Parliament Research Articles

Article: A Hamiltonian Moment for EU Taxation?

This contribution explores the possibility of a ‘Hamiltonian moment’ in the European Union (EU) public finances, drawing a parallel with the historical experience of the United States (US) in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. It examines the different theoretical positions on the existence and scope of the EU’s authority to tax, as well as the legal and political challenges that such an authority would entail. It argues that the EU does have the power to levy taxes for funding its budget, based on Article 311 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the EU (TFEU), but that this power is constrained by the principles stemming from the common constitutional traditions, the respect for national identities, and the need for democratic legitimation. It suggests that a ‘Hamiltonian moment’ in the EU would require a qualitative change in the structure and size of the EU budget, as well as a stronger involvement of the European Parliament and the national parliaments in the decision-making process on the system of own resources.

Do gender quotas increase political knowledge?

AbstractDo gender quotas increase political knowledge? While some studies suggest that quotas can positively impact women's political engagement and participation, others find null or negative effects. This paper focuses on Western Europe and argues that the implementation of quotas serves as an attention and consciousness‐raising event, potentially enhancing awareness of the political sphere. To investigate this, I propose a novel research design that capitalizes on the (quasi) exogenous shock resulting from the introduction of gender quotas. By influencing symbolic representation, quotas may enhance women's sense of empowerment, equality and willingness to engage in politics. Furthermore, the impact is expected to be more pronounced among younger women due to the heightened political socialization experienced during adolescence. Thus, the institutional change brought about by quotas is anticipated to particularly boost political knowledge among (younger) women and subsequently narrow the gender gap. To examine this hypothesis, I analyse data from 1992 to 2018 from 12 countries, of which six implemented gender quotas. Using a hierarchical Bayesian model, I assess respondents' answers to knowledge questions. The findings indicate that the introduction of gender quotas in parliamentary systems has a positive effect on reducing the gender gap in political knowledge among younger individuals, while the effects are statistically insignificant for older citizens.

Durability through discord – debating parliamentary procedure in Europe around the turn of the twentieth century

ABSTRACT During recent decades, the role and legitimacy of national parliaments have become increasingly topical and disputed. Parliaments seem to be on the constant defensive against criticism and challenges coming from multiple directions. New populist parties have entered the debating scene, framing parliaments as elite playgrounds and using them as stages for polarized politics. Not only mirrors of social unrest, debates in national assemblies may also be considered catalysts of social upheaval. Both stable and young democracies have been backsliding, and elected autocrats have concentrated power to small elites, harnessing public institutions for their power politics. At the same time, parliamentary democracy appears slow, short-sighted, inefficient and incapable of resolving the great dilemmas of our time. Democratic innovators are calling for more direct, deliberative and participatory forms to support, or even replace traditional parliamentary decision-making and representative democracy. 1 1 For example, D. van Reybrouck, Against Elections: The Case for Democracy, translated from Dutch by L. Waters (London, 2016); H. Landemore, Open Democracy: Reinventing Popular Rule for the Twenty-First Century (Princeton NJ, 2020). Accused of being ‘all talk, no action’, ‘political theater’ and arenas for ‘empty words’, ‘idle talk’ and ‘useless debate’, parliaments and their practices that long seemed self-evident, are now debated, abused, put aside or even neglected.

Parliamentary acceptability of EU military deployments in member states: beyond rubber-stamping?

ABSTRACT This article examines national parliamentary debates in 13 EU member states of eight CSDP military deployments underway between 2016 and 2021. It reviews discussions about whether, and why, to send troops on EU missions and operations, and the extent to which these debates differ from expectations in the literature derived from involvement in NATO operations. The survey includes small states, which have been previously excluded from such analysis. Drawing on a dataset of 411 statements by national parliamentarians from across Europe, the article employs eight discursive frames to understand how MPs articulate their acceptance (or not) of CSDP deployments. We supplement this with detailed data on national troop contributions. We find that CSDP debates in national parliaments resemble those of ‘high-salience’ deployments when considering frame usage and party position. We present limited evidence supporting the claim that small states frame deployment debates similarly to large states.

A classical study on parliamentary procedure. Conceptions of parliament in Josef Redlich’s Recht und Technik des Englischen Parlamentarismus (1905)

ABSTRACT In this article I analyse the intellectual contribution of Josef Redlich’s Recht und Technik des Englischen Parlamentarismus, a classical study on the Westminster parliamentary procedure from 1905. Redlich presents the origins of the procedural literature and the revision of British parliamentary procedure in the second half of the nineteenth century, the extended post-reform parliamentary agenda as well as the Irish members’ obstruction campaign. He emphasizes parliament’s measures for dealing with the scarce time threatening to paralyze its activities. His perspective is that of guaranteeing an efficient parliamentary government in the age of democratizing representation and extending legislation, which was realized at the cost of thorough debates deliberating pro et contra. With later scholarship, we could emphasize the continuous presence of deliberative procedure and rhetoric at Westminster.

Democracy, industrial modernity and the culture of parliamentary politics in Victorian Britain

ABSTRACT This article explores a transformation of parliamentary politics in Victorian Britain, from a participatory parliamentary system to one increasingly dominated by ministerial control. It reveals the nuanced impact of heightened public visibility on MPs. As the gaze of an expanding electorate intensified, MPs faced a dual imperative: appearing industrious to constituents and contributing to efficient national governance. This dynamic, shaped by societal changes and media evolution, resulted in a conceptual separation of parliamentary ‘work’ and ‘talk,’ culminating in procedural reforms heralding the emergence of a more controlled ‘parliamentary machine.’

Europe’s legal revolution and France’s Article 49-3: the constitutional audacity of Robert Lecourt

Abstract The European Legal order, created by the European Court of Justice [ECJ], is an astonishingly effective treaty enforcement system. Previous explanations of its ‘transnational’ or ‘constitutional’ development have focused on the politics of judicial networks, and the wider political and economic context of postwar European democracy. Judicial biography has been almost entirely overlooked, even in the case of Robert Lecourt, widely acknowledged as the leading judge in the Court’s revolutionary period. Unknown to research on the ECJ, however, Lecourt had already spearheaded the adoption of the famous Article 49-3 of France’s 1958 Constitution. This paper demonstrates that the constitutional doctrines of European law and Article 49-3 were in fact premised on a similar ideology, that the pursuit of ‘effectiveness’ may require unprecedented restrictions on the traditional law-making role of national parliaments. Those were the constitutional values of the judge that, more than any other, built the foundations of the European legal order.

Media construction of pseudo-events: Lula da Silva at the Portugal’s parliament during a historic annual celebration

The Carnation Revolution (25th April 1974) has changed the course of Portugal, leading it to transition from an autocratic to a democratic Government. Every year, celebrations are conducted at the national Parliament. In 2023, it counted with another guest: Lula da Silva, Brazil’s ongoing president. Considering the notion of cultural memory and media construction of social reality through media events, this article notes Lula da Silva’s presence and exceptional address was portrayed on newspaper front pages of several journalistic media outlets. Therefore, it aims at understanding meaning and discourse production with Lula da Silva’s visit to Portugal on the 25th April 2023 through media coverage and first page highlight. Lula da Silva is noticed by the front pages under analysis as a controversial, entertaining, and eventful celebrity linked to specific positioned actors that is invited to the Parliament and prompts indirectly and directly discontentment and, at the same time, support. Also, it discusses how such spotlight over Lula da Silva turned that visit and Parliament’s address it into a pseudo-event. Adopting a Multimodal Critical Discourse Analysis approach, this research work intends to offer a multimodal eye upon those front pages and critically reflect on populism, coloniality, cultural memory, and journalism.

The Apple Cart & On the Rocks: Is Bernard Shaw a Supporter of Reformative Dictatorship?

ABSTRACT George Bernard Shaw’s political comedies, The Apple Cart and On the Rocks, explore loopholes of representative democracy and Shaw’s prospect for reformative dictatorship as an alternative. The Apple Cart reveals the political apathy of English people with all good social welfare in the late twentieth century, which naturally leads to the parliamentary politics controlled by powerful conglomerates. In On the Rocks, representative democracy fails to address extreme unemployment, and the reform plan of the prime minister, Sir Arthur, faces opposition from both the labor class and the conservative. Therefore, Shaw hints at the temporary necessity for reformative dictatorship within constitutional limits.

Gobierno de partidos y designación de ministros en Uruguay, 1985-2024

Objective/Context: The article analyzes the partisan nature of ministers in Uruguay (96 % of the total) during the period 1985–2024, based on the institutional and political constraints of cabinet appointments. Given that the president has moderate legislative powers, nominations are used to build majorities capable of approving government initiatives and preventing the opposition from censuring ministers in Parliament. As the political system operates based on the logic of the party government model, the article explores the consequences of its application by analyzing the behavior of the ruling party’s caucus in a sample of ministerial interpellations conducted in Parliament. Methodology: The research is a case study based on statistical analysis of original data. The main hypothesis considers four independent variables (size of the president’s legislative contingent, party cohesion, type of government, and evolution of the government period) and a series of control variables. Conclusions: The study confirms that Uruguayan presidents make strategic use of ministerial appointments, based on the assumption that the relationship between powers functions as a typical party government model, similar to that observed in parliamentary regimes. Presidents appoint high- ranking partisan ministers when they have support in Parliament and the party is strongly cohesive. They appoint mid- and low-ranking partisan ministers when the president forms coalitions and when the party is less cohesive. Finally, they prefer new or discreet partisan ministers when the president loses his coalition or during the last years of the mandate. Originality: It analyzes the appointment of ministers in Uruguay under a presidential system that, despite not having excessive legislative powers, resembles the typical party government model of parliamentary regimes.

GETTING TO KNOW THE GENERAL BY GRAHAM GREENE: A CRITIQUE OF AMERICAN POWER

Graham Greene's Getting to Know the General offers a profound critique of American power dynamics in Latin America, particularly through the lens of General Omar Torrijos' leadership in Panama during the Cold War. The book strongly conveys the feeling that the strategic importance of Panama and the Panama Canal in the region constitutes a justification for the USA's indirect and direct interventions and presence there. Greene depicts how Torrijos, the central figure of the book, emerged as a threat to the US in that country and the region while attempting to defend Panama's sovereignty and national interests. During the Canal Agreement process, his divergence from the dictators in Latin America is emphasised by highlighting his national stance, character, human understanding, libertarian side, courage, and behaviour akin to that of a world leader. By considering political integration with his people through a parliamentary system, Torrijos envisions future plans for both economic development and establishing natural relations with countries in the region. These are perceived as an excellent risk for the USA, and Torrijos dies in a suspicious plane crash. In Getting to Know the General, Greene exposes the dark presence of US power in the region behind the tragic end of Torrijos, who worked sincerely and courageously for his country and refused to be a puppet leader and offers a unique approach in that it shows some still unchanging things in the world fifty years later through fiction.

PRESIDENTIAL IMPEACHMENT IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA & THE REPUBLIC OF KOREA

Presidential impeachment serves as a constitutional mechanism to safeguard against executive overreach and uphold democratic principles such as the rule of law and separation of powers. This paper examines presidential impeachment processes and outcomes in the United States of America (USA) and the Republic of Korea (ROK), addressing the extent to which they reflect the principles of the rule of law. In the USA, impeachment rests within the legislative branch, with trials conducted by elected politicians, leading to minimal pres- idential accountability. Conversely, in the ROK, the impeachment process is overseen by an independent judiciary and demonstrates greater accountability, justness—through precedent-based decisions—and impartiality—reflecting democratic representation. The approach of the ROK, while more challenging to implement directly due to the structure of its parliamentary system, highlights ways in which the impeachment process in the USA could potentially be en- hanced, emphasising the importance of institutional independence in upholding the rule of law.

Constitutional and legal foundations of territorial integrity in federal states: historical and legal analysis

The article explores the constitutional and legal foundations of the territorial integrity of the federal states, focusing on historical and contemporary examples. The authors examine cases of successful and unsuccessful secession, as well as legal mechanisms used to prevent separatism. We take Spain, the USA, Canada, India, and Germany, as the examples to analyze the role of constitutional provisions in maintaining state unity. A key aspect of the study is the distribution of competencies between federal structures and federation subjects, which ensures a balance of interests and prevents internal conflicts. A great attention is paid to the principle of subsidiarity and the role of federation subjects in governance, contributing to the preservation of territorial integrity. The authors emphasize the importance of integration mechanisms and constitutional guarantees in maintaining the stability of the federal states. The article establishes that the territorial integrity of federal states is ensured through a set of constitutional and legal norms that regulate the relations between federal authorities and the subjects of the federation. These norms include a clear distribution of competencies, where federal authorities are responsible for national issues such as defense and foreign relations, while the subjects of the federation have powers in local governance. The principle of subsidiarity involves the participation of the federation’s subjects in state governance, ensuring a balance of interests and preventing internal conflicts. Additionally, the supreme legal authority of the federal constitution, mechanisms of federal intervention in case of threats to integrity, and the unity of the economic space all contribute to the stability and unity of the federal state, effectively countering separatist movements. It is determined that the participation of federation subjects in the process of constitutional amendments guarantees their representation and protection of interests, preventing unilateral changes in the state structure. The state language plays an important role, promoting national unity and preventing ethnic conflicts, which is critical for multinational federations. Furthermore, the representation of federation subjects in the national parliament ensures their influence on key decision-making, promoting more balanced policies and strengthening ties between the central government and the regions.

National Parliaments in the European Union – Toward a More Active Role?

The Lisbon Treaty created different possibilities for national parliaments to secure their greater involvement in the overall functioning of the EU and in the law-making process at the European level. Moreover, it was the first time that an EU Treaty specifically acknowledged the role of national parliaments in the EU. Among these novelties probably the most important concerned the Early Warning Mechanism that offers to national parliaments the possibility of examining new legislative proposals from the EU for compliance with the concept of subsidiarity through the so-called yellow card and orange card procedures. The possibility for national parliaments to make more active contributions at the European level also exists inside the informal political dialogue framework that is an important channel of cooperation among EU institutions.

Parliamentarians and the covid-19 pandemic: insights from an executive-dominated, constituency-oriented legislature

ABSTRACT Because parliaments are the cornerstone of representative democracy, we know a significant amount about how they operate in ordinary times. Covid-19 presented extraordinary challenges to the functioning and operation of national parliaments. This article explores the impact of Covid-19 on parliament from the point of view of its members. We report results from a survey of Irish parliamentarians, exploring members’ perceptions of their engagement in law-making, government oversight, and constituency representation. The results suggest an interesting paradox: Parliamentarians felt less able to perform their legislative and oversight functions but – with the aid of new technologies – felt better able to perform their representative and constituency roles. The wider implication is that Covid-19 intensified existing patterns of executive legislative relation: in the Irish case at least, the (electoral) incentives to undertake constituency work motivated continued constituency service, while the weakness of parliamentary oversight of the executive intensified.

World Society, Cultural Diversity, and Gender Gap in Political Empowerment

Abstract This article studies the interactive effects of world society and cultural diversity on the gender gap in political empowerment. Focusing on the Women’s Share of Seats in National Parliaments (WSSNP) and the Gender Gap in Political Empowerment (GGPE) Index as two main outcome variables, the analyses use a growth curve approach to estimate nations’ trajectories of gender political inequality and explain them by time-invariant and time-varying independent variables. Overall, the results suggest that nations’ level of embeddedness in the world society, measured by the political globalization index of the KOF Swiss Economic Institute, closes the gender gap in political empowerment. Nevertheless, more culturally diverse societies, in terms of the level of religious fractionalization, are more susceptible to the equalizing impacts of globalization on the gender gap in political empowerment. Conversely, culturally homogenous nations appear to show some level of resistance to adopting the gender-equitable values prompted by world culture.

The political effects of intra-EU migration: Evidence from national and European elections in seven countries

This article studies the impact of immigration from Central and Eastern Europe on support for Eurosceptic parties. The analysis covers 30 national and European Parliament elections in seven Western, Northern and Southern European countries (2004 to 2019). For each election, I analyse how the local-level share of the vote for right- and left-wing Eurosceptic parties varies as a function of the levels and changes in the local-level share of Central and Eastern European immigrants from the population, controlling for the influence of relevant demographic, social and economic variables. I find that higher levels of immigration from Central and Eastern Europe are systematically related to higher voting shares cast for right-wing Eurosceptic parties at the local level in all of these countries, net of the influence of non-Western immigration, in elections for the European Parliament and in national elections as well. The effects on left-wing Euroscepticism are heterogeneous: positive in the Netherlands, Austria and Portugal, but negative in Italy, Denmark and Sweden. The effects have not diminished significantly over the past 15 years and are most visible in mid-sized localities.

From Parliament to Party: The Gender‐Sensitive Parliamentary Group

Gender-sensitive parliaments are an emergent international norm. Research primarily focused on parliaments as gendered workplaces functioning with formal and informal rules and routines that either constrain or promote gender equality. We shift the focus to parliamentary groups and parties in public office as key actors in achieving a gender-sensitive parliament. We argue that they play a crucial role in many parliamentary systems and can actively contribute to gender-sensitive transformations. Building on the gender-sensitive parliament literature, we first explore the potential of parliamentary groups to improve parliamentary functioning across four aspects: representation, policy-making, engagement with societal interests, and groups as gender-sensitive workplaces. Secondly, we delve into the broader parliamentary and party contexts, recognizing how factors such as the diversity of parliamentary systems, organizational structures, parties in central office, and political dynamics shape parliamentary groups’ room for manoeuvre. We conclude by calling for further empirical, but especially conceptual, research to develop intersectionality-sensitive parliaments which we suggest are crucial for dismantling existing power hierarchies based on social markers.

Leadership And Democratization In Kazakhstan And Kyrgyzstan: Comparative Analysis Of Political Systems Of Post-Soviet Countries

This study aims to investigate the prospects of democratization in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan by comparing their political systems. The primary objective is to identify the factors influencing the varying degrees of democratic development between these two Central Asian countries, despite their similar socio-cultural and historical backgrounds. The methodology employed involves a systems analysis approach, examining both "input" and "output" functions of the political systems. Key variables include the levels of democracy as the independent variable, and political parties, leaders, resource distribution, and opposition suppression as dependent variables. Results indicate that Kazakhstan, under Nazarbayev, maintained a more controlled political environment through patronage networks and resource allocation, effectively limiting opposition and preserving stability. In contrast, Kyrgyzstan exhibited a more dynamic political landscape with multiple power shifts, driven by competitive party politics and less centralized control over resources. However, both countries face significant challenges, including regional fragmentation, corruption, and the influence of Islamist movements, which complicate their democratic trajectories. The findings suggest that while Kyrgyzstan shows potential for democratic development due to its parliamentary system and active civil society, Kazakhstan's path is hindered by entrenched authoritarian practices and elite control.

Étienne Parent, the Demise of the Mixed Constitution, and the Rise of Liberalism of Government in French Canada

Abstract Between the adoption of the Act of Union in 1840 and the British North America Act in 1867, French-Canadian elites had to reconceptualize the nature and virtues of the British constitutional system. Étienne Parent, an early defender of the ‘mixed constitution’ and one of the most influential thinkers among French-Canadian reformists, turned to the civil service to give the new constitutional regime a stable foundation. His theory of the ‘sovereignty of intelligence’ borrowed French liberal ideas to build a distinct model of constitutionalism out of British constitutional institutions. Parent’s thought also exemplifies how the idea that the constitution is the principal integrative force of the polity continued to shape French-Canadian constitutional imaginary in the mid-nineteenth century. Recovering this dynamic and historical approach to constitutionalism sheds light on this distinct constitutional model, obscured by the later influence of AV Dicey and his retrospective interpretation of nineteenth-century constitutionalism. Putting the emphasis on the administration, Parent’s theory of the ‘sovereignty of intelligence’ offered a form of government liberalism which differed from the liberalism associated with parliamentary sovereignty, and republicanism and popular sovereignty. In many respects, Parent participated directly in the consolidation of the constitutional model he defended, and his thought allows us to recapture the synergy and generative tension between the cabinet and the civil service that endures in the contemporary constitutional practices of Westminster parliamentary systems.