National Political Change Research Articles

The urgency of limiting the presidential term by the constitution in the discourse of extending the term of the President of Indonesia

The discourse on the extension of the president's term has sparked controversy in society. This paper aims to describe the controversy and analyze it based on the democratic conditions in Indonesia, as well as its connection to the prevailing constitution in Indonesia. The rules governing this issue are found in Article 7 of the 1945 Constitution, which restrictively regulates term limitations. This paper employs a legal study approach with a qualitative research method based on various printed and online document sources.The analysis reveals that the proposal for the extension of the president's term originates from within the government circles and is subsequently supported by party leaders, citing economic development, political stability, and high levels of satisfaction with the government's performance as grounds. However, opposition arises from political parties, legal experts, academics, survey institutions, students, and even the general public. The rejection is based on inconsistencies with the constitution, survey results indicating a desire for a change in national leadership, concerns about power abuse, and non-conducive socio-economic conditions. An unconstitutional extension of the president's term could lead to a regression of democracy in Indonesia. The constitution plays a crucial role as a barrier to preserve the spirit of Reform, ensure the rotation of national leadership, and serve as a hope for national political change. This paper seeks to fill the gap in analyzing the connection between term limitations, democracy, and the constitution in the discourse on extension.

From Pride and Prejudice towards Sense and Sensibility in Canterbury Water Management

ABSTRACT In the decade following 2000, water management in the Canterbury region of Aotearoa New Zealand was characterised by irrigation expansion, agricultural intensification, and first-come-first-served water allocation. Some communities grew concerned about the impacts of intensive farming on water quality, river flows, and groundwater levels; others were concerned about a lack of meaningful reflection of Māori values in decision-making. In response, the Canterbury Water Management Strategy, published in 2009, promoted devolved collaborative governance of freshwater resources. A year later, regional councillors were dismissed by central government over concerns about water management and replaced by appointed commissioners through an Act of Parliament. The ensuing period of water management has been both praised and criticised. In this paper we examine water management in Canterbury through a case study in the Selwyn Waihora Zone. We use a causal framework to assess water management, focusing on the process that developed regulatory and non-regulatory recommendations and informed the Selwyn Waihora sub-regional section of the Canterbury Land and Water Regional Plan. We conclude that the collaborative process described is not a ‘quick-fix’ solution but a radical shift from previous approaches and, although it had some success, it might not be resilient to national political changes.

Revealing the Orientation of the Post-Reformation Islamic Student Movement in Indonesia

This article explains the traces of the post-reformation Islamic student movement. The movement is still considered as the power of civil society to conduct democratization, but its tendency does not lead to social transformation. Sidney Tarrow (1996) used a theory of collective behavior reference in social movements to discuss this issue. This article is based on a qualitative research method. The data were collected by using Focus Group Discussion, interview, documentation, and literature review. This study finds out that an orientation shifting of the Islamic student movement, which is interesting to reveal. The shifting indicates the tendency to change orientation accordingly to the national political change and fluctuations. In this situation, the Islamic student movement has experienced several social dynamics. A new movement model arises when they use social media as an alternate formto convey their social criticism like through the street demonstration to critize governance practices.

The Sport of Kingmakers: Horse Racing in Late Stuart England

This essay sketches the general outlines of an argument that locates the rise of horse racing as a national sport in England in the context of national political change. In brief, the argument might be summarized as saying that horse racing was as much the sport of kingmakers as of kings, a recreation of martyrs as well as monarchs; and that some of its early participants were associated with breeding rebellion, as well as racehorses. The earliest public mention of a ‘Jockey Club’ appears to be a newspaper notice in the summer of 1729, and I have argued elsewhere that this club can be seen acting as a quasi-official body as early as 1717, though not necessarily under that name. Here, I want to extend that argument further in suggesting that the Club whose meeting was publicly announced in 1729 coalesced over the course of the preceding half-century. The argument I sketch here identifies how a very specific emergence of a particular organization of the sport served a very specific ideological purpose during a time of considerable tension over the relationship of church and state. The conflict between Protestants and Catholics, and the anxieties about succession and rebellion that these conflicts engendered, were more than just the backdrop to the rise of the sport; and the particular sport that emerged helped celebrate and popularize a Protestant succession settlement that ultimately excluded dozens of Stuart claimants to the throne in favor of the house of Hanover.

Mapping the History of a Territory: Bon Pastor (Barcelona) – Social Remembrance and Heritage Project

The topic of the article are the complex stages of the formation of the Bon Pastor neighbourhood in Barcelona, and contemporary efforts to create the remembrance space system that would preserve the social memory and historical identity of the place. The author presents how the urban development plans for the district were transformed as a result of major changes in national politics, economy, and social policy, since the 1930s, through 60s and 70s, till today. The article describes the Bon Pastor Civic Memory project as an interesting example of a participatory action aimed at the preservation of local heritage.
 The implementation of the Civic Memory project was possible due to the neighbours’ initiative and their cooperation with cultural and academic institutions. The aim of this project is to mark certain points of the territory which possess historically and socially significant value, and to enhance them through public art, urban design and other implementations envisaged. The Association of residents of Bon Pastor (Barcelona) has been characterized, since 1974, for its combative and vindictive nature, at the same time as for its great capacity to launch solidarity initiatives and manage complicated processes to improve the living conditions of residents of the neighbourhood. After the struggles to obtain a health centre, the improvement of communications by metro and bus, and the constant improvement of public space, in recent years, the Association is co-managing with the Barcelona City Council, the radical transformation of the neighbourhood.
 The different phases for the remodelling of the neighbourhood, by replacing the so-called “cheap houses” with new buildings, with more spacious apartments and with better material conditions, is coming to an end and now, the possibility opens up, driven by the neighbours and the Museum of the History of the City (MUHBA) to have a metropolitan museographic space devoted to the presentation and study of the evolution of workers’ and popular housing in Barcelona.

Russia in world society: A comparative perspective on international references in parliamentary debates

This article explores how international references in parliaments build a synchronized world polity, even in countries that are often portrayed as being at odds with the rest of the world. The article asks whether and how Russian parliamentarians refer to the international community, and how such references compare with parliamentary debates in other countries. The “mesophenomenological” argument developed here connects World Society Theory, which demonstrates global isomorphism, with national studies of Russia, which argue for important national particularities. The empirical analysis draws on a stratified random sample of debates on draft laws in the Russian Duma from 1994 to 2013, comparable to similar samples from six other countries. The results show that: (1) Russian parliamentarians refer to the international community in the same level and the same forms as in other countries; (2) Russian policy-makers rely on the same imageries of the social world to convince their audiences as do other parliamentarians; and (3) this similarity in form remains consistent throughout the period, despite radical changes in national politics. These findings attest to the Russian Duma as a site of world culture, and to the mesophenomenological view that the world polity is highly synchronized through discourses of cross-national comparisons.

“Pork pies and vindaloos”: learning for cosmopolitan citizenship

This paper examines Audrey Osler and Hugh Starkey’s 2003 article on cosmopolitan citizenship 14 years after its publication. Since its publication, young people’s disconnection from political life has increasingly become a cause for concern for most, if not all, Western democracies. Specifically, this article examines the implications for young people’s political life in Leicester following a period of local, regional and national political changes. The study has shown how some South Asian young people occupy “outsiders-within” status in Leicester’s “common culture” (and all the sub-cultures that exist within it) and see their ethnic communities from a range of voyeuristic positions. Young South Asian participants in the study have not distanced themselves from the South Asian community entirely, but the way participants have approached narrating their self-identities has not necessarily been forged in, or determined upon, how “Indian” or “Pakistani” identities are conceived by the common culture. Consequently, two questions arise. Firstly, what is the impact of developing cosmopolitan citizenship among young people forging new types of ethnic identities in Leicester? Secondly, what types of educational approaches (formal and informal) would be important to help strengthen young people’s political engagement? The paper concludes that the ongoing challenge for educators is to strengthen mutual understanding between students from different communities and backgrounds by drawing on their lived experience within the caveat of promoting cosmopolitan citizenship.

Royal figures “build new kingdoms” A picture of direct election for regent/mayor/governor in Bali

There is an interesting aspect in the studies of the local leadership in Bali which has not been exposed, namely, the involvement of the royal figures in the direct election for the regent/mayor/governor. The role played by the palace in the selection of leadership in general and in the direct election for the regent/mayor/ government particularly is highly crucial. Before the Dutch people came in the 19th century, the political role played by the royal figures had been known to be prominent. After the expedition made by the Majapahit Kingdom in 1343, which was popularly known as the agricultural feudalistic era during which power was determined by a tight caste system, the political role played by the royal figures was prominent. The fact that one kingdom subjugated another supported social stratification in which the palace became the center of power. This present study is intended to reveal the role played by the royal figure as the symbol of traditional power and its implication on the development of democratic politics in general and the direct election for the regent/mayor/governor in particular after the era of reformation. This study was conducted using the historical descriptive qualitative method. The data were collected through library research, field survey, and in-depth interview. These techniques were used to collect opinions and views on the succession of leadership and were supported by the concept of political culture. The result of the study showed that the royal figure still played a role and appeared in the political affairs, and that some were able to “build new kingdoms” successfully, had been made to disappear for a long time by the national political change. Several royal figures were able to combine economic capital, socio-cultural capital, and symbolic capital as stated by Piere Bourdieu, the French sociologist

Grantmakers expect philanthropy to grow in importance due to changing political landscape

A new survey by Exponent Philanthropy shows the vast majority of grantmakers expect philanthropy as an institution to play a more important role in society as a result of recent changes in national politics.

BUDAYA POLITIK MASYARAKAT LOKAL: STUDI KASUS DI KECAMATAN BANYUMANIK KOTA SEMARANG PASCA ORDE BARU:

There were many changes of national politics at the procedural level after the 1998 reform that affect the community's political orientation and activities. The purpose of this study was to understand changes in national politics at the procedural level after the 1998 reform and their impact on a substantial change of political culture in local communities. This study used descriptive qualitative methods, and research sites in the District Banyumanik, Semarang Municipal. This study concludes that changes in national politics at the procedural level after the 1998 reform do not substantially affect the change of political culture in local communities.

La división de las comunidades indígenas del sur de Chile, 1925-1958: un proyecto inconcluso

This study is focused on the division of indigenous communities in the South of Chile, between 1927 and 1958, seeking an explanation for the failure of such endeavor. The grounds and objectives of this measure are considered through parliamentary debates and the subsequent difficulties to carry out a massive division, due to the mapuches’ opposition, as well as to the national political changes. Moreover, the above mentioned state policy is connected with the strengthening of the private rural property in the South.

The politics of necessity: electricity and water in Great Britain

This paper examines the politics and the policy developments regarding access to electricity and water supply in Britain after the privatisation of these industries in 1990. It does this primarily through discussing two issues: paying for water and fuel poverty. It concludes that, somewhat surprisingly, the introduction of privatisation and greater reliance on market mechanisms has not made the material position of disadvantaged consumers worse as regards these industries. This seems to be attributable partly to changes in the regulatory structure consequent on privatisation and partly due to changes in national politics.

Male trouble: independent women and male dependency in a white working-class suburb of Pretoria

abstract The suburbs on the western side of Pretoria were a seat of the white, Afrikaans-speaking working-class for decades before they were irrevocably transformed by changes in national politics and the nature of heavy industry in the region. This focus reports on part of a larger study investigating social change in response to political and economic transformation. Considering the so-called ‘feminisation’ of the labour market, it examines how a single mother household, run by an independent woman, negotiates challenges posed by an increase in unemployed men's dependency on the economic access held by women. Six months of intensive participant observation reveals the way younger, unemployed men in Pretoria's west apply their masculine identities to negotiate domestic security, even if conventional traits of masculinity, like employment, elude them. The focus also looks at the strategies women adopt to cope with these challenges, even if they subscribe to the expectations created by a lingering patriarchal narrative.

Bureaucratic Behavior in Strategic Environments: Politicians, Taxpayers, and the IRS

This article extends the empirical literature on bureaucratic behavior by modeling the strategic interactions between an enforcement agency, its clients, and its political principals. Specifically, the study focuses on the joint analysis of IRS enforcement decisions and taxpayer compliance behavior in order to fully explore the extent of political controls over the agency. The results suggest that there is a very strong reciprocal relationship between IRS audit levels and taxpayer compliance levels across states and over time and that taxpayer compliance behavior is also influenced by partisan changes in national politics.

P03.437 Are regional suicide rates mirrored in subsequent national political changes?

An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. As you have access to this content, a full PDF is available via the ‘Save PDF’ action button.

State Licence, Local Settlements, and the Politics of ‘Branding’ the City

The author explores the changing institutional landscape of English cities. Manchester is used to illustrate how a particular local settlement’ was forged between institutions and actors in the city: a combination of national policy diktat and guidelines and local political negotiation. Marketing Manchester is analysed to assess how the arrival of new (national) institutions and the growth of the (local) partnership model of development affected local policy, and to examine how a consensus emerged around the need for a marketing organisation to promote and sell the city. On one hand, the formation and practices of Marketing Manchester are located within the local politics of Manchester. On the other hand, the author explains the failure of Marketing Manchester as a result of tensions and change in the local and the national political terrain. The election of New Labour in the General Election of 1 May 1997 in part shaped local responses to the slogans and campaigns of Marketing Manchester. The cultural élite that formed in opposition to Marketing Manchester took part both in the ‘high politics' of ‘rebranding’ Manchester and in the low politics' of political hedging, as leading actors in Marketing Manchester became cast, within local political circles, as politically obsolete because of the change in national politics. The author argues that there is a complex relationship between how national political change structures local political actors and how local regeneration experiments shape national policy.

Efficiency, Equity, and Politics: Democratic Controls Over the Tax Collector

A tradeoff among the principles of efficiency, equity, and political responsiveness is often alleged but seldom analyzed empirically in public administration. We show that the tradeoffs among these principles, implicit in the allocation of resources across different jurisdictions, can be explicitly modeled in terms of an agency utility function. We then use a SUR regression model to estimate the relative impact of each principle on districtlevel audit allocation by the IRS for the periods 1963-1980 and 1982-1991. The results indicate that efficiency has by far the greatest influence on the allocation of IRS audits, with equity and direct political responsiveness playing lesser roles. The relative emphasis on efficiency is also responsive to historical and partisan changes in national politics. Before 1981, the IRS increased its concern with equity when Democratic influence increased. However, after the 1981 Reagan tax cut and consequent revenue shortfalls, the direction of partisan impact reversed as Democrats became more concerned with efficiency and Republicans with equity. Furthermore, efficiency and political responsiveness both increased in importance relative to equity as deficits and partisan differences over tax and spending policies grew following 1981.

Gender, Indigenous Knowledge, and Pastoral Resource Use in Morocco

According to the Moroccan Ministry of Agriculture, the rangelands of southern Morocco are suffering from intense degradation and desertification, mostly because of irrational overstocking and overgrazing by pastoralists (ORMVA 1993). This claim, I believe, is largely a result of incorrect understandings of range ecology in arid environments (Ellis and Swift 1988; Warren 1995), topped by concern on the part of the United Nations and other national governments over desertification on a global scale (Thomas and Middleton 1994). Significant degradation and desertification from overstocking and overgrazing may not be occurring at all in Morocco.(1) Sweeping claims of degradation, though, are typical of pastoral-development projects and national rangeland policies throughout North and Sub-Saharan Africa that employ a conventional approach to environmental degradation in arid lands. Much of the ongoing work on pastoralism and degradation in arid lands rests on two hypotheses that I contend are invalid. A first belief is that any improvement in livestock health, as from immunization programs, will inevitably act as a constraint-releasing intervention which will logically lead to larger herds (McCabe 1990) and, therefore, to overgrazing and desertification.(2) Inherent in this is a belief that herders lack the ability or knowledge to control varied aspects of their everyday life and practice. The second and related assumption, voiced nearly universally in work on the Middle East, is that women seldom work with livestock and have little or no power in decisions regarding natural-resource use. My research explores how ethnoveterinary knowledge and practice (and their gendered nature) affect rangeland resource use among the pastoral nomadic Aarib in Morocco.(3) As a veterinarian and a geographer, I place site-specific research on ecological change into historical context. My goal, in doing so, is to define a more accurate understanding of local range ecology in a North African pastoral setting. I argue that women do, in fact, play a sizable role in the daily care of livestock, often have better veterinary knowledge than men have, and exert a negotiated power in resource-use decisions. Herders possess sophisticated ethnoveterinary skills, including indigenous knowledge of range ecology, which they bring to bear in making rational resource-use decisions. I incorporate the approach of political ecology which allows me to argue that where environmental degradation has occurred in the pastoral zones of Morocco, changes in national politics and international market forces, rather than herder irrationality and overstocking, are the principal causes.(4) As the country with the largest number of pastoral nomads in North Africa, Morocco affords a unique setting for this kind of research. Many nomadic pastoralists have settled in its western coastal plains and intensified their livestock production (Bencherifa 1986). But nomadic and seminomadic pastoralists who utilize local breeds, practice grazing systems that are extensive and transhumant, and employ indigenous veterinary medicine still thrive in other regions of Morocco (Fine 1990). One such group is the Aarib, the majority of whom live at the southern end of the Draa Valley. Although approximately 60 percent of the nomads there have become sedentary during the past twenty-five years, the territory utilized by the remaining nomadic portions of the Aarib extends from the Draa Valley in the west to the Tafilalt in the east (Ouchtou 1994). Their migration is seasonal, with the spring and summer spent in the eastern part of their territory and the autumn and winter in and around the southern part. The Aarib raise camels predominantly for milk, meat, and hair, which are used for subsistence and are traded or sold to the surrounding sedentary and transhumant populations with whom they have a long history of exchange [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 1 OMITTED]. In addition to using modern, government-sponsored veterinary treatments, the Aarib practice traditional techniques of animal health care (Ramadan 1996). …

European Union Influences on Professional Education in Greece

During past 15 years, Greek higher education has been going through major structural changes. These changes resulted from national political changes, but also from Greek higher education's attempt to find a new identity amidst a rapidly changing socioeconomic and political environment. This new reality reflects Greece's membership in European Union (EU), which is attempting to standardize professional training and academic preparation in accordance with principle of a market. Nevertheless, Greece is unlike most other European Union members. It has a different political, social, and cultural identity. Any changes that are to take place as a result of membership in European Union, including changes in its educational system, will be much more difficult for Greece than most other EU members. For example, Greece was under Ottoman occupation during Renaissance and Enlightenment, and while Western Europe industrialized in 19th century, Greece industrialized only in 1950s. According to Legg (1977), Greece modernized by establishing modern political institutions, but did not industrialize and it did not receive modern organizations and ideologies. relation to higher education, Doder (1994) reports that Greek universities today continue to operate in style of turn-of-the-century German and French institutions on which they were modeled. Their primary function is still production of civil servants, teachers, and other public employees (p. A45). This is because employment was always seen in Greece as a means to achieve social mobility. Legg (1977) writes that historically in Greece, government provided single channel for mobility and only source of income other than land (p. 289). Two prominent features of modern Greek according to Legg are patron-client and foreign influence. He adds that, Patron-client flourish in environments perceived as hostile and threatening. ...This insecurity reduces individual concern to and its survival (p. 285). Two factors that made environment hostile are lack of natural resources and arable land, and strategic importance of region. As Sanders (1967) indicates, In almost every generation, parts of Greece have been overrun by invading armies (p. 319). response, Greeks learned to rely on for both social stability and individual survival. When was not enough, artificial forms of kinship were established. Although scarce natural resources contributed to inner-family strength, they also fueled strong competition between families or other groups. As Campbell (1964) indicates, families (or in-groups) see their interests in opposition to other families (out-groups). This competition extends to realm of social prestige as well. Friedl (1962) found that Greek adults know themselves in contrast to others. Furthermore, people work for same goal, namely the enhancement of honor and prestige of family (p. 37). One method of achieving this is social mobility and social status, thus emphasis on education and white collar employment. Legg states that political modernization in 19th century was an important incentive for political clientelism that flourishes in Greece. Political modernization, which was not accompanied by industrialization reinforced traditional patterns of interpersonal relations (Legg, 1977, p. 285). Individuals within various institutions of maintained clients and thus kept their powerbase. For both patrons and clients, state existed for personal manipulation and exploitation. effect, social change that political modernization was to facilitate did not take place as planned, because existing patterns of interpersonal altered imported political institutions (Legg, 1977, pp. 285-288). As a result, modernization in Greece did not take a linear direction as it did in other European nations. …

Antropología de la ciudad pequeña

Con base en la investigación de dos pequeñas ciudades agrícolas de México, este trabajo demuestra que, aunque dichas localidades son sustancialmente diferentes a las ciudades industriales, no se les debe considerar como residuos de modos de producción o modos de vida previos. Al funcionar como centros de intermediación económica y sedes de las agencias de control político regional, las pequeñas ciudades agrícolas están sujetas a constante transformación debido a la adaptación que realizan sus habitantes, a los cambios políticos de la sociedad nacional y a los requerimientos de la economía nacional e internacional.