National Revolutionary Movement Research Articles

권오설의 민족혁명운동론 수용과정과 민족해방운동 전술

Kwon Oh-seol, who participated in the national liberation movement led by the communist group in Colonial Joseon in the 1920s, participated in the enlightenment movement before accepting socialism. Previous studies have identified his activities as influenced by the national independence movement in the 1910s, but did not to elaborate on his acceptance of socialism and the development of the national liberation movement centered on the popular movement. this paper tried to clarify the relationship between his activities and the national liberation movement by specifically reviewing his growth background and acceptance of socialism, and the theory of national revolutionary movement. Kwon Oh-seol was able to forming an enlightened consciousness of life improvement and a revolutionary class consciousness and possible to participate in the national liberation movement based on the national revolutionary movement. he planned The 6·10 National Movement in 1926 and tried to embrace the Old faction of Cheondogyo and the student class while attempting to raise the public’s consciousness of national liberation. Kwon Oh-seol’s national liberation movement were formed based on the consciousness of life improvement and Comintern’s theory of the National Revolutionary Movement.

Anglo-Soviet Trade Relations on the Eve of the Severance of Diplomatic Relations in 1927

During the 1920s, the USSR tried to establish both trade and diplomatic relations with England. In the conditions of the growing economic crisis of 1925, representatives of British business circles were interested in creating favorable conditions for the development of mutually beneficial trade and economic ties with Soviet Russia. The foreign trade turnover between the two countries was actively developing. At the same time, the trade balance was in favor of the UK. Meanwhile, the Conservative cabinet was clearly moving towards a break with the USSR. Soviet financial assistance to striking miners in 1926, as well as material support for the national revolutionary movement in China, contributed to the deterioration of Soviet-British relations. Representatives of some of the British commercial and industrial circles were extremely interested in trade with Russia. They rightly believed that England would suffer more damage from the rupture than the Soviets. One of the steps towards easing tensions and creating favorable conditions for the development of trade and economic relations was the conclusion in May 1927 of an agreement between the delegation of the USSR and the board of Midland Bank on crediting Soviet orders of British goods. However, the subsequent police raid on the premises of the joint stock company “Arkos Limited” led to the termination of diplomatic relations with the USSR. As a result of the breakdown of relations, English firms suffered heavy losses. Orders were lost for the amount of the loan, on the provision of which an agreement was reached with Midland Bank. The termination of relations with the USSR had negative consequences for the British economy. The volume of Soviet-British trade has significantly decreased. The gradual improvement of Soviet-British relations led to the restoration of lost trade and economic relations. However, the issue of granting large loans, including from Midland Bank, remained unresolved.

The Contribution of Russian Historians to the Source Study of the First Period of the History of the Communist Party of China in 1921-1949

The article is dedicated to determining the contribution of Russian Sinologists to the practice of introducing historical sources into scientific circulation in the history of the Communist Party of China in 1921-1949. The documents of the CPC and the Comintern are the most important sources for studying the process of the formation and evolution of the party, its transformation process. Formation of the source studies of the history of the party began shortly after the foundation of the CPC and was associated, first of all, with the collecting documents by the country's Sinology centres and the integration of historical sources into scientific practice. Sinology organizations were involved in the publication of source documents and materials on the history of the Chinese Communist Party. Along with the changes in the political situation, the national Sinology was reorganized, as well as the centres for studying the national revolutionary movement in China. Scholars of a number of research centres, especially the team of historians of the Institute of Far Eastern Studies of the Soviet/Russian Academy of Sciences have made a significant contribution to the source studying of the history of the CPC.

THE POLITICS OF PEACE AND THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE GENEVA AGREEMENT IN HOI AN, QUANG NAM, AFTER 1954

In pursuit of American policy, the Saigon administration carried out extremely reactionary policies, such as refusing general consultation, refusing to reestablish normal relations between the North and the South, refusing the election of the Constituent Assembly (March 31, 1956), the promulgation of the Constitution (October 26, 1956), the establishment of the Can Lao People's Party, the National Revolutionary Movement and the Republican Youth. The Saigon government tried to terrorize peace advocates, resistance fighters and those who fought for the Geneva Accords (1954). The conspiracy and tactics that the US and Diem Ngo Dinh government as ways of refusing to negotiate with the general election made ethnic conflicts and social conflicts increasingly severe. Thus, a political fight for peace and the enforcement of the Geneva agreement between the people of Hoi An and the United States and the Saigon government became inevitable.

The national revolutionary movement and liberal ideas of Lee Hoe-yeong

The national revolutionary movement and liberal ideas of Lee Hoe-yeong

Political Settlements, Natural Resource Extraction, and Inclusion in Bolivia

This paper forms part of a project investigating the relationships between political settlements and natural resource governance over the longue duree in four countries in Latin America and Africa. Specifically, it examines this relationship for the governance of minerals and hydrocarbons in Bolivia. This paper makes the following arguments. As a poor country with a relatively weak central state, Bolivia’s natural resources have served as a ‘mechanism of trade’ mobilised by competing interest groups to build coalitions in support of their particular projects and to secure the acquiescence of those who might contest their projects. In this way, natural resources are used to create political pacts and negotiate political settlements in which a dominant actor attempts to win over the opposition of those resistant to a particular vision of development and/or governance. These pacts and settlements are revisited constantly, reflecting the weak and fragmented power of the central state and of the elite, as well as persistent tensions between national and subnational elites. There have been short periods of settlement – in particular the early 20th century, when the so-called ‘tin barons’ were especially strong and excluded sectors (labour, peasantry, indigenous people) were weak; and the contemporary period, in which social movements and their dominant party are strong. However, the more general pattern has been one of instability, reflecting the relatively short-lived capacity of one or another actor for strategic collective action. Ideas about, and modes of, natural resource governance have been central to periods of instability and stability alike, and to significant periods of rupture in Bolivian politics. For example, mining and miners were central to the 1952 revolution and the following 12 years of the National Revolutionary Movement (MNR) government; natural gas, water and notions of resource nationalism were at the core of the 2005 election of the Movement to Socialism (MAS) government of Evo Morales. The period since 2006 has been characterised by a stable settlement revolving around an alliance between MAS, national social movements and two iconic, dominant leaders in the forms of the president and vice-president. This settlement is also sustained through bargains with parts of the traditional economic elite and those subnational actors able to exercise sufficient power to extract concessions from the main parties to the settlement. In addition, particular interpretations of prior forms of natural resource governance have produced ideas about historical dependency and exploitation that are themselves constitutive of the settlement that the MAS has built (ideas that also circulated in earlier periods of resource nationalism).

Creating Madres Campesinas: Revolutionary Motherhood and the Gendered Politics of Nation Building in 1950s Bolivia

Addressing the nation’s high infant and maternal mortality rate became a paramount priority following the 1952 Bolivian National Revolution. High infant mortality jeopardized the literal reproduction of the nation, therefore motherhood had to be reformed, sanitized, and modernized to fit new revolutionary ideals. Reproduction and women’s bodies were consequently at the heart of the revolutionary project. Attempts to improve child welfare drew women out of their homes and into health clinics where employees oversaw their nutrition, hygiene, and childcare regimens. They also fostered female solidarity linked specifically to maternal responsibilities, thereby inventing a notion of revolutionary motherhood inextricably linked to revolutionary goals. This process of expanding and modernizing maternal and infant health services reveal the gendered politics of nation building under the National Revolutionary Movement whose program for political change, economic development, and cultural transformation depended on a healthy and productive populace.

MARTYNO JANKAUS LEIDYBINĖ VEIKLA IR VAIDMUO KULTŪRINIAME IR POLITINIAME SĄJŪDYJE

Martynas Jankus (1858–1946) is a historical personality. His importance does not diminish with time. The myth of Jankus was created during his life, monuments for him were erected, streets and organisations were named after him. Jankus still makes a significant influence because his interests coincided and coincide with the vital interests of the Lithuanian nation and state. He played an important role in the history of Lithuanian publishing. He established a multifunctional publishing, printing and trading enterprise in Lithuania Minor governed by Prussia. The enterprise was active in 1889−1923. It was mainly oriented towards publishing and production of Lithuanian publications in Latin script prohibited by Tsarist government, and smuggling it to Great Lithuania. It published 400 books and 27 periodicals in the Lithuanian, German, Polish and Byelorussian languages. There were two priorities in Jankus’ activity: commercial and idealist. The first ensured existence of the enterprise and the family; the second allowed him to implement spiritual, educational and political goals. One of the achievements by Jankus’ enterprise was the productivity of his publishing work, a variety of publications as well as their orientation towards secular and polemic issues. This was an important innovation within Lithuanian publishing, formed by Jankus’ orientation towards maturing the national movement, co-operation with the majority of the nation, rapidly evolving social and political powers. Jankus’ historical role is also associated with the innovative experiments in publishing (he tried to produce satirical, daily, and evening periodicals), with expansion of publishing relations between Lithuanian national-revolutionary movement and similar movements in neighbouring countries. A number of Lithuanian young people acquired the qualifications in typography in Jankus’ enterprise. Some of them became initiators and professionals of publishing business in Great Lithuania after the ban on Lithuanian press had been lifted in 1904. At present, the heritage published by Jankus is increasing in value. Almost all books, brochures, periodical and small publications published by him belong to the category of rarities. The search and retrieval of this published heritage is continuing, therefore, we still do not know the precise number of publications produced by Jankus.

Putting Theory into Practice: Using a Human Rights Framework and Grassroots Organizing to Build a National Revolutionary Movement

This Essay proposes to use the theoretical framework of Critical Race Theory and Marxism to chart a way forward and away from the Tea Party’s racist dream and toward revolution. This Essay will show how the ruling class uses race and immigration status to isolate, alienate, dehumanize, and divide poor and working class people. Those tactics work to keep working people (particularly Whites) dreaming the impossible dream that someday their oppressors—the ruling class—will offer them the sweet relief and prosperity they so desperately desire. This Essay will demonstrate that while these tactics prevent the poor and working classes from developing the shared struggle, organization, and consequent class-consciousness that are necessary for a movement to overthrow the chains of exploitation and build a revolution, they can be overcome by using a grassroots organizing strategy and human rights framework. The second section of this essay will briefly outline the history of the ruling class’s divide and conquer strategy. The third section will explain how the divide and conquer tactics play out in the contemporary United States. The final section will make the case for overcoming those tactics with an anti-oppression grassroots organizing strategy based on human rights principles informed by both Marxism and Critical Race Theory (CRT). This Essay will demonstrate that this strategy is the most effective way to undermine the ruling class hegemony, and overcome their divide and conquer tactics, and allows working people to develop the class-consciousness necessary to overthrow the bonds of capitalist exploitation.

Introduction: For Dignity; Tunisia and the Poetry of Emergent Democratic Humanism

When Mohamed-Salah Omri and I met in Cairo during the first week of December 2010, we discussed in some detail whether Tunisia would blow up–the suspected spark being the TuniLeaks depiction of Sakhr Materi’s opulence, another sign of the thorough corruption of the Ben Ali/Trabelsi crowd–and we thought it was time to critically engage in print what we took to be the emergent revolutionary intelligence we’d both been tracking for nearly a decade. Events overtook us, and when the January 2011 insurrection in Kasserine had clearly transformed into a national revolutionary movement, I proposed that what we must do immediately is gather up a selection of reflections from Tunisians engaged in the activities about the long-term significance of these events. The aim was for these accounts to be thoughtful considerations about what have been and are the immanent material conditions that have articulated the revolution, as well as a sense of the arch of those trends. What appears in this dossier are the fruits of that effort. Each of the pieces here is informed by an intense contest currently going on in the immediate post-insurrection phase between the traditional old-guard bourgeois elites and the emergent revolutionary elites over the meaning of the forces of social change and the modalities through which they are to be sustained or institutionalized. That contestation is fundamentally over the legitimacy of divergent, although related, intellectual formations or structures of knowledge.

Unresolved Tensions: Bolivia Past and Present

Unresolved Tensions: Bolivia Past and Present

Aldabonazo: Inside the Cuban Revolutionary Underground, 1952-1958: A Participant’s Account

The historiography of the Cuban Revolution has focused on a variety of trends and tendencies. Cuban publications concerning the struggle against the regime of Fulgencio Batista (1952 – 58) — whether waged by clandestine guerrillas or by Cubans in exile — have represented this process in terms that depict the period as essentially heroic. In the literature on the guerrilla campaign, the greatest emphasis has been on key moments in this type of struggle taking place in the cities, and to a lesser extent on the activities of members of the July 26 Revolutionary Movement (MR-26-7) in exile, the University Students’ Federation (FEU), and the radical student activists of the Directorio Revolucionario 13 de Marzo, fundamental organizations that led the insurrectionary revolutionary movement during this period.Within contemporary debate, the alternative tendency has been to depict the period of national rebellion using the memoirs of principal protagonists: among others, important political and military actors and, increasingly, through somewhat autobiographical studies focused on Fidel Castro. This forms the context for this book, narrated by one of the representatives of the underground urban movement, who not only participated in the founding of the revolutionary movement that came to power in 1959 but also lived through the events he helped to create and formed part of the leadership of that revolutionary movement. The author reconstructs the events he lived through using his own memories with the help of documentary sources.This book differs from others in that the author, in bringing his experience to life, offers at the same time a political landscape of the generational conflict reflected in different revolutionary styles, rooted in the Party of the Cuban People (Orthodox) of Edu-ardo Chibás, whose thesis, which forms the conclusion of the book’s epilogue, functions as a call to arms. One of these revolutionary styles — the one that the author originally subscribed to — was the movement headed by Dr. Rafael García Bárcena, organizer of the National Revolutionary Movement (MNR). The MNR employed a different strategy than the revolutionary movement that later evolved into the July 26 Movement, headed by Fidel Castro. It is from this lens that he narrates the various events in which he participated between 1955 and 1959, in the urban underground, in the Sierra Maestra, during political imprisonment, and finally the taking of power. In these settings, stemming from the main action, the fundamental emphasis was on tasks in the capital and the eastern provinces, particularly the activities of the leadership of the MR-26-7 in Santiago de Cuba, as well as the interrelationship with the Sierra Maestra campaign. Virtually absent is any mention of actions in the western and central provinces, a gap that is beginning to be addressed by the historiography.Other thematic emphases concern the rebellion within the University of Havana, the assault on the Moncada barracks, and other relevant events and characters. The book contains more than one hundred pages of important documents, other first-person accounts, and photographs.The narrative presents the “big picture” of the major role played by leaders during the stages and missions that the author participated in: the organization of a national network, the Asamblea del PPC (0) and its influence on the structure of the MR-26-7, the support for a general strike in 1958 in support of the Granma expeditionary force, and the insurrectionary uprising in the provinces, as well as the incarceration of political prisoners.The book sheds light on the historiographical debate over the strategy of the general strike and armed insurrection. Certain passages and documents contribute to the analysis and evaluation of concepts concerning strategies, tactics, methods of struggle, and mentalities, one example of which is expressed in the correspondence between Faustino Pérez and the author, especially in the so-called concept of “the mountains and the plains,” as well as references to patriotic and anti-imperialist thought shown in the documents.Hart Dávalos provides scholars of Cuba a wealth of information with which to stimulate future research. His book will also be of value for students and the general public interested in contemporary Latin America.

44123 Ontario Ltd v. Crispus Kiyonga and Others

259Governments — Revolutionary government — Liability for acts prior to assumption of power — Whether rebel movement a legal entity capable of concluding contracts — National Revolutionary Movement of Uganda — Whether contract concluded with rebel movement enforceable against Government formed when that movement succeeds in taking power — The law of Uganda

Introduction Soviet Advisers with the Kuominchun, 1925-1926: A Documentary Study

In July 1926, the National Government's strategy for the Northern Expedition called for the National Revolutionary Army to occupy Honan and the Wuhan cities and then effect a juncture with the Kuominchun. By then, Soviet Russia had been aiding the Kuominchun with advisers and arms for more than a year. In the spring of 1925 a group of Russians began working with the First Kuominchun led by the "Christian General" Feng Yü-hsiang, while Soviet supplies were sent via Outer Mongolia to his headquarters at Chang-chia-k'o (Kalgan), Chahar. The Russians attempted to strengthen the Kuominchun and to link it with the Kuomintang in the South as a means of bolstering the national revolutionary movement against imperialism and militarism. More than in South China, however, their revolutionary aims in the North coincided with national self-interest. By aiding Feng they sought to weaken his arch rival, Chang Tso-lin, the Manchuria warlord who had repeatedly thwarted Soviet control of the Chinese Eastern Railway.

The Recent Soviet Reassessment of Developments in the Third World

JN the past three years a number of very important changes 1 have occurred in the countries of the Third World. Ben Bella, Nkrumah and Sukarno-all of whom had been praised by the Soviets-have been overthrown; military regimes have come to power in much of Africa; Pakistan's relations with the United States have cooled appreciably; a number of African and Asian governments have nationalized large portions of their economies. All of these developments have had their repercussions on Soviet attitudes toward the Third World. The Soviets have expanded their contacts with developing countries to include such conservative African regimes as those. of Senegal and Ivory Coast and members of the Western alliance system, such as Turkey, Iran and Pakistan. The Soviets have also recognized that the national revolutionary movement has not progressed as smoothly and rapidly as they had hoped it would. One writer, for example, has emphasized the difficulties encountered in attempting to explain developments in the Third World:

An Ideology of Modernization: The Case of the Bolivian MNR

The coming to power of the Bolivian National Revolutionary Movement (Movimento Nacionalista Revolucionario—MNR) marks a major break in Bolivia's continuity of development, a major recasting of her social order. As a result of the 1952 Revolution the political and economic power of the traditional elite, which rested upon its ownership and control of most of the nation's land and natural resources, was substantially eliminated; power passed into the hands of new groups, including an emerging middle class, which was primarily responsible for the 1952 Revolution, and the Indian population, which for the first time acquired a considerable measure of economic independence and the opportunity to participate in national politics.