negotiation between China and Britain on the British loan to China failed, Chiang Kai-shek decisively adjusted his wartime foreign policy, recalled Wang Zhengting, who was not very popular with the United States, reused pro-American people, and appointed Hu Shi, a famous international scholar with high prestige, as ambassador to the United States. As the only legitimate government in China at that time, the Chinese Kuomintang government, in addition to establishing the national anti-Japanese national united front on the basis of Kuomintang Communist cooperation in politics, cooperated militarily with the front battlefield of the Kuomintang and the battlefield behind the enemy opened and led by our party to jointly resist the enemy and fight against the Japanese aggressors. In terms of diplomacy, the Kuomintang government also actively carried out diplomatic activities and sought assistance from the international community to support China's cause of anti-Japanese war.

Pages from the History of the Democratic League of China in the Late Republican Period

This article concerns the origins, development and activities of one of the oldest Chinese democratic parties — the Democratic League of China from its inception to the formation of the People's Republic of China in 1949. New documents and materials discovered in the Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History, in particular, the Bulletins of the Information Bureau of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks on foreign policy issues, shed light on little-studied questions about the role and place of this democratic organization in the Chinese revolution. Under patriotic slogans, the Democratic League united in its ranks both non-partisan public figures and political parties and groups with various views, from nationalist to pro-communist. Despite the diverse political composition of small parties and groups, the league turned into a coalition trying to find a “third way” between the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the ruling Kuomintang party. The growing authoritarianism of the Kuomintang leader Chiang Kai-shek and the implementation of pro-Japanese policies by the Kuomintang members undermined the foundations of the national anti-Japanese united front and undermined the war of resistance. These circumstances repelled the country's patriotic forces from the Kuomintang. The Kuomintang's suppression of the democratic movement led to a reorientation of the Democratic League's policies. The League publicly announced cooperation with the CCP until the complete collapse of the reactionary Kuomintang government, for democracy, peace and independence of the country. The work of the Democratic League helped to unite the broad groups of the population into the patriotic movement for a new China. After the formation of the People's Republic of China, at the suggestion of Mao Zedong, the league was preserved, its leaders received posts in the government. Currently, members of the Democratic League are mainly engaged in cultural and educational work.

The Formation, Connotation and Value of the Spirit of Bijie Experimental Area

Bijie Experimental Area is a national-level experimental area. Its establishment stems from the "three major problems" arising from the karst landform in Bijie, the original intention and mission of the Communist Party of China, the mission of the national united front to focus on the center and serve the overall situation, the strong promotion of the Guizhou Provincial Party Committee and the Provincial Government, and the unremitting efforts of the cadres and masses of Bijie. In the process of continuous exploration around the three major themes of "development and poverty alleviation, ecological construction and population control", the people of Bijie Pilot Area have formed the spirit of Bijie Pilot Area of "deepening reform, innovating with determination, working hard, and tackling difficulties with one heart" . The spirit of the Bijie Pilot Zone enriches the national spirit with patriotism as the core and the spirit of the times with reform and innovation as the core, provides a practical platform for the united front to help the development of the Bijie Pilot Zone, provides spiritual power for promoting poverty alleviation and linking rural revitalization, provides a source of power for the construction and implementation of a new development concept demonstration zone, and provides a source of power for the construction of Bijie as the "Golden Triangle" of Guizhou.

ТЕОРИЯ «НОВОЙ ДЕМОКРАТИИ» МАО ЦЗЭДУНА: ОПЫТ МОРФОЛОГИЧЕСКОГО АНАЛИЗА ИДЕОЛОГИЧЕСКОГО КОНСТРУКТА

The purpose of the article is to analyze the key concepts of Mao Zedong's theory of "new democracy". For this purpose, the author chooses the cognitive understanding of ideology as a methodological guideline, first, the structural-morphological approach of M. Freeden, which allows us to characterize the core of ideology considering its adjacent and peripheral concepts. Relying on the analysis of Mao's texts of the 1920-40 period, the author shows how an ideological construct is formed in the discourse of the leader of the Chinese Communists, which later became known as the "theory of new democracy". The article reveals the meaning of the concepts that make up the core of this theory: the Sinification of Marxism, revolutionary war and new democracy. At the same time, the author also emphasizes the role of adjacent concepts that allow revealing the general meaning of the "new democracy": classes and class struggle, agrarian revolution, Chinese nation, Chinese people, united national front, hegemony, etc.

The VKP(b) and the Political Situation in China after the Dissolution of the Comintern

The article is devoted to the influence of the dissolution of the Comintern on the events in China, as well as to the activities of the Department of International Information (DII) formed instead of the Comintern under the Central Committee of the VKP(b). The self-dissolution of the Comintern was positively received by both political forces in China — the Communist Party of China and the Kuomintang. This decision of the ECCI (Executive Committee of the Communist International) allowed Mao Zedong to secure a leading position in the party and isolate the Comintern in the Politburo from the CPC Central Committee. Kuomintang leader Chiang Kai-shek took advantage of the disappearance of the "International Communist Headquarters" to discredit the CPC as a "foreign product" hostile to China. However, quite quickly, China found itself on the brink of civil war, threatening the collapse of the anti-Japanese national united front. Only the position of the USSR, the USA and the democratic forces in China did not allow Chiang Kai-shek to start a punitive campaign against the Special Region of China and the Communist Party. For more than two years, relations between the two parties remained extremely tense. G. Dimitrov, the actual head of the DII, had neither the authority nor the opportunity to somehow influence the political events in the neighboring country. The functions of his department were reduced mainly to the collection of information. Moreover, the main role in obtaining information was played by representatives of the Soviet special services located at the headquarters of the Central Committee of the CPC in Yan'an, as well as in Chongqing, the country's temporary capital, where the negotiations between the CPC and the Kuomintang took place. The defeat of Japan and the end of World War II changed the form and the possibilities of relations between the VKP(b) and the CPC.

An Analysis of the Anti-Japanese National United Front and Its Formation Process from the Perspective of Game Theory

The united front is a magic weapon for the victory of the revolution, construction and reform of the Communist Party of China. The formation process of the united front is a kind of game, starting from the perspective of game theory, using the assets exclusiveness theory of economics, combining the Nash equilibrium and historical events, building a game model, analyzing the Anti-Japanese National United Front and its formation process, are of great significance to improve the scientific cognition level of historical research work and united front work.

Interparty and Intraparty Factionalism in Cambodian Politics

Cambodia’s hegemonic party system that emerged after the violent removal of First Prime Minister Norodom Ranariddh early in July 1997 has now given way to a one-party state, which still remains prone to tension and instability. The party system has become less factionalised and can be characterised as moving from high to medium factionalism. This development resulted from the growing domination of the Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) and the weakening of the opposition parties, such as National United Front for an Independent, Netural, Peaceful and Cooperative Cambodia, which splintered and become almost irrelevant in Cambodian politics. The Cambodian National Rescue Party (CNRP) emerged as the main opposition party after the 2013 election but was then banned from competing in the 2018 election. Although the CNRP remains united by its anti-CPP position, it is still fractured along political lines between two former opposition parties – the Sam Rainsy Party and the Human Rights Party. Historical institutionalism sheds some new light on the variation of political developments among political parties and within them, but does not supplant the fact that party leaders are rational to the extent that they select strategies in pursuit of their interests defined as power or security under specific institutional constraints or the lack thereof.

조선사회단체중앙협의회 상설 · 비상설 논쟁

This article aims to de ne the background and fact surrounding the argument for and against permanent establishment of Korean Central Council for Social Organizations (KCCSO) at its inauguration conference in 1927.BRAccording to existing studies, the argument for the permanent establishment of KCCSO is known to have been advocated by Seoul Communist Group or part of it. It, however, is not true. Proponents of the permanent establishment of KCCSO were communists who refused to join the Korean Communist Party until the end, so they were neither Seoul Communist Group members nor Korean Communist Party members. They were just some communist individuals outside the Communist Party. The argument against permanent establishment of KCCSO was not proposed by the ML Communist Group unlike known before. It was not led by ML Communist Group, a faction within the party, but by the Korean Communist Party itself.BRThe argument for and against permanent establishment of KCCSO was an organizational argument. How could laborers’ hegemony be guaranteed in the National United Front? This was the issue of argument. Proponents of the permanent establishment of KCCSO thought that a legal Laborers Party should be created outside the National United Front, Singanhoi. On the contrary, Korean Communist Party looked for the means to ensure the hegemony of laborers in the illegitimate area. They argued that the hegemony could be secured by nothing but the Secret Association, Korean Communist Party.

The Attempt of Ukrainian Socialists to Create the United National Front in Emigration in the First Half of the 1920s

The article is devoted to coverage the discussion of the Ukrainian socialists on the creation of a united national front іn emigration in the first half of the 1920's. The initiators of the association were the Prague group of the Ukrainian Party of Socialist-Revolutionaries and V.Vynnychenko. The Ukrainian Socialists Democrat’s foreign group and other Ukrainian socialist parties were involved in cooperation. The article analyzes the concepts of the united national front of the initiators of the association – V.Vynnychenko, M.Shapoval and N. Hryhoriev, as well as attempts by the Ukrainian socialist revolutionaries to consolidate the socialist and democratic forces of Ukrainian political emigration. The most successful was the cooperation of Ukrainian socialists in Ukrainian civil committee in the Czechoslovakia, which helped Ukrainian refugees, and the Ukrainian magazine «New Ukraine». But the creation of a political association at that time failed. However, the attempt to consolidate had powerful social and cultural implications and cooperation experience.
 Keywords: the united national front on emigration, the Prague group of the UPSR, V. Vynnychenko, M. Shapoval, N. Hryhoriev

1920년대 신일용의 이론투쟁과 통일전선운동

1920년대 신일용의 이론투쟁과 통일전선운동

中国共产党对抗日民族统一战线的思想引领——以《新华日报》相关报道为例

中国共产党对抗日民族统一战线的思想引领——以《新华日报》相关报道为例

건국동맹과 좌익 민족통일전선

건국동맹과 좌익 민족통일전선

건국동맹과 좌익 민족통일전선

건국동맹과 좌익 민족통일전선

Repositioning of Mass Organizations in the United Front

After forming the Anti-Japanese national united front, Chinese Communist Party (ccp) hoped to develop mass organizations in “open,” “democratic” and “mass-oriented” ways. The National Liberation Vanguards of China (nlvc) was a typical representative of left-wing mass organizations in kmt-controlled areas. During 1936-1939, nlvc’s life course was a microcosm of ccp’s adjustment in mass work. nlvc faced ordeals between inclusiveness and insistence, testing whether ccp could stick to principles in mass work. This paper conducts a case study centered on the nlvc, to analyze how ccp repositioned mass organizations during the Anti-Japanese War and explore how mass organizations affected the Party’s vitality.

중국공산당의 통일전선과 화교의 지위 및 역할에 관한 역사적 고찰 : 항일민족통일전선과 인민민주통일전선을 중심으로

统一战线是作为中国共产党为夺取政权及建设社会主义国家的过程中具有极为重要意义的政治战略手段，从毛泽东把握中共实权的1935年起积极发挥其作用，中共对华侨政策也随之正式启动。本研究在中共領導的抗日民族统一战线及人民民主统一战线的建設过程当中华侨所具有的地位的作用概括为: 第一、华侨对中共的支持不仅对抗战时期领导权的转移起作用，而且对国共内战的最后结果起了重要影响，因此中国共产党的成功及中国的继续发展，同华侨有着不可分割的关系。第二、中共统一战线的范围及其内容决定于当时中国所处的时代条件及其主要矛盾的变化。当代由中共制定的主要矛盾结构为人民日益增长的物质文化需要同落后的社会生产之间的矛盾，因此我们可以预料到在这一结构里华侨的地位进一步加强，中共对华侨的重视也不断深化。第三、侨心是中国革命成败的主要指标之一，中共掌权的秘诀在此，中国发展的机会也在此。

The cultivation of Communist cadres during the War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression

ABSTRACTDuring the Chinese War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) made great progress in its cultivation of cadres. The favorable environment of the National United Front made it possible for the CCP to successfully train a large number of cadres with intellectual backgrounds while continuously using and promoting those who came from worker or peasant backgrounds. By so doing, the CCP raised the quality of its cadres. The CCP’s cultivation of its cadres during the War of Resistance was a systematic undertaking, with interrelated and mutually reinforcing components of education, training, examination, criticism, and self-criticism. Based on cadre self-consciousness and training, a regularized yet not rigid process of cadre cultivation was established. During the same period, the CCP also launched a rectification campaign (Zhengfeng yundong) to further unify and transform the Party. This important movement also left a deep mark on the cultivation of Communist cadres.

Sri Lanka’s General Election 2015

Sri Lanka emerges from this latest election with a hung Parliament in 2015. A coalition called the United National Front for Good Governance (UNFGG) won 106 seats and secured ten out of 22 electoral districts, including Colombo to obtain the largest block of seats at the parliamentary polls, though it couldn’t secure a simple majority in 225-member parliament. It also has the backing of smaller parties that support its agenda of electoral. In the August parliamentary election, the former president Rajapaksa forces upped the nationalist ante and campaigned to win a majority of parliamentary seats with the votes of the Sinhala Buddhists only, but extreme appeals to nationalism failed to get traction in the elections among the Sinhalese. It is fair to say that the double blow against nationalism in the south was occasioned by the politics of good governance promoted by the UNP and its alliance in the election. In Sri Lanka’s eighth General elections, none of the two major political alliances- the (UNF), nor the (UPFA)- gained a clear majority in the election. More important, for the fourth time the fragmentation of seats among the major parties and regional level party has inaugurated a period of unstable coalition governments, creating an air of political and economic ambiguity in the nation as it enters a post- Mahinda Rajapakse era. This study is based on an interpretive approach. The data were collected from both primary and secondary sources. The study examines distinguishes the 2015 election from previous ones and what extent? What are the major factors leads to defeat the ruling party? However, this study argues that the election results are indicative not only of the decline of Mahinda Rajapakse era but also of a gradual transition toward good governance.

崔昌植의 在中獨立運動과 민족통일전선 추구

이 논문은 1910년에서 1930년에 이르는 시기에 최창식(1892~1957)의 행적을 바탕으로 국내와 상해지역의 민족주의활동과 사회주의활동 과정을 살펴보는 데 그 목적이 있다. 그는 1911년에 경성에서 김좌진과 함께 서간도 독립운동 기지 건설을 위한 군자금 모집에 관여한 것을 시작으로 1912년부터는 오성학교 역사교사로 재직하면서 학생들에게 민족의식을 고취시켰다. 3ㆍ1운동 당시에는 국내대표단으로 남경ㆍ상해ㆍ북경에 파견되어 독립운동가들과 중국혁명당원들을 대상으로 선전활동도 했다. 이후 대한민국임시정부 수립에도 참여하며, 국무원비서장ㆍ의정원의장ㆍ국무원내무장 등을 역임할 만큼 임정 내에서 중요한 역할을 했다. 임정 활동을 하면서 그는 1920년 5월 상해 한인공산당에 입당하여 사회주의자가 되었고, 이후 이동휘계열과 대립하면서 상해 이르쿠츠크 고려공산당원이 되었다. 1921년 6월부터는 고려공산청년단 상해회의 집행위원장을 맡는 등 사회주의 활동을 활발히 전개해나갔다. 이뿐 아니라, 이동휘가 임시정부를 떠나면서 임시정부 내의 모든 사회주의세력이 탈퇴했을 때에도 최창식은 이르쿠츠크파 고려공산당계열의 사회주의자로서 임정에 남아 끝까지 민족통일전선을 위해 활동했다. 그의 민족통일전선운동은 크게 6ㆍ10만세운동과 독립운동촉진회의 설립, 홍진 내각의 결성, 한국유일독립당 상해촉성회의 활동으로 나누어진다. 그는 임시정부 중심의 민족통일전선운동에 중점을 두었는데, 임시정부를 개조하여 임시정부 안에서 통일전선운동이 실현될 수 있도록 노력했다. 한국유일독립당 상해촉성회 해체 이후, 최창식은 三一印刷所를 개인적으로 인수하여 생계를 유지를 했으나, 사회주의와 민족주의세력 모두의 인쇄물 간행을 맡음으로써 민족통일전선을 위한 노력은 계속해 나갔던 것으로 보인다. 하지만 그는 사회주의 선전인쇄물을 압수당하면서 치안유지법 위반으로 3년 중역의 판결을 받고 1930년 4월 상해에서 국내로 송환되었다. 그는 임시정부활동을 하면서 동시에 사회주의 활동을 지속적으로 전개한 유일한 인물이다. 무엇보다도 최창식은 1920년대 후반 민족통일전선운동에 적극적으로 나섰으며, 민족주의와 사회주의로 분열된 독립운동을 임시정부를 중심으로 통합시키기 위해 노력했다. 다시 말해서 독립운동을 성공시키기 위해 독립전선을 통일해야 함을 주장했고, 독립전선을 통일하기 위해서는 임시정부를 중심으로 해야 한다고 강조했다. 최창식은 독립을 위해 사회주의를 받아들였고 끊임없이 민족주의와 사회주의의 통합을 추구한 인물이었다.